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Security Council meeting 6145

Date18 June 2009
Started10:00
Ended12:40

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S-PV-6145 2009-06-18 10:00 18 June 2009 [[18 June]] [[2009]] /

The situation concerning Iraq Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 1830 (2008) (S/2008/284)

The meeting was called to order at 10.15 a.m.

Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

The situation concerning Iraq

Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 1830 (2008) (S/2009/284)
The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received a letter from the representative of Iraq, in which he requests to be invited to participate in the consideration of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite that representative to participate in the consideration of the item, without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Al Bayati (Iraq) took a seat at the Council table.
The President

In accordance with the understanding reached in the course of the Council's prior consultations, I shall take it that the Security Council agrees to extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr. Staffan de Mistura, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq.

It is so decided.

I invite Mr. De Mistura to take a seat at the Council table.

Before proceeding with the item on the agenda, I would like to say a few words in my national capacity about the importance of this meeting from Turkey's point of view.

As we all know, Iraq has been on the Security Council's agenda for almost two decades now, and this Chamber has witnessed many significant milestones in the history of Iraq. For the past six years in particular, the Security Council has been an important forum, where the international community has reviewed and responded to various challenges facing the new Iraqi regime and, in fact, the entire United Nations membership for that matter. Indeed, this is where the road map to security and stability in Iraq was devised, and the commitment of the United Nations and of the international community to help Iraq along that path has been reconfirmed time and again.

That said, as Iraq has taken encouraging strides towards achieving the objectives set forth in numerous Security Council resolutions and assumed increasing ownership of its future, the discussions in the Council have, over time, become more concerned with stocktaking. That is a welcome development. In fact, we look forward to a time when Iraq will not be discussed as an issue of concern for the maintenance of international peace and security, but where Iraq itself will contribute to regional and global peace and security on its own. We feel that we are getting close to point.

In the light of the foregoing, one may happily see today's meeting as a regular discussion on the situation in Iraq even though today Iraq is passing through a critical point in time, with various challenges still standing in the way of a stable and prosperous future. Iraq's assumption of security responsibilities from the Multinational Force MNF-I and the holding of national elections are two examples that immediately come to mind.

Thus, reaffirmation of the support of the United Nations and of the international community at this particular moment is critical. Indeed, we need to acknowledge the good work done by the Iraqi Government and express our readiness and willingness to stand with them in tackling the challenges that lie ahead. That is why we have seen these regular debates on the basis of the Secretary-General's quarterly reports as a golden opportunity to convey a strong message of support by the Council.

Being an able and strategic partner of Iraq, we felt that Turkey's presidency of the Council during this meeting makes it even more meaningful. At least, that is how we see the situation and that is why I have travelled to New York for the second time in less than 15 days in order to be present at this important discussion. I am looking forward to a lively exchange, where, hopefully, we will unequivocally confirm the terms of our commitment to the territorial integrity, unity and political sovereignty of Iraq, living at peace with itself and its neighbours.

Without further ado, I resume my functions as president of the Council and continue with the order of business.

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Council is meeting in accordance with the understanding reached in its prior consultations.

Members of the Council have before them document S/2009/284, which contains the report of the Secretary-General pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 1830 (2008).

At this meeting, the Security Council will hear a briefing by Mr. Staffan de Mistura. On behalf of the Council, I would like to express our gratitude to Mr. De Mistura, who is today making his last appearance before the Council in his capacity as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq.

We appreciate Mr. De Mistura's capable leadership of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq and his unwavering approach to that challenging work since he assumed the post in September 2007. We wish him success in his upcoming work with the World Food Programme and in all his future endeavours. I now give the floor to Mr. De Mistura.

Mr. De Mistura

You are quite right, Mr. President. It is an emotional moment for me, so please forgive me if I say a few more words than I would normally, in view of the fact that it is my last opportunity to address the Security Council in my current capacity as the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq.

Eighteen months after starting my fourth assignment in Iraq and my sixteenth United Nations mission in the field, I am departing, somewhat proud of what that Mission has achieved in a short period of time and of our joint success with the Iraqis in overcoming what sometimes have appeared to be difficult challenges. Together we have helped to turn the page on how the Iraqis view the United Nations and the international community. Together, we have contributed to the evolution of Iraq, which can soon assume a new standing among the world community as an increasingly stable and sovereign nation.

Every so often the United Nations is given, if lucky, the chance and the right mandate, political support and resources to deliver. Every so often the timing, the team, the mission objective and the drive come together to make it work. I, for one, feel privileged to have been associated with the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) during two of its most critical and formative years and to have seen remarkable and unforeseen shifts in the political and humanitarian landscape in Iraq.

Three dynamics have shaped the course of our action in Iraq during that period. First, I called for an expanded mandate with a stronger new resolution, which came from the members the Security Council.

Secondly, I called for an expanded presence, and it has been provided with the help of the Iraqi authorities and all Security Council members.

Thirdly, I called for a new approach, with a reinforced team as well as a clear directive from the Secretary-General to be proactive and results-oriented. That was the first message the Secretary-General gave me when I took up my assignment. The result is that we have been proactive in Iraq, particularly in view of the situation. Our approach has been matched by an Iraqi Government and a Prime Minister open to increased United Nations engagement, in consultation with the Iraqi authorities, and an international community that is changing its outlook towards Iraq and even letting the Organization assume, at some moments and in some areas, a centre-stage role.

More than ever before, the international community has been working towards common objectives in Iraq. That has made our lives and our work much easier. Resolution 1770 (2007) set parameters broad enough to give us considerable scope. One of the lessons we learned is that we need a very strong, broad resolution. The Secretary-General set the tone, giving us enough flexibility to act on the ground; the international community and the members Security Council in particular provided the support for an enlarged United Nations role; and the Iraqis set the agenda.

In seeking to combine strategic thinking and operational solutions, we chose, with the Council's blessing, time-sensitive entry points in areas that were gaining momentum. We could not do everything at the same time, in spite of the broad scope given us by the Security Council. We chose those areas in which the United Nations could make a difference, and not just a point, and be allowed to act as an honest broker whenever possible. We sought to be selective and incremental in identifying quick wins to build our credibility, on behalf of the international community, by trying to demonstrate that we can deliver and by proving that we can be creative and reliable in the use of our main asset -- international legitimacy.

UNAMI's strategic priorities were determined, first, by the need for immediate reaction to emergency situations, such as returnees and internally displaced persons (IDPs); and secondly, by anticipation of impending deadlines that, if not met, could potentially cause friction. A classic example was the referendum over Kirkuk and the debate of the timeliness of holding provincial elections. Our priorities also arose from the International Compact with Iraq, which has been led very actively and effectively by Ambassador Gambari, and from the regional dialogue, human rights and constitutional support issues.

Together, I believe, we have often turned challenges and crises into opportunities, thanks to the energy and stamina of the Iraqis. In an unusual combination for any integrated mission in such an operationally challenging environment, UNAMI has at the same time been acting in emergency mode, with its political arm working mainly on conflict prevention -- on the Arab-Kurdish file, for instance -- while the rest of the Mission was already working an post-conflict issues and peacebuilding.

The past two years have seen the Iraqis progressively fatigued by civil strife, slowly shedding sectarian divisions, seeking to reconcile after the horrible and terrible fallout from Samarra, bringing their differences into the legislative arena, and turning up in the polls to declare their preference for the country's return to normality. The Government and the Prime Minister have increasingly exercised their sovereignty, administering a State that enjoys broad support, as shown in the recent provincial elections. The Iraqi State is consistently building credible and independent institutions. The cabinet is functioning, Parliament is becoming increasingly reliable with a very active new Speaker, the Independent High Electoral Commission has gained experience in several elections and will conduct others in the future, and the Iraqi Security Forces are increasingly capable.

I need not remind the Permanent Representative of Iraq, who is an example to us all, that the Iraqi people have shown remarkable resilience. Iraqis are now more than ever able to determine the course of events in their own country, in spite of spikes of violent attacks against innocent civilians, which have recently been on the rise. These should be viewed as attempts by isolated elements or groups to produce a feeling of insecurity, but in my modest opinion they are not capable of destabilizing the country.

Now more than ever, Iraqis should be helped to focus on forging a political consensus. They are agreed that they should keep political dialogue open. The United Nations initiatives will continue to assist Iraq in securing those political advances and making sustainable security and socio-economic gains.

Our first initiative arose in the context of subsiding sectarian violence, when UNAMI acted promptly to prevent a new conflict between Arabs and Kurds, as will be recalled, and to contribute to national reconciliation by placing the highly controversial issue of a referendum in Kirkuk in the framework of a political process rather than as a hostile referendum. We proposed technical assistance in setting up the process, and a potential crisis over the impending expiration of the constitutional article was averted. But tensions have continued to exist between the two sides.

That is why UNAMI has kept the door of dialogue open and indicated possible options. It is indeed encouraging that the parties have now agreed to come to the table to commence discussions on a future process based on the elements provided by UNAMI's analyses of the disputed areas, set out in a 502-page document. A high-level task force, which was established as a follow-up and brought together Government and Kurdistan regional representatives, has been launched under United Nations auspices. I am glad to report that it met on 10 and 16 June. The time is ripe, and these beginnings of a high-level dialogue represent a critical step in the right direction. I believe that UNAMI will continue to contribute to that end.

As to the second initiative, 2009 has been a defining period as Iraq looks to possible future electoral events, a census and a series of referendums. Elections have been the flagship programme of the Mission. With the provincial elections in January 2009 -- notable for their remarkable absence of violence and the credibility of the process -- UNAMI has worked with Iraqis to produce four major electoral events since 2005, and will continue to do so in the upcoming elections.

The United Nations will continue to provide support for capacity-building in these areas. We shall remain diligent in not forcing premature or ill-prepared events. There are three basic requirements for referendums and elections: appropriate and complete legal framework, sufficient funding, and an operational election commission with the capacity to conduct the event.

The third initiative was launched when the United Nations stood poised early to assist with the voluntary returns of refugees and IDPs, which remains a major priority for us. The exact number of internally displaced Iraqis is still not fully determined. Much is also speculated about returns ahead of parliamentary elections. To date, 70 per cent of all returns have come not from abroad, but from within the same governorate or from within Iraq. The hoped-for return of displaced populations will depend largely on improved quality of life, security and opportunities in Iraq. Security is only one of the many drivers of return in Iraq.

IDPs and refugees are mostly a political rather than a purely humanitarian challenge. As such, the problem cannot be solved by large-scale humanitarian funding directed purely to IDPs and refugees. Iraq is not in a humanitarian crisis, but has pockets of dire humanitarian need and displacement, which does not necessarily or automatically equate with vulnerability. There are many other vulnerable people in Iraq; that is why economic support is important. Funding for the displaced should therefore be packaged within broader programmes to revitalize jobs and services in conflict-affected communities. The United Nations, and in particular the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, will work to ensure that conditions are in place for voluntary, dignified and sustainable returns, but should also make special efforts on displacement-specific issues such as housing and related legal protections.

As to regional and international partnerships, in the context of its partnership and engagement with the international community Iraq would like to shed what it considers to be externally imposed obligations related to its future. A new approach is required in the regional environment.

While the ad hoc mechanism did not gain sufficient momentum, it had its own purpose for a period. After a while, however, it seems not to have gained enough momentum. We have witnessed constructive engagement and consistent improvement in bilateral relations with some of Iraq's neighbours, and that occurred in the context of the regional environment. A major shift has taken place in a very constructive way in the strategic partnership between Turkey, for instance, and Iraq, and other recent examples we see include Syria's resuming diplomatic relations and nominating an ambassador, as many others have done. Jordan has found new common ground on refugees and Iran has been indicating to us that it is ready to discuss cross-border issues with Iraq, including de-mining.

Additional facilitation is needed, however, to further increase understanding and trust between Iraq and its neighbours. I particularly wish to single out Iraq's relations with Kuwait. I firmly believe we are at a critical juncture, in this moment, to be able to contribute to a significant improvement of the climate of cooperation, taking into account the concerns of both countries. With respect to outstanding Chapter VII mandates, the Iraqi Government feels rightly that the time to turn the page is long overdue. Kuwait, for its part, also has rightful claims regarding its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Iraqi Government has shown positive signs of increasing cooperation by inviting, for instance, just in the past few days, a Kuwaiti delegation to Iraq to pursue the issue of missing Kuwaitis and by speeding up the deployment of an Iraqi ambassador to Kuwait. We, for our part, as UNAMI and as the Security Council, should now exert every effort in building on the current momentum. There are various creative options being floated that I hope will be discussed and elaborated upon by the Security Council in the near future in this regard.

What is next? The priorities are self-evident: delivery of basic services; dialogue between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Government of Iraq, leading to a defusing of tensions in Kirkuk and other disputed areas; preparation for the next elections; pre-positioning to assist refugees and internally displaced persons, should they decide to return; the reintroduction of certain elements into the economy -- for instance, helping the Awakening Councils, or Al-Sahwa Councils, to reintegrate themselves more totally into the economy; technical assistance to ensure that a census is conducted in compliance with international standards; tackling unemployment by revitalizing the private sector; providing expertise in ensuring the passage of a long-overdue hydrocarbon law as an essential step to increasing oil production and revenue; and helping Iraq to rebuild its agriculture and diversify its heavily oil-dependent budget.

The key word, from the Iraqi point of view and from the United Nations point of view, is capacity-building. Iraq is rich in resources, in people and in water. They need and they are asking for capacity-building. Iraq, despite the fall of oil prices, is rich in human resources and natural wealth. The Iraqi people seek decent schools, hospitals and jobs, safe water and reliable electricity. Provincial elections were run and won on this platform, and this is likely again to be a driving factor in future elections. We need to help the Iraqi Government through capacity-building.

I am confident that, in its own national development strategy, Iraq will lay out a clear and inclusive vision for socio-economic revival. This step is urgent, not just to tackle recent suffering but also to undo the damage of nearly three decades of conflict and sanctions.

Capacity-building is also critical in the area of human rights and the rule of law. While reporting human rights violations is important, and we will continue to do so, the United Nations could contribute more and plans to do more by developing new mechanisms for human rights protection and supporting those already in place. We stand ready, for instance, to offer support to the establishment of a human rights commission. At the same time, we plan to provide more technical assistance projects aimed at monitoring prisons, courts and detention centres.

As we move into this next phase, international coordination will still be very important. I want therefore to take this opportunity to thank sincerely all the donors around this table and elsewhere who have contributed to the International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq, which closes its own contributions in one month.

UNAMI has, in Iraq, a team deeply dedicated to achieving a more present, visible and mobile United Nations, working alongside Iraq's Government. What we have achieved, we have achieved as a team, thanks to the support of the Secretary-General, the Iraqi Government and members of the Security Council. Here, allow me to thank my team in Iraq for their personal sacrifices, drive, resolve, integrity and exemplary commitment to work united under strenuous circumstances. They are united, a whole country team, with no separations, no differences and no competition. I thank in particular my two excellent deputies.

My personal respect goes out to our national staff, the Iraqi United Nations colleagues, who have seen many authorities come and go, have been the backbone of our presence over the years and have worked tirelessly to restore and rebuild Iraqi communities. At the same time, we constantly had the feeling that the international community in Iraq was not only behind us, but, as members have been proving and showing all the time, beside us in fact each step of the way, speaking in one voice and taking a united approach to the Iraqis' needs. That has been one of the strengths of the Mission.

I believe that we as a mission managed to build our credibility on, first, our presence. We now have many United Nations agencies, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNICEF, the World Health Organization, UN-Habitat, the United Nations Office for Project Services, UNDP and the World Food Programme, present in Baghdad.

Secondly, our credibility is built on our access, our ability to talk to all sides, reach out to every community throughout Iraq and nurture relationships at the highest level of spiritual and political leadership.

Thirdly, we have our legitimacy, thanks to the Security Council. We have facilitated solutions that require mutual concessions by offering both credibility and international legitimacy.

Fourthly, we have our expertise, what expertise we have and when we can offer it, building up the capabilities of national institutions.

In conclusion, the future looks moderately bright, and there is growing hope for Iraq in the world and inside Iraq. If the Iraqis can avoid or defuse tensions -- and they are doing so -- and if they are capable of seeing changes in their daily lives through sustainable security gains, which are taking place, through the delivery of basic services and through more political inclusiveness -- and we see movement in that direction -- all of these being realistic goals, then Iraq will flourish.

This afternoon, a movie will be shown here in this building, a film dedicated to a friend and colleague of mine, Sergio Vieira de Mello. My colleagues in Iraq and myself feel that the presentation of this report coinciding with the fact that we will see this movie today has a special relevance to us. I must say frankly that, when, a year or maybe more ago, in the middle of blistering heat, sandstorms, 20 rockets a day and, oftentimes, a lack of movement in the environment, we would ask ourselves "what on earth are we doing here?" What helped us to keep going and move forward was exactly that: seeing the resilience of our Iraqi friends going forward. We wanted to prove that all those who died in Iraq, for Iraq, including Sergio, the many others from many other countries and many Iraqis, did not die in vain.

The President

I thank Mr. De Mistura for his briefing. I now give the floor to the representative of Iraq.

Mr. Al Bayati (Iraq) --> -->
 
 
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