Security Council meeting 6123

The President

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Council is meeting in accordance with the understanding reached in its prior consultations.

I should now like to make a statement in my capacity as the representative of the Russian Federation.

First and foremost, I should like to express my gratitude to all my colleagues who have accepted our invitation to attend today's meeting. My special gratitude goes to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs and other representatives who have come from their capitals, as well as, of course, to the Secretary-General for his personal participation in today's meeting.

The Security Council last met in today's format not long ago. In December 2008, the Council held a ministerial meeting at which it adopted resolution 1850 (2008), in which we unanimously expressed our understanding that progress towards the establishment of peace and stability should continue and that it should be comprehensive, cover all negotiating tracks, and be based on commonly accepted decisions and principles anchored in international law.

However, an alarming negotiating vacuum has arisen as a result of well-known causes, including the eruption of violence, the Gaza crisis at the beginning of the year and the elections and the extended time it took to form a new Government in Israel.

I believe that, in the current circumstances, the most important thing is the rapid resumption of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. It is of primary importance that the political process not be relaunched from the baseline, but that it should benefit from the available decisions of the international community and the agreements and understandings already achieved between the sides.

That is why one of the most pressing tasks is to reaffirm the international legal basis for the settlement of the Palestinian question, first and foremost on the basis of the two-State principle, which will lead to an independent, viable Palestinian Government, living side by side in peace with Israel. Of special importance, we believe, is the support expressed for the Arab Peace Initiative at the recent League of Arab States summit held in Doha. Together with resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), other relevant Security Council resolutions, the Madrid terms of reference and the Road Map, the Arab Peace Initiative has become an integral part of the basis for building a new Middle East -- a Middle East in which there will be no place for occupation or terrorism, but in which mutually beneficial and respectful cooperation between sovereign States and equal peoples will prevail.

It is clear that the path towards this objective will be a difficult one. The focus of our attention should be the situation in the region. It is essential to achieve clear compliance by the Palestinians and Israelis with their commitment to fighting terrorism and violence and to avoiding any unilateral action to prejudice a final status settlement, including the cessation of settlement activities and ensuring freedom of movement for the Palestinian population in the West Bank.

A great deal will depend on the success of the inter-Palestinian dialogue. The relevant efforts by Egypt should, in our view, continue to enjoy the full support of the international community. The restoration of Palestinian unity on the basis of the platform of the Palestine Liberation Organization and adherence to the Arab Peace Initiative are the only keys to meeting the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and to progress in the Middle East peace process on the basis of the proposals arrived at by the Quartet in the context of the United Nations.

In accordance with the aforementioned considerations, we have prepared a draft presidential statement, which we propose to adopt as an outcome document of today's meeting. I would like to thank all our colleagues, who have made substantial contributions to the agreed text. We, along with the entire international community, have the responsibility of ensuring the viability of the peace process, promoting its rapid resumption and ensuring that it is acceptable to all. Work towards this goal should not be hampered by emotions.

The next step in our common efforts will be the Moscow conference on the Middle East. There is broad international consensus in favour of that forum, as enshrined in Security Council resolutions and the decisions of the Middle East Quartet. During the course of the preparation of practical aspects of the Moscow conference, we are of course taking into account the views of the main stakeholders -- the Palestinian, Israeli, Syrian and Lebanese people. With their support, for which we are grateful, the date and substantive part of the Moscow forum have been agreed. The conference stands to make a substantial contribution to the overall settlement of the Palestinian question and to bringing peace, security and stability to all peoples and Governments of the Middle East.

I now resume my function as President of this Council.

I welcome His Excellency Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to this meeting, and I give him the floor.

The Secretary-General

The Council meets at the outset of a very important few weeks for the cause of peace in the Middle East. In this regard, I welcome and appreciate the participation of many distinguished ministers in this meeting, and I appreciate the initiative of the Russian presidency.

After the inconclusive results of last year's negotiations and the bloodshed in Gaza, the past three months have witnessed almost no progress on the two key resolutions, resolutions 1850 (2008) and 1860 (2009), recently adopted by this Council. I hope that this meeting today will help provide direction and momentum.

In the period ahead, United States President Obama will host the Israeli and Palestinian leaders and key regional parties in Washington, D.C. I expect the Quartet to meet soon and to consult closely with members of the League of Arab States. The challenge is to begin implementing transformative changes on the ground and to kick-start a renewed and irreversible drive to achieve an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. The ultimate objective remains the emergence of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian State, living side by side in peace and security with Israel, and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the region.

Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is fundamental to the well-being of both peoples, the region and the world. This Council, the Quartet, States in the region, the international community as a whole and I as Secretary-General must each play our full role. Security Council resolutions, previous agreements and obligations, and the Arab Peace Initiative give us the framework we need. We should be as determined as we are patient, as insistent as we are supportive, and as principled as we are empathetic to the very real concerns of both parties. The parties need confidence that the process will address their vital interests. For that, they need confidence that commitments made will be commitments monitored and commitments kept.

In this regard, I believe that there is a deep crisis of confidence among ordinary people on the ground, and for good reason. Palestinians continue to see unacceptable unilateral actions in East Jerusalem and the remainder of the West Bank -- house demolitions, intensified settlement activity, settler violence and oppressive movement restrictions due to permits, checkpoints and the barrier, which are intimately connected to settlements. The time has come for Israel to fundamentally change its policies in this regard, as it has repeatedly promised to do but has not yet done. Action on the ground, together with a genuine readiness to negotiate on all core issues, including Jerusalem, borders and refugees, based on Israel's existing commitments, will be the true tests of Israel's commitment to the two-State solution.

Ordinary Israelis continue to seek reassurance that a future Palestinian State will guarantee their right to live in peace and security. In this respect, indiscriminate rocket attacks that have caused loss of life, civilian suffering and damage to property in Israel are not only deeply unacceptable, but also totally counterproductive, and must cease. The Palestinian Authority must continue its efforts to consolidate progress in developing and deploying an effective security structure and the functioning institutions of a future State -- work that Israel must facilitate. For its part, Israel should refrain from using excessive force that kills and injures civilians, as it did during the recent conflict in Gaza with such devastating consequences. Firm and full respect for international humanitarian law by all parties is indispensable.

The beginning of Palestinian self-empowerment has been a key achievement of this past year's efforts and must not be imperilled by the financial crisis facing the Palestinian Authority. I appeal to donors, including in the region, to urgently meet unfulfilled commitments, including for budget support and Gaza's reconstruction.

I remain extremely worried about the situation in and around Gaza, with internal Palestinian divisions and Israeli-Hamas tensions trapping the civilian population in a vortex of hopelessness. The United Nations continues to fully support Egypt's efforts to achieve reconciliation among Palestinian groups and is ready to engage with a Government that unites Gaza and the West Bank within the framework of the legitimate Palestinian Authority. As an interim measure, we would also welcome the establishment of practical mechanisms that could help Palestinians in Gaza focus on reconstruction, security issues and preparations for elections.

I am convinced that the policy of continued closure of the Gaza Strip does not weaken Israel's adversaries in Gaza, but does untold damage to the fabric of civilian life. Nearly four months after the conflict, in which 3,800 houses and two health-care centres were destroyed, and 34,000 homes, 15 hospitals, 41 health-care centres and 282 schools sustained varying degrees of damage, we cannot get anything beyond food and medicine into Gaza to assist a population that had been in the midst of a war zone. This is completely unacceptable.

I call on Israel to respond positively to repeated calls to allow glass, cement and building materials into Gaza. In the aftermath of the war and given the level of human suffering now evident on the ground, I seek the support of all members of this Council and the Quartet for the United Nations efforts in Gaza. We are ready to work with local businessmen to help start action to repair and rebuild houses, schools and clinics. I can assure all Council members that we will continue to ensure the full integrity of programmes and projects.

Indeed, the provisions of Security Council resolution 1860 (2009) -- a durable and fully respected ceasefire, prevention of the illicit supply of weapons to Gaza, the reopening of the crossings in accordance with the Agreement on Movement and Access, and progress on Palestinian reconciliation under the legitimate Palestinian Authority -- must be fulfilled. Efforts on these elements, as well as a prisoner exchange, remain the only way of meaningfully altering the dynamics on the ground for the better.

Finally, let me emphasize the important regional context. Arab countries have reaffirmed their commitment to the Arab Peace Initiative, which offers Israel the opportunity for acceptance and security within the region on the basis of land for peace. This remains a key framework around which a comprehensive approach to peace can and must be built. I continue to believe strongly in the potential for activating the regional tracks of the peace process, alongside a rejuvenated Palestinian track, including between Israel and Syria, on the basis of land for peace. I support the convening of an international conference in Moscow. I also look to Arab and regional countries to play a positive role regarding the internal Palestinian situation by urging all parties to turn away from violence and weapons acquisition and towards reunification under one Palestinian Authority committed to the principles of the Palestine Liberation Organization and, indeed, to the Arab Peace Initiative itself.

Like a bicycle that falls over when left at a standstill, the situation on the ground could easily deteriorate unless proper direction is given and real momentum is quickly generated. Violence and terror will not bring the Palestinians statehood and dignity, and settlement expansion and closure will not bring Israel security or peace. And no two-State solution can be reached if the situation between Gaza and southern Israel continues on its present destructive course or if Palestinians remain permanently divided.

I call on the parties to honour all existing agreements and previous commitments and to pursue an irreversible effort towards the two-State solution, including by fully implementing commitments on the ground. I also believe that the international community's credibility is at stake. We are a long way from where we hoped to be when we embarked on a fresh push for peace less than two years ago. However, I take heart that there is a deep consensus about the scale of the challenge and the importance of meeting it. Let us move forward with confidence and resolve, knowing that, if we rise to our responsibilities, we will help the parties rise to theirs, too.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Michael Spindelegger, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria.

Mr. Spindelegger (Austria)

I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive briefing on the developments on the ground, and Minister Lavrov for his initiative of bringing us together.

Four and a half months ago, with the tragic violent confrontation in and around the Gaza Strip ongoing, we met here facing an unprecedented challenge to the Middle East peace process. The Security Council adopted a resolution calling for an immediate and durable ceasefire and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. Even though a fragile ceasefire is in place today, we have seen no further progress at the political, security and economic levels. The parties and the international community are thus confronted with the urgent need to create the conditions for relaunching a credible and comprehensive peace process.

Our discussion is taking place at an important moment for the future of the region. The new Government of Israel is engaged in a strategic review of its approach towards it neighbours and the peace process. Palestinians have to face the challenge of bridging their deep internal rift, agree on unification and prepare for new elections in order to give new democratic legitimacy to their leadership.

In this period of uncertainty and transition, the international community must shoulder its responsibility and engage with the parties in order to move towards substantive negotiations for a lasting settlement of the Middle East conflict. Therefore, the Security Council must reconfirm its steadfast support for the peace process and its basic parameters: durable peace and freedom from violence and terrorism based on a two-State solution, as required by the Road Map, with two democratic States -- Israel and Palestine -- living side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders. I would like to thank the Russian presidency for preparing a statement that will, we hope, serve as a guideline to the parties for re-engaging in comprehensive negotiations on all tracks.

Three months ago, at the Gaza reconstruction conference, the international community pledged its full support for humanitarian relief to the civilian population and to early reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. The Secretary-General's report leaves no doubt that there is an unacceptable lack of progress in alleviating the dire living conditions in the Gaza Strip. While Austria supports coordinated action by all parties concerned to prevent the illegal flow of arms and ammunition into the Gaza Strip, we urgently call on Israel to allow for the immediate and comprehensive supply to the civilian population of the Gaza Strip of goods to satisfy everyday needs and the requirements of reconstruction. The Gaza Strip needs fuel, cash and materials to repair schools, clinics, sanitation networks and shelters.

With its European Union partners, Austria has contributed funds to be disbursed by the European Commission to socially vulnerable Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Under the current circumstances, that money simply cannot be disbursed to those whom we want to support. Innocent citizens must not be held hostage by Israel because of the irresponsible policies of an illegitimate political leadership in the Gaza Strip. Let me say this very clearly: the current policies imposed on the Gaza Strip deprive its people of their human dignity. That is not acceptable.

Rebuilding Gaza and moving forward on the path to peace also require rebuilding trust, including by strengthening respect for the rule of law, human rights and international humanitarian law. In that context, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for having provided us with a summary of the findings of the Board of Inquiry on a number of deeply disturbing incidents during the Gaza crisis. As a matter of principle, allegations of violations of international humanitarian law must be investigated, wherever they occur and whoever may have committed them. Austria believes that this report also merits follow-up by the Council.

We are concerned about the lack of political progress in the West Bank, where Israeli roadblocks and closure policies continue to render normal social life and economic activities impossible. Settlement construction and the destruction of Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem and in the West Bank undermine any meaningful peace talks and, in consequence, weaken the credibility of the political process and play into the hands of radical forces.

At the same time, we urgently call on Palestinian political representatives to assume their responsibility and to seriously engage in efforts to work towards unified political leadership. In view of upcoming round of talks in Cairo, we strongly encourage intra-Palestinian reconciliation behind President Mahmoud Abbas, which is key not only for the future of the peace process but also for the implementation of reconstruction efforts in Gaza. Palestinians need a Government that enjoys legitimacy among their own population and is acceptable as a partner to Israel and to the international community. Such a Government needs to be fully committed to the two-State solution and the other principles of the peace process.

In their efforts towards lasting peace in the region, the parties have the firm support of the international community, with the Security Council and the Middle East Quartet as its main actors. The international conference on the Middle East peace process that the Russian Federation plans to convene in Moscow in the course of this year in consultation with the Quartet and the parties will provide the international community with another important occasion to demonstrate that support.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bedouma Alain Yoda, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso.

Mr. Yoda (Burkina Faso)

My delegation would like at the outset, Mr. President, to thank you and the delegation of the Russian Federation for having taken the initiative to organize this meeting, thus giving us the opportunity to consider the important issue of the situation in the Middle East, of which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the main Gordian knot. We are convinced that our deliberations, in which Burkina Faso is pleased to take part, will be fruitful and will contribute to the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting solution.

Allow me, in that regard, Sir, to pay tribute to the important role that your country plays in that joint endeavour, which you have reaffirmed by offering to host an international conference on the Middle East in Moscow this year. We support that proposal, and we have no doubt that the outcome of the planned meeting will be commensurate with our expectations. I would also like to welcome the presence among us of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who has never spared any efforts in helping to resolve the conflict in the Middle East. I also congratulate him on his important remarks this morning.

No one can deny today that the peace, security and stability of the Middle East are an important component -- indeed that they are at the heart -- of international peace and security. Thus, it is the duty of the international community, with the Security Council in the lead, and in all our interests to make every effort to ensure that calm prevails in that region.

Unfortunately, the events of recent months have powerfully shaken the foundations of the admittedly modest progress that the peace process had so painstakingly achieved. The war in Gaza and the attendant grave humanitarian suffering, the ever-increasing violence and the threats issued by parties to the conflict are all factors that have complicated, indeed halted, the momentum of the ongoing dialogue established by the Annapolis Conference.

However, by adopting resolution 1850 (2008), the Security Council marked its resolute commitment to the irreversibility of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process started at Annapolis. For Burkina Faso, in letter and in spirit, that resolution and the other relevant Council resolutions, including resolution 1860 (2009), remain relevant, and we call for their full implementation.

We would also like to reaffirm the importance, in our view, of the Madrid principles and the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, and we welcome the endeavours of the Quartet. Convinced that those are today the most appropriate political and legal frameworks for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the conflict in the Middle East, we urge the parties to abide by them and once and for all to permanently forsake recourse to arms in order to resolutely commit in good faith to direct talks.

Moreover, my delegation believes that those talks must be irreversible and nurtured by a single vision: that of a peaceful region, in the building of which an independent, viable Palestinian State, with secure and internationally recognized borders, living side and by side in peace with the State of Israel, itself living in peace with all its neighbours, will fully participate.

That, we believe, is the price to pay. We know that the Israelis and Palestinians are capable of paying it, having, in 2008, proved the desire to resolve their dispute, including by maintaining ongoing contact and by diligently pursuing their negotiations. We are thus convinced that, this time again, they can overcome the present circumstances and renew the thread of dialogue, which the whole international community urges with all its heart.

That involves a first step, perhaps the most difficult, but certainly the most indispensable: that of establishing a genuine climate of trust by adopting the necessary measures, namely an end to extremist rhetoric by all sides; a halt to Israel's construction of the separation wall and to its settlement policies; the lifting of the Gaza blockade; and guarantees of humanitarian access. It also means Hamas ceasing its rocket fire and other forms of violence on Israeli territory.

Furthermore, in order to optimize their participation in the talks and to draw the maximum benefit from them, it is essential and urgent that the Palestinians achieve their unity. That is why we are particularly grateful to Egypt for its commitment and its untiring efforts to help the Palestinian brethren achieve reconciliation, and we call on the international community to support these initiatives.

While emphasizing the need for medium- and long-term solutions to the conflict, we cannot ignore the current situation of the people of Gaza, for whom the most urgent issues today are resolving the humanitarian crisis and carrying out reconstruction. The pledging conference held in Sharm el-Sheikh on 2 March 2009 enabled the donor community to become involved in those crucial issues. We hope that promises will be translated into concrete action. Likewise, humanitarian aid and construction materials should be able to reach Gaza unimpeded. Similar efforts should be made throughout the occupied Palestinian territories.

Clearly, the challenges to be met in the Middle East are still great and the expectations even greater. Indeed, with the exception of the hopes aroused by Lebanon, including the improvement in Syrian-Lebanese relations, the Middle East, unfortunately, remains in the grip of many tensions and the option of political coexistence between Israel and its Arab neighbours has yet to be put to the test. Nevertheless, we remain convinced that the aspiration to peace and security for them and for future generations will prevail over bellicose behaviour and the mindset of confrontation.

Because the stability of the entire region remains dependent on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is essential to devote unflagging attention to it. In addition, the countries in the region and beyond must continue diplomatic initiatives in support of the parties' efforts. In that respect, the Security Council has a primary role to play, including by finding ways to ensure compliance with the many decisions that it has adopted since this conflict was included among the priority issues on its agenda. Its credibility and that of the United Nations system as a whole are at stake.

Finally, the solution of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East is unthinkable without the determination of the parties themselves. We therefore invite them to show greater political will and a heightened sense of their responsibilities.

In conclusion, we should like to thank you, Mr. President, for having submitted to the Council a draft presidential statement that we support.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ahmet Davutolu, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Turkey.

Mr. Davutolu (Turkey)

First, I would like to thank the Russian Federation and Minister Lavrov for convening this timely meeting, which has provided us with the opportunity to exchange views on recent developments in the Middle East. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his statement regarding the current situation on the ground.

The dynamism of events and the pace of developments in the Middle East require the international community to be alert and active at all times. Despite all the frustrating problems in the region, we believe that there is no room for pessimism. On the contrary, recent diplomatic activities and the determination of the international community to attain the ultimate objective of establishing peace and stability in the region have raised our hopes for the future.

As the problems in the region have become interrelated, it is no longer feasible to address them in isolation. We therefore need a comprehensive approach and believe that the peace process should be reinvigorated on all tracks without further delay.

The Palestinian problem and the Arab-Israeli conflict are at the top of our agenda. The rift among Palestinians has to come to an end. Palestinian groups have to find common ground so as to tackle outstanding issues, thus leading to a national unity Government and paving the way for the holding of presidential and legislative elections. The establishment of a strong Palestinian Administration with popular support is essential. Turkey hopes that national reconciliation talks between Palestinian groups will succeed, and we continue to support Egypt's efforts to that end.

We need to engage every Palestinian group that has the support of the Palestinian people and to ensure that they all adhere to the principles of peace. In that context, we welcome the cessation of the launching of rockets as a positive and encouraging sign.

We hope that the new Government in Israel will adopt a policy that will restore hopes for the peace process and renew commitment to the two-State solution. On the other hand, we are concerned by certain policies that could seriously hamper peace efforts. Among them are Jewish settlement activities, restrictions on the movement of Palestinian people and goods, and actions and measures that could alter the character and status of Jerusalem and further isolate East Jerusalem from the rest of the Palestinian territory. All of these run counter to the parties' obligations under the Road Map, as well as to the spirit of Annapolis, and should be stopped. I would also like to emphasize that the Arab Peace Initiative provides a very sound basis for peace between Arab States and Israel, and that Israel should give the Initiative the attention that it deserves.

The presidential statement that we are going to adopt at the end of this meeting could have been more inclusive and precise. Nevertheless, we will join the consensus. However, I would like to clarify our interpretation and understanding of the text before us.

First, it must be emphasized that the objective of comprehensive peace can be achieved only through the reinvigoration of the peace process on all its tracks. Secondly, we cannot turn a blind eye to the humanitarian situation in the Palestinian territories, particularly in Gaza. In that context, it is good to refer to resolution 1860 (2009), but that is not enough. It is incumbent on us to call for the full implementation of resolution 1860 (2009) and to address the humanitarian situation in Gaza through the unimpeded provision and distribution of humanitarian assistance throughout the region.

One priority of Turkish foreign policy towards the region is to keep open the channels of dialogue with all parties and to pursue an active policy of engagement. We welcome the fact that a growing number of countries have come to realize the merits of that policy and have adopted similar approaches.

We are committed to continuing to contribute to efforts aimed at a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East based on the vision of a region in which two democratic States, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders.

If hopes for peace are exhausted, that will only lead to further suffering of the peoples in the region and provide a fertile breeding ground for extremism and terrorism, which constitute a grave threat to all of us. From that perspective, it is my earnest hope that we will all be engaged in active diplomatic activities in the coming days. In that context, I look forward to the convening of an international conference on the Middle East peace process in Moscow in 2009.

Before concluding, I wish to emphasize the fact that the Israelis and the Palestinians are destined to live and work together. They can choose either to remain enemies and suffer together or to become good neighbours and friends and prosper together. It is high time that the right choice be made.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bernard Kouchner, Minister for Foreign Affairs of France.

Mr. Kouchner (France)

I should like at the outset to thank Mr. Lavrov, as well as the Secretary-General for his encouraging words, and to tell members that we are not satisfied by the progress made. That progress has been insufficient, despite the efforts of many of the countries represented around this table.

Almost four months ago to the day, our countries met here to adopt an appeal for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza. Since then, the most difficult phase of the conflict has ended. I believe that our appeal and our efforts in New York contributed to that. However, most of the objectives set out in resolution 1860 (2009), to which all preceding speakers have referred, have not yet been attained, and we are far from attaining them.

First, the situation on the ground in Gaza remains extremely worrisome; that is a euphemism. Humanitarian workers and aid have barely entered the Gaza Strip. For the most part, the blockade is still in place. Reconstruction is impossible, or nearly impossible. Checkpoints should be opened in a lasting way for all goods; we have all requested that. There is also no lasting ceasefire, and rocket launches, though episodic, continue. Our compatriot Gilad Shalit and the Palestinian prisoners have not yet been released.

It is essential that Palestinians speak with a single voice. Inter-Palestinian reconciliation efforts under the authority of President Abbas, in compliance with the principles that guide the peace process, must be successful. My country wishes once again to back the work of Egypt on this issue.

Finally -- and this is the main objective of our meeting and the aspect that I would like to develop today -- we have to again be in a position to turn to the future in order to achieve peace. The year 2008 started with hope, with a return to inter-Palestinian negotiations on the final status. Ultimately, it was not possible to keep to the timeline for the completion of those negotiations agreed upon in Annapolis, but resolution 1850 (2008) very clearly recalled the irreversibility of this process. We do not have to refer to it by the name of Annapolis.

The military operations in Gaza brutally interrupted the thread of negotiations. Must we therefore conclude that the time is not right to relaunch the peace process? No, no and no. If there is a message that France intends to share with the Council today, it is, on the contrary, the sense of urgency that should drive us -- urgency because of the veritable ticking bomb that is the situation in Gaza Strip, urgency because of the critical financial situation of the Palestinian Authority, urgency because of the growing weariness of both the people of Palestine and the people of Israel, and finally, urgency because we must not lose track of the Palestinian elections planned for January 2010.

For us, the window of opportunity, as we say, is now one that is calculated in terms of months, not in years. Thus, we must step up our efforts to facilitate resumption of political negotiations that would lead to a comprehensive peace. For us, the existence and the security of Israel are not negotiable. However, we are just as firmly committed to achieving the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, and in our view, only the creation of a sovereign Palestinian State will make it possible to combine these two objectives.

To be successful, peace must be moved forward by the leaders. Our friends have said that. However, the greatest attention must be paid to the second element. It is just as necessary that the peoples believe in the possibility of peace. They now no longer believe in it. Immediate measures in the field are necessary to create the right conditions for negotiations.

The continuation of Israeli settlement undermines on a daily basis the credibility of efforts aimed at a lasting solution by creating fait accomplis on the ground and insisting on splitting the West Bank into two parts and totally isolating East Jerusalem. As President Sarkozy stated when he spoke before the Knesset in June 2008, "There can be no peace without the immediate and complete cessation of settlement activities". The Government of Israel must hear this message -- this friendly message: continuing settlement is one of the main obstacles in the field to peace and eventually poses a threat to the security of Israel. The presidential statement to be adopted at the end of our meeting would be stronger, in my view, if it took into account this essential issue.

France, of course, calls upon the Palestinian Authority to continue its efforts to combat terrorism. The actions of Salam Fayyad, former Prime Minister, in this area deserve tribute. Terrorism and attacks in all their forms, as well as the trafficking of weapons into Gaza, are all unacceptable and must come to an end.

A comprehensive regional approach is also needed through work, inter alia, on the Lebanese and Syrian tracks of the peace process. We cherish the hope that indirect negotiations between Syria and Israel may resume and that the question of the village of Gashar and Sheba'a Farms may be settled between Israel and the Government of Lebanon, under the aegis of the United Nations.

Beyond that, the whole region that must become involved in seeking peace. That is why we so greatly value the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative --2002! We are so far from that now -- which takes into account seven interdependencies. We must think about the measures of trust and the acts necessary by one party or another to achieve the objectives set by that initiative.

To prepare for the future and for peace is also to accept working on the past, without fear. We cannot ignore today allegations of violations of international humanitarian law noted since the Gaza crisis. France backed the establishment by the Secretary-General of the Board of Inquiry on attacks against United Nations premises in Gaza. I have also indicated that France would back any investigation as long as it is impartial, independent and covers all violations of international humanitarian law regardless of who the victims are, be they Palestinian or Israeli civilians. In the light of the conclusions of the Board of Inquiry which have just been communicated to us, we will have to consider this issue in the next few days.

My final message is that stronger commitment by the international community is needed. Only such a commitment can guarantee that serious peace negotiations will resume and rapidly succeed. Only such a commitment provides the parties with assurance that the terms of an agreement will effectively be complied with, thanks to the direct contributions of third countries in the form of manpower, financial resources and guarantees. I know that meetings will be completed at the end of this month, which completion we await with impatience.

France and the European Union have on numerous occasions voiced their readiness to support and facilitate and, as necessary, to participate in negotiations and ponder the guarantees that a possible agreement might require. I note with much hope the intentions declared by the new American Administration. I wish to say to it here that we will be ready to work with the United States for a new dynamic, but it can wait no longer.

I said at the start that the matter is urgent need and, in that context, with all the arguments that I tried to emphasize, we bring our full support to the plan to organize a new international conference on the Middle East this year, as proposed by the Russian Federation.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency The Right Honourable Mr. David Miliband, M.P., Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Mr. Miliband (United Kingdom)

The United Kingdom warmly welcomes this debate, and we thank the Russian Federation for its initiative in opening it. We also thank the Secretary-General for his very strong words today.

This meeting comes just a week before the start of an intensive series of visits to Washington, as the new United States Administration fulfils its commitment to offer the leadership necessary to address both the insecurity of Israelis and the statelessness of the Palestinians. Today, our duty is not just to state national positions. It is to unite our commitment in word and deed to support the development of a new plan for peace.

After 61 years of temporary truce and bloody wars, it can sometimes seem inevitable that the conflict in the Middle East will continue for at least a few more years and that the best we can hope for is that it does not get too much worse. But that logic is not only faulty; it is dangerous. Conflict can erupt again at any time.

The Gaza war showed how close to the surface conflict is in the occupied Palestinian Territories. Resolution 1860 (2009) was a hard-fought achievement that laid the basis for an end to the Gaza conflict in January. But there is, as many speakers have already said, overwhelming evidence that it is has not been fully implemented. More work remains to be done to reopen the crossings, to get humanitarian aid in and to bring an end to arms smuggling. It is relevant to our deliberations that the only people who gain from this failure are those committed to violence. There are also other outstanding issues arising from the Gaza war, including the Secretary-General's Board of Inquiry report on attacks on United Nations premises. We look to the Israeli Government to investigate each of these incidents in the light of the Inquiry's findings.

The West Bank, meanwhile, is in economic limbo. The Palestinian Authority is short of funds, Israeli settlement building continues, with demolitions and settlements in East Jerusalem particularly dangerous for peace. Meanwhile, rockets continue to land in Israeli towns, the rearmament of Hizbollah is in contravention of resolution 1559 (2004), and Iran exploits the misery of Palestinians to advance its own goals. That is why the Secretary-General was right in his remarks this morning to refer to a crisis of confidence.

President Obama has said that the status quo is unsustainable. We need to take that seriously. Destructive forces in the Middle East have derived strength from the perceived inaction or failed initiatives of the international community. Without a decisive drive for peace, there will be a drift towards more war.

The Council is not short of consensus about a solution. We share the passion and conviction of our French colleagues in setting this out. The broad shape has been clear for some time: a comprehensive peace, based on two States, agreed borders based on those of 1967, Jerusalem as the capital for both States, and a just settlement for refugees. As His Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Turkey has explained, all this is a catalyst for a resolution of other issues dividing Israel from its neighbours.

Nor is there much argument about the short-term measures that would give life to hope among the people in Israel and the Palestinian territories, Palestinians want to see a freeze on all settlement activity, both in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, as per Road Map commitments, and the opening of crossings into Gaza not only for humanitarian aid, but also for reconstruction supplies and the movement of people and trade, as per resolution 1860 (2009). They also want to see the Palestinian Authority properly funded by all of its donors. The United Kingdom believes that they are right to want these things.

Israelis want to see an end to the threat of terror and the release of Gilad Shalit. Again, they are right to want these things. What has been missing is shared and sustained political will to overcome the obstacles, and now is the time to find it -- too late for too many, but urgent nonetheless.

In this context, the creation of a new Israeli Government takes on added significance. Prime Minister Netanyahu leads a Government born of the democratic process. The United Kingdom welcomes his public commitments, restated today, to political, economic and security tracks. Progress on each one is vital, needs to be delineated and requires support.

Meanwhile, Israel has a willing partner for negotiations in President Abbas. The Palestinians need a Government. If the Egyptian-sponsored talks on Palestinian reconciliation are not to reach a conclusion, then we look forward to a new Government being formed with a clear commitment to the peaceful advance of the interests of the Palestinian people, as resolution 1850 (2008) envisaged, and above all a determination to improve their daily lives in advance of Palestinian elections. This, too, needs support.

But, Israelis and Palestinians cannot deliver this deal on their own. Israelis need peace with the whole Arab world, as well as cooperation with the Palestinians. Palestinians need support from the Arab world as well as compromise from Israel. This is the 23-State solution that we need, and is embodied in the Arab Peace Initiative, which is finally getting the recognition that it deserves. We applaud the vision and commitment of its principal author, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. We welcome the determination and fresh thinking of King Abdullah of Jordan to advance its goals.

The Arab Peace Initiative is in fact an Arab deposit that needs to be matched. The United Kingdom has been proud to play its part alongside other European countries, not just in arguing for a regional resolution to all outstanding issues, but also in supporting the economic and security strategies of the Palestinian Authority. There is no issue that will motivate Europeans more than the chance to support a drive for peace in the Middle East. The European deposit with all partners is an unyielding commitment to be a force for practical help -- money, training, people, commitment -- to all parties as they seek to prepare for and then implement a final deal.

There is also a Russian deposit -- its commitment to work for an international conference to support a peace plan and your role in the E3+3 and in this Council in ensuring that Iran abides by its commitments to non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

Since we last met in January, we have been in what for us has been a holding pattern. This has been understandable, but this, too, is a euphemism. For people of the region, it has been lost time, and anyone who thinks that a stable holding pattern can continue indefinitely is gravely mistaken. The people of the region do not need a new process; they need the confidence that comes from a plan, with the timelines and commitment to make it a reality. Our message to Israelis, Palestinians and the region must be clear and undivided. We support peace and we expect peace. The challenges ahead are indeed great. Bold decisions will be needed on all sides, but the consequences of inaction will be even more severe.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bruno Stagno Ugarte, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica.

Mr. Stagno Ugarte (Costa Rica)

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