Security Council meeting 5753

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Myanmar and Singapore, in which they request to be invited to participate in the consideration of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the consideration without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

The President

In accordance with the understanding reached in the Council's prior consultations, I shall take it that the Security Council agrees to extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General.

It is so decided.

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Council is meeting in response to a request contained in a letter dated 3 October 2007 from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, under the symbol S/2007/590.

I welcome the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, and invite him to take the floor.

The Secretary-General

We meet at a time when events in Myanmar are attracting unprecedented world attention. My Special Adviser, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, just returned from a short mission yesterday and will brief the Council shortly. I asked Mr. Gambari to convey to the senior leadership in Myanmar very clear messages from me, on which Mr. Gambari will elaborate in his briefing.

I am deeply concerned about the recent events in Myanmar and the reports of continued human rights violations. I must reiterate that the use of force against peaceful demonstrators is abhorrent and unacceptable. While I am relieved to hear of reports that some military forces have been withdrawn and some restrictions eased, the overall situation remains of serious concern, especially with regard to the unknown predicament of the large number of individuals who were arrested without due process. I hope that those detained will be released without further delay.

Now more than ever before, the Government of Myanmar should take bold actions towards democratization and respect for human rights. The national reconciliation process must be accelerated and made as broad-based, inclusive and transparent as possible. A serious and comprehensive political dialogue between the Government and the political opposition is indispensable. One important outcome of my Special Adviser's mission is the announcement by the Government of a possible meeting between Senior General Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. I welcome that announcement and urge both parties to meet as soon as possible. It is too early to measure the impact of Mr. Gambari's visit or to label it a success or a failure. It appears, however, that a window of opportunity has opened, and it is vital that the Government of Myanmar respond positively.

Advancing the cause of democratization and the development of a peaceful and prosperous Myanmar will require the sustained engagement of the United Nations, with the active support of the international community, including especially the countries in the region. A united Security Council could play an important role in support of the ongoing efforts of the United Nations.

In that regard, I want to thank the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and its members for their support for my initiative, as well as for their own interest and engagement in this issue. I trust that they will remain seized of the situation in Myanmar and actively engaged in finding a solution.

The President

I now give the floor to Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General.

Mr. Gambari (Special Envoy of the Secretary-General)

Thank you, Sir, for this opportunity to brief the Security Council on the outcome of my recent mission to Myanmar from 29 September to 2 October. Members of the Council are fully aware of the circumstances in which the Secretary-General decided to dispatch me to Myanmar, and I am grateful for the clear and strong support expressed by the Council for my mission.

On behalf of the Secretary-General, I would like to thank the Myanmar Government for having received me and for the cooperation extended to my delegation during our visit. Within the context of the good offices mandate entrusted to the Secretary-General by the General Assembly, my mission had three main objectives: first, to assess the situation on the ground in the wake of recent demonstrations; secondly, to deliver clear messages from the Secretary-General to the Myanmar authorities at the highest level; and thirdly, to try to promote dialogue between the Government and the opposition as the best path to ending the present crisis and achieving national reconciliation.

Before addressing each of those objectives, however, I would like to express my gratitude to the Myanmar authorities for their flexibility in developing the programme of my visit as it evolved. As was the case during each of my previous visits to Myanmar, I was able to meet with both the Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, Senior General Than Shwe, and with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. I also met with Acting Prime Minister Lieutenant General Thein Sein and other members of Government. Although, despite repeated requests, I was not able to meet with other relevant interlocutors -- including the National League for Democracy (NLD) and representatives of the monks and 88 Generation Students -- I did receive messages from many groups and individuals that have also informed my findings, including, of course, the close help I got from the United Nations country team.

The conditions in which my mission was undertaken and its duration were such that any assessment of the situation on the ground is necessarily limited. In my last two briefings, I updated members of the Council on the backdrop to the growing demonstrations since 19 August. The authorities initially exercised restraint in dealing with the protests -- which was very much appreciated -- but in the week preceding the mission tensions escalated through violent repression by the authorities against peaceful demonstrators. By the Government's own account, up to a dozen people -- including a Japanese journalist -- were killed, several dozens wounded, and over 2,000 arrested. Unconfirmed reports, however, put the number of casualties higher.

By the time my mission started, the protests on the streets of Yangon had been largely put down, and by the time the mission ended, the streets were busier and activity seemed to be returning to normal, although the situation remains tense. Of great concern to the United Nations and the international community are the continuing and disturbing reports of abuses being committed by security and non-uniformed elements, particularly at night during curfew, including raids on private homes, beatings, arbitrary arrests and disappearances. There are also continuing reports of mass relocation outside Yangon of monks arrested in the course of the demonstrations and monasteries that remain blockaded. The High Commissioner for Human Rights, who is with us at this meeting, and the Human Rights Council have issued strong appeals for independent verification of those reports and accountability for any human rights violations.

During the mission, the United Nations Resident Coordinator in Yangon reported that at least two national United Nations staff members were arrested and detained. I brought that fact immediately to the attention of the authorities at the highest level, and the two staff members were subsequently released. A third national United Nations staff member and a dependent were also reported missing later, and both have also since been released. The United Nations Office in Yangon has received requests from people asking for a safe place to hide.

In my discussions with senior Governments officials, I was told that the demonstrations were instigated by a small minority of elements opposed to the Government and supported from outside; that the demonstrations were limited to Yangon and Mandalay, while the rest of the country had remained calm; that the authorities had indeed shown the utmost restraint in handling the situation; and that most of those arrested could be expected to be released shortly, after investigation and interrogation. My delegation was also taken to a mass rally in Lashio, in north-eastern Shan State, which was organized in support of the Government's National Convention and seven-step political road map.

It is clear, however, that the demonstrations over the past few weeks have been, for the most part, an expression of deep and widespread discontent about socio-economic conditions in the country. General vulnerability in Myanmar is defined by accelerating impoverishment and the growing inability of the social service structures to address the basic needs of the general population. As an illustration, a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) assessment of household living conditions for the period 2004-2005 noted that one third of Myanmar's people lived below the poverty line and that 90 per cent of the people were spending less than $300 per year. At the time of the study, UNDP predicted that a 10 per cent rise in prices could push another one third of the country below the poverty line. Since then, the price of fuel has been increased twice, and significant levels of inflation have driven prices up considerably for basic food items and commodities. The overall poverty level is also indicated by the share of the household budget taken by food consumption, which on average is as high as 69 per cent.

Although the protests coincided with the Government's sudden decision on 19 August to sharply increase the price of fuel, the marches by monks across the country appear to have provided a catalyst for the demonstrations to become explicitly political in nature. That must be understood within the context of Myanmar's complex history since independence. What is clear is that since 1988 the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar have been denied by the Government in the name of stability and security. Although the Government succeeded after 14 years in completing the National Convention on 3 September, and although it assured me that the seven-step road map is broadly supported by the population, the exclusion of key stakeholders, such as the NLD, and the failure to meet the expectations of key participants, such as ethnic ceasefire groups, tends to undermine the credibility and legitimacy of the process. In that context, the Government must open up and broaden the process that is to define Myanmar's future, and therefore meet the demands for greater inclusiveness, participation and transparency, in order to accelerate the transition to democracy and to civilian rule.

With regard to the second objective of my mission, I am pleased that, amidst the ongoing crisis, I was able to deliver clear and strong messages on behalf of the Secretary-General directly to the authorities at the highest level. My first message was to emphasize the changing domestic, regional and international context within which my mission was taking place, with the clear and strong support of Myanmar's neighbours, including China and Japan, countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Security Council. As I have said before, the world is not what it was 20 years ago, and no country can afford to act in isolation from the standards by which all members of the international community are held accountable. It is therefore essential for Myanmar's leadership to recognize that what happens inside Myanmar can have serious international repercussions.

My second message was to express the deep concern of the Secretary-General and the international community about the most recent events and to make specific recommendations for immediate steps to de-escalate tensions. Those recommendations include: putting an end to night raids and arrests during curfew; lifting the curfew as soon as possible; releasing all those arrested during the demonstrations; allowing access to clinics for those wounded during demonstrations; withdrawing military forces from the streets; ensuring respect for human rights and the rule of law in the exercise of law enforcement, in accordance with international standards; allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross to have access to persons detained and to assist in tracing missing people; and putting an immediate end to raids on monasteries.

Thirdly, I emphasized the need to address without delay the political and socio-economic factors underlying the demonstrations through specific mid-and long-term measures, predicated on dialogue among all stakeholders. Any decrease in tensions can be sustained only if it is accompanied by positive steps to address the root causes of unrest. Specific recommendations have been put to the Government in that regard. The Council is already aware of the following key areas in which I have been encouraging the Government to make tangible progress: first, the release of all political prisoners, including those arrested in the course of recent demonstrations; secondly, the promotion of an all-inclusive national reconciliation process; thirdly, full cooperation with, and better access for, humanitarian organizations; fourthly, the cessation of hostilities in conflict areas, including in Kayin State; and fifthly, continued cooperation with the International Labour Organization.

While it remains unclear how responsive the authorities will be to those messages, I believe that the mission helped develop understanding of the regional and international perceptions of the situation in Myanmar and of the urgent need for them to implement some of the specific ideas put to the authorities in order to meet domestic and international expectations. In terms of immediate steps, I would like to note that the authorities have already announced a relaxation of the curfew in Yangon and Mandalay. Reports indicate that the visible military presence in the streets has been reduced. I have also been informed by the Government that, as of today, a total of 2,095 persons arrested in the course of demonstrations have been released, including 728 monks, and that more releases will follow as a direct result of my request to the authorities on behalf of the Secretary-General. While those steps are welcome, further steps will need to be taken over the next few days and weeks, not only to overcome the current crisis but also to address the underlying factors of the recent unrest.

With regard to the third objective of my mission, namely, the promotion of dialogue, the visit allowed me to resume the role I started playing during my last visit, by conveying messages between the senior leadership and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The fact that I was allowed to meet with her a second time after meeting with the Senior General in itself suggests the usefulness of the United Nations good offices as a way for the parties to explore the possibility of engaging in early dialogue. I am therefore cautiously encouraged by the Government's announcement yesterday that Senior General Than Shwe is prepared to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, although with certain conditions. This is a potentially welcome development that calls for maximum flexibility on all sides. The sooner such a meeting takes place, the better, as it is a first and necessary step to overcome the high level of mistrust between them. I sincerely hope that the potential for dialogue will be recognized to the same extent by both sides, and that it can translate into concrete steps in the immediate wake of the crisis.

Another necessary step for genuine national dialogue to take place is the release of all political detainees, particularly the sick and the elderly. After all, only free men and women can engage in dialogue. The future of Myanmar belongs to all the people of Myanmar. It is therefore in the interest of the nation that all those who have a contribution to make should have the opportunity to do so. The issues for dialogue are known -- from serious political and human rights concerns to pressing humanitarian and socio-economic issues -- but only by working together as one people will Myanmar be able to address them and move forward as one nation.

In that connection, the specific recommendations that were put to the Government, including the possibility of establishing a broad-based constitutional review commission, are aimed at encouraging the Government to engage in a post-National Convention process of consultations that is all-inclusive, participatory and transparent. That would enable the credibility and legitimacy of the draft constitution to be submitted to a referendum. The United Nations has experience in facilitating such a constitutional review process.

In addition to the imperatives of the political dispensation, the Government needs to be more sensitive to the extremely fragile humanitarian and socio-economic context within which the recent demonstrations and crisis broke out. In that regard, the recommendation put to the Government to consider establishing a broad-based poverty alleviation commission to identify and address socio-economic needs will be a useful vehicle for promoting national dialogue on ways to improve the overall "health" of the country. The work of United Nations agencies in the country has been recognized as useful by the authorities. Every effort needs to be made to continue to find areas of mutual interest where progress can be made, including in the areas of health, education and drug reduction.

While the humanitarian and political action needs to continue to be coordinated, it is essential not to let humanitarian actions become hostage to political conditions, and vice versa. Any serious steps on the political front should be acknowledged by the international community through the provision of incentives in the humanitarian and socio-economic areas.

In conclusion, I would like to say the following. Amidst the tragic events of the past few weeks, this is an hour of historic opportunity for Myanmar. As I have said before, responsibility for the future of the country ultimately rests with the Government and people of Myanmar. However, the world is watching closely how that responsibility will be exercised in the interest of all the people of Myanmar.

To delay the prospect of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Myanmar is to deny it to those who deserve it the most: the people of Myanmar. They have suffered too much for too long. At this point, what they need above all is hope, and I would be encouraged if this mission helped Myanmar's leaders to listen to their own people.

The Government also needs to know that the world needs a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Myanmar that can contribute to the development of the region and play a useful role in the international community. I want to reiterate here that, over the past two years, Myanmar has demonstrated greater openness and cooperation with the United Nations and the international community. Now is the time for Myanmar's leadership to make the bold choices that will demonstrate that these efforts have not been in vain and that Myanmar is ready to partner with the international community by making serious, tangible progress in the areas of concern to the international community. If it does so, it will find that there is much goodwill out there to help it along the way. Myanmar is part of a dynamic and prosperous region. As the ASEAN countries have already demonstrated, they recognize that they also have a responsibility to support Myanmar's efforts towards a peaceful and stable future.

Finally, as I have emphasized from the beginning, the Secretary-General's good offices are a process, not an event. It is important to recognize that one mission by itself cannot resolve the fundamental challenges facing Myanmar today. Advancing the causes of all-inclusive national reconciliation, democratization and full respect for human rights will require sustained engagement by the United Nations, including through the intensification of the Secretary-General's good offices, with the active support of Myanmar's neighbours, ASEAN countries and the international community, including a united Security Council.

The President

I thank Mr. Gambari for his briefing.

The floor is open for those Council members who wish to make statements.

Sir John Sawers (United Kingdom)

May I begin by thanking the Secretary-General and, in particular, his Special Envoy, Mr. Gambari, for their very full and informative reports that we have just heard.

The world has been both inspired and appalled by images from Burma in recent weeks. We have been inspired by the sight of people risking their very lives to make their voices heard for peaceful change and for democracy. And we have been appalled by the callous brutality of a regime willing to beat and kill peaceful demonstrators, including Buddhist monks, who are so revered in Burmese society -- a regime that has carried out, and is continuing to carry out, mass arbitrary detentions across the country.

I was very concerned by the Special Envoy's comments about the continued human rights abuses being committed by the regime. It is essential that these come to an end.

Despite the censorship imposed by the regime, the entire world has witnessed these events on the ground in Burma. A sense of outrage and disgust at what has happened has spread around the world. The United Kingdom condemns once again today in the strongest terms the violence that continues to be perpetrated against the people of Burma.

The regime cannot turn the clock back. The world has seen the real desire of the Burmese people for change, and they have the support of my Government, and of many other Governments. The situation in Burma is not just an affront to the world; it is a threat to stability beyond Burma's borders. It is right that the United Nations and the Security Council should be involved. Despite the violence of recent weeks, the international community stands ready to help Burma achieve national reconciliation.

What needs to be done to bring about the change that is so clearly needed? First of all, we should set out common demands of the regime. These include the immediate end to the use of force against peaceful demonstrations, the immediate release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all other detainees and political prisoners, and the start of a new and genuinely inclusive process of national reconciliation to allow Burma to transition to democracy.

We have heard recent statements from the regime, including one last night from General Than Shwe. The test for them is whether they are now prepared to work with opposition leaders and with ethnic groups. They will be judged by results.

We believe that the Security Council should remain actively engaged. A presidential statement capturing the common concerns of the Council would be appropriate. Among other things, the Council should unanimously support the Secretary-General and his Special Envoy in continuing their efforts to set in train this inclusive dialogue leading to real democratic change in Burma. We thank them for their efforts so far. We believe that Mr. Gambari should return to Burma very soon to maintain the momentum. And we welcome the personal engagement and commitment of the Secretary-General.

Now is the time for all those with influence on the regime in Burma to play their part as well. We welcome the unequivocal message sent by members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), who see themselves directly affected by the crisis in their region. We recognize and appreciate the helpful role played by China in supporting Mr. Gambari's visit. The authorities in Burma need to know that they have no support whatsoever in pursuing their present policies.

Burma is a country of vast natural resources and immense human talent. But for some 45 years, those resources have been squandered and those talents have been suppressed by a callous and misguided regime. The world stands ready to help rebuild Burma and see it integrated into the global community, where it belongs. The sooner that an inclusive reconciliation process takes place, the sooner this can be achieved.

Mr. Natalegawa (Indonesia)

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