Security Council meeting 4726

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Albania, Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Belarus, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, El Salvador, the Federated States of Micronesia, Georgia, Greece, Guatemala, Honduras, Iceland, India, Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Jamaica, Japan, Kuwait, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Mongolia, Morocco, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Poland, Republic of Korea, Singapore, South Africa, Sudan, Switzerland, Thailand, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, the United Republic of Tanzania, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Venezuela, Viet Nam and Yemen, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda. In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received a letter from the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, which reads as follows:

"In accordance with article 39 of the provisional rules of procedure of the Security Council, I have the honour to request the participation of His Excellency Mr. Yahya Mahmassani, Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States to the United Nations, in the discussion of the agenda item under consideration by the Council on Iraq, which will start on 26 March 2003."

That letter will be issued as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/2003/370.

If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Security Council agrees to extend an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure to Mr. Yahya Mahmassani.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

I invite the Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States to the United Nations, Mr. Yahya Mahmassani, to take the seat reserved for him at the side of the Council Chamber.

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Council is meeting in accordance with the requests contained in the letter dated 24 March 2003 from the Permanent Representative of Iraq, which was issued as document S/2003/362, and in the letter dated 24 March 2003 from the Permanent Representative of Malaysia, which was issued as document S/2003/363.

I welcome the presence of the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, at this meeting, and I invite him to take the floor.

The Secretary-General

It is exactly a week since I last had the honour to address this Council. During that week we have all been watching hour by hour, on our television screens, the terrifying impact of modern weaponry on Iraq and its people.

We not only mourn the dead. We must also feel anguish for the living, and especially for the children. We can only imagine the physical and emotional scars that they will bear, perhaps for the rest of their lives.

All of us must regret that our intense efforts to achieve a peaceful solution, through this Council, did not succeed.

Many people ask why the Iraqi Government did not take full advantage of the last chance they were given by the Council, by cooperating actively, wholeheartedly -- in substance as well as procedure -- with the inspectors that the Council sent to ensure that Iraq was disarmed of weapons of mass destruction. But at the same time, many people around the world are seriously questioning whether it was legitimate for some Member States to proceed to such a fateful action now -- an action that has far-reaching consequences well beyond the immediate military dimensions -- without first reaching a collective decision of this Council.

The inability of the Council to agree earlier on a collective course of action places an even greater burden on it today.

The Council, which has now had Iraq on its agenda for 12 long years, must rediscover its unity of purpose. We all want to see this war brought to an end as soon as possible. But while it continues, it is essential that everything be done to protect the civilian population, as well as the wounded and the prisoners of war, on both sides, and to bring relief to the victims.

This obligation is binding on all the belligerents. The Geneva Conventions and all other instruments of international humanitarian law must be scrupulously respected. I would recall in particular the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention, under which those in effective control of any territory are responsible for meeting the humanitarian needs of its population and are required to maintain dialogue and cooperation with international organizations engaged in humanitarian relief. No one, on either side, must obstruct that relief.

Last week I drew the Council's attention to the dire plight of the Iraqi people, even before these latest hostilities, and the extent of their dependence on the oil for food programme for medical supplies and food distributed under that programme.

The programme has now come to a halt, with some $2.4 billion of supplies, mainly food, in the pipeline. The Council needs to determine how it will adjust the programme to make it possible for those supplies to reach the Iraqi people under the present circumstances and to ensure that food, medicine and other essential, life-sustaining supplies continue to be provided. I am aware that a concerted effort is being made to reach agreement, and I hope that it will soon succeed.

But the conflict is also now creating new humanitarian needs, which the oil for food programme is not expected to cover. We do not yet know how many people will be injured, displaced from their homes or deprived of food, water, sanitation and other essential services. But we fear that the numbers may be high.

As I said, the primary responsibility for meeting these needs falls on the belligerents who control the territory. But the humanitarian agencies of the United Nations are ready to help. Indeed, they have been preparing actively to do so. Even though their international staff had to be temporarily withdrawn from Iraq, most of them have national staff who even now are at work, bringing what limited relief they can to their fellow citizens. Those brave and devoted Iraqis deserve our profound respect.

I fear that the humanitarian effort required in the coming weeks and months is going to be very costly. We are about to launch a "flash appeal" to donors. I urge Member States to respond swiftly and generously, and not to do so at the expense of victims of other emergencies in other parts of the world, which may be less newsworthy but are no less devastating for the people caught up in them.

This Council has other heavy responsibilities related to this crisis. It needs to determine how it will address the many needs of the Iraqi people, whatever the outcome of the war, and what the United Nations itself may be asked to undertake. For anything beyond strictly humanitarian relief, we need a mandate from the Security Council.

Needless to say, the Council's responsibilities also extend far beyond Iraq. There are many other conflicts that urgently need its attention -- not least the conflict that inflames passions throughout the Middle East and colours so many people's attitudes to the Iraqi issue. I mean, of course, the tragic conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, for whom the noble vision of two States living side by side in peace and security, which the Security Council laid out just one year ago, is still far from being realized.

In the last few months the peoples of the world have shown how much they expect of the United Nations, and of the Security Council in particular. Many of them are now bitterly disappointed. Their faith in the United Nations can be restored only if the Council is able to identify and work constructively towards specific goals. I urge the five permanent members, in particular, to show leadership by making a concerted effort to overcome their differences.

For my part, I would emphasize two guiding principles, on which I believe there is no disagreement, and which should underpin all your efforts or your future decisions on Iraq. The first principle is respect for Iraq's sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. The second, which flows logically from the first, is respect for the right of the Iraqi people to determine their own political future and control their own natural resources.

Let me conclude by saying that we are living through a moment of deep divisions, which, if not healed, can have grave consequences for the international system and relations between States. By your interventions this afternoon in this debate you have it in your power to deepen those divisions, or to begin to heal them. I appeal to all of you to choose the latter course, and to reunite around a new resolve to uphold the principles of the Charter. This is essential if the Security Council is to recover its rightful role, entrusted to it by the Charter, as the body with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.

For my part, I am prepared to work with the Security Council, on this crisis as in others, and to assist in any way deemed helpful.

The President

In accordance with the understanding reached among Council members, I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than five minutes. I stress this matter, so that the Council can carry out its work expeditiously. Delegations with lengthy statements are kindly requested to circulate their texts in writing and to deliver the condensed versions in this room.

As another measure to optimize the use of our time, in order to allow as many delegations as possible to take the floor, I will not individually invite speakers to take seats at the Council table, nor will I invite them to resume their seats at the side of the Council chamber. When a speaker is taking the floor, the Conference Officer will seat the next speaker on the list at the table.

I thank Council members for their understanding and cooperation.

The first speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of Iraq, on whom I now call and invite to make his statement.

Mr. Aldouri (Iraq)

Iraq, a founding Member of the United Nations, is being subjected to criminal, tyrannical, barbaric American-British military aggression. This aggression is killing women, children and the elderly, and it is destroying the lives and future of the people of Iraq, who are the people of civilization -- of Sumer, Babylon and Akkad.

Previously, they tried to kill our civilization through a weapon known as sanctions. These sanctions lasted more than 13 years, during which a whole generation of children and youth was destroyed. Condolences here are extended to you all -- the entire world community -- and to all those who love peace and security in the world.

The American-British full-scale military aggression commenced at dawn on 20 March 2003. United States President Bush declared at that time that the goal of this aggression was the occupation of Iraq and the change of its political regime. As his Secretary of State, Colin Powell, previously stated, the goal of the aggression was to change the political map of the Middle East region to ensure the interests of the United States and Israel. This constitutes a blatant violation of international law and of the United Nations Charter; it defies the international community and deviates from international legality.

The aggression has targeted, among other things, civilian installations -- economic infrastructures, homes, schools, hospitals, mosques and churches in Iraq's cities and villages. It has led to thousands of casualties, including women, children and the elderly. For example, the water and electric facilities in the city of Basra were destroyed. This will lead to a health disaster and to a real crime of genocide.

The Moustansiriya Mosque in Baghdad was bombed, and a popular bazaar in the same city was also bombed today. On 20 and 21 March, the American-British invaders and aggressors dropped more than 2,000 long-range guided missiles. They conducted more than 1,000 daily aerial sorties over all of Iraq's cities and villages, during which they used cluster bombs and prohibited new weaponry, much bragged about, to terrorize Iraq.

It is known that the American and British troops penetrated the demilitarized zone between Iraq and Kuwait after the United Nations Secretariat withdrew the monitors of the United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observation Mission (UNIKOM), in blatant violation of Security Council resolution 687 (1991), which provided for the inviolability of borders between Iraq and Kuwait. The Security Council must react to ensure that these borders are respected.

The United States and Britain have deployed in the south and west of Iraq in order to launch their forces against Iraqi cities and villages. However, the Iraqi armed forces and armed civilian units, made up of the great Iraqi people, are fighting honourable and fierce battles against this foul aggression and are confronting it with heroism.

The invaders and aggressors say that the goal of their aggression is the disarmament of Iraq. However, the whole world knows that the task of verifying Iraq's compliance in disarmament was entrusted not to the United States and Britain but to the United Nations itself, through the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). In their report to the Security Council on 7 March, these two agencies stated that the inspections conducted during three and a half months did not find any evidence contradicting Iraq's declarations and no evidence of the existence of proscribed activities or items in Iraq. Yet today the whole world is well aware that the real reason for this aggression and invasion is the occupation of Iraq, to recolonize it and control its oil wealth.

The international community is also well aware that the Security Council has not authorized the use of force by the United States and Britain. The international community is aware that resolution 1441 (2002) did not allow the use of force at all. Both Britain and the United States confirmed when resolution 1441 (2002) was adopted that it did not contain a hidden agenda, trigger or automatic use of force. Nevertheless, despite the opposition to war of the majority of Council members, and despite Iraq's cooperation with UNMOVIC -- according to its Executive Chairman's declaration -- these two countries launched their criminal war against Iraq.

The full-scale Anglo-Saxon military invasion and the hostile, aggressive war against the Republic of Iraq constitute a blatant material breach of international law and the of United Nations Charter, particularly Article 2, paragraphs 4 and 7. It is also a material breach of the relevant Security Council resolutions. All of these resolutions, without exception, oblige United Nations Member States to respect Iraq's sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity.

This colonial Anglo-American aggression is a blatant defiance of the will of the international community and its organizations, all of which have expressed their total rejection of the unilateral use of force, their adherence to international legal instruments and their emphasis on the essential role that the United Nations has to play in maintaining international peace and security and in suppressing acts of aggression.

This barbaric, colonial military aggression against Iraq constitutes a dangerous violation of regional and international peace and security. The United Nations, and the Security Council in particular, are called upon to condemn this invasion and aggression. They are called upon to work to put an end to it immediately, without conditions. The Council must demand that the American-British aggressors and others withdraw their attacking forces immediately outside the borders of the Republic of Iraq. It must hold them fully responsible for this act of aggression, in accordance with international law. It must impose respect for Security Council resolutions and their implementation, particularly those relating to the lifting of the unjust sanctions against Iraq.

While we thank all the countries, peoples and personalities who have called for peace and for the removal of the spectre of war, we are still hopeful that the international community will be able to impose its will on those who have broken international law. We hope it will find a peaceful solution to spare the world the dire consequences that will come out of that aggression and to prevent that aggression from giving rise to a new era of colonialism. The signs of that are becoming evident through the domination of one Power over the destiny of the world, with its dependent other Power. This will mean the collapse of the United Nations and the current international system.

Allow me before concluding my statement to point out that in the past few days during the period of aggression the Council has been busy considering the humanitarian aspect rather than the act of aggression itself. Is it not strange that humanitarian questions, however important they are, are being discussed before the war and aggression, which are the main cause for the need to consider the humanitarian aspects? Should not the Council pay attention first and foremost to the cessation of the war of aggression and pay attention to the lives of the Iraqi people, who are subjected to killing and destruction every day in barbaric, evil acts of aggression, which cannot be ignored? Is this not an attempt to put the cart before the horse and distract the Council from its main role in the maintenance of international peace and security?

Who stopped the oil for food programme? Who withdrew the inspectors from Iraq? Who withdrew the monitors from the Iraq? Was this not done with the agreement and the blessing of the Council? How could the Council allow itself to be manipulated -- and it bears repeating, manipulated -- in a matter regarding which the United States and United Kingdom could not obtain a resolution that legitimized the act of aggression.

We hope that the Council will be able to stand up to the machinations that have originated with the United Kingdom and are being implemented by the United States, which can only deceive those who blindly follow those two countries.

Mr. Mohd Isa (Malaysia)

Since this is the first time I am speaking in the Council as Chair of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement, let me congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the Presidency of the Security Council for the month and assure you of our full cooperation. I also wish to pay tribute to your predecessor, the Permanent Representative of Germany, for his excellent stewardship of the Council last month.

On behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, allow me to thank you, Mr. President, and members of the Council, for again agreeing to convene this open meeting of the Council on the current situation in Iraq. As members of the Council will recall, serious efforts were made earlier this month to avert war in Iraq and we clearly expressed the views of the Non-Aligned Movement at the open meeting of the Council on 11 March 2003. Unfortunately, those efforts failed.

Military action against Iraq has been going on for one week. The relentless assaults from sea, land and air are continuing as we sit here in the Council chamber. While this is taking place, the Council has remained silent until today. While the Council remained silent, stark images of this twenty-first century war are seen all around the world continuously. We have just today seen the image of a market being struck by a missile. Millions who see these images daily must be wondering where the United Nations, in particular the Security Council, stands on this issue. The prompt decision of the Council to hold this meeting today is a welcome development. It should offer some hope to those of us in the international community who remain committed to multilateralism and the central role of the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security. The Non-Aligned Movement strongly maintains that commitment.

The Non-Aligned Movement strongly believes that all Member States should observe and abide by the Charter and the principles of international law in dealing with problems among nations. In this regard, the Non-Aligned Movement has continuously stressed the vital role of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security and the strengthening of international cooperation. We oppose all unilateral military actions or use of force, including those made without proper authorization from the Security Council. We deplore any unilateral action against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Member States.

The war against Iraq has been carried out without the authorization of the Security Council. This war is being carried out in violation of the principles of international law and the Charter. In this regard, it is highly regrettable that the parties concerned had chosen early in the day to cast aside multilateral diplomacy and take the path of war, while efforts to avert conflict were continuing in earnest. We view unilateral military action as an illegitimate act of aggression. This war should not have been started in the first place. Therefore, it should end immediately. Let us return to the Security Council to find the solution to this complex problem.

The Non-Aligned Movement wishes to reiterate its commitment to the fundamental principles of the non-use of force, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and security of all Member States. We continue to believe that the problem of Iraq should and could be resolved peacefully through the United Nations. We reaffirm our commitment towards achieving a peaceful solution to the current situation and stress the vital role of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security. We call on the Security Council to use its power and authority, as mandated by the Charter, to revert to the multilateral process in the common effort to resolve this issue.

The Non-Aligned Movement stated last month at its thirteenth Summit in Kuala Lumpur its belief that a war against Iraq would destabilize the whole region and it could have far-reaching political, economic and humanitarian consequences, not only for Iraq but also for the rest of the world. We reiterated this in the Council two weeks ago. We continue to maintain this position today.

With the military activity now escalating in Iraq, we are extremely concerned over the humanitarian situation of the civilian population in that country. There are reports, for instance, that the people in Basra will be facing a serious humanitarian disaster, including shortage of basic needs such as electricity and water, if relief supplies do not reach them in time. We hope that the sufferings of the civilian population can be relieved as soon as possible. While the responsibility for this lies with those countries that initiated military action against Iraq, the international community must also assist the United Nations in carrying out the important task of providing humanitarian relief.

It is important that all parties to the conflict observe human rights and other humanitarian issues such as treatment and protection of civilians. They must respect international humanitarian law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention.

We strongly believe that all avenues in the peaceful disarmament of Iraq should have been explored. We regret that despite confirmation by the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) that Iraq was actively cooperating and that the inspections were producing results, the inspectors were not given adequate time to fulfil their mandate and had to be withdrawn because of the war. We also regret that the inspectors were not allowed to continue with their work, despite the overwhelming calls by the international community, including the majority of the members of the Security Council.

We had welcomed the decision by Iraq to facilitate the unconditional return of, and cooperation with, the United Nations inspectors in accordance with Council resolution 1441 (2002). However, it was unfortunate that the war has now made it impossible for the inspectors to work. We note that the Secretary-General emphasized on 24 March 2003 the importance of the resumption of inspections by the United Nations inspectors.

The Non-Aligned Movement believes that international peace and stability can be preserved, with all States adhering to the fundamental principles of the non-use of force and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and security of all Member States. We appeal to all concerned to exert all efforts to urgently return to a peaceful solution in enforcing Iraqi compliance with relevant Security Council resolutions. We will continue to work closely with Member States on the appropriate course of action -- including upholding the centrality and sanctity of the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter -- in addressing issues relating to international peace and security, now and in the future.

The Security Council, as the custodian of international peace and security, has a special and heightened responsibility to ensure that the international world order is based on the principles of justice and international law and not on military might.

Now I wish to speak on behalf of Malaysia.

Malaysia takes the position that unilateral military action undertaken without the support and authorization of the Security Council violates international law and the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, the doctrine of pre-emptive strikes has no foundation in international law. Malaysia views the unilateral military action undertaken by the United States and its allies as illegal and as being tantamount to an invasion of an independent and sovereign nation. What is more, it is a unilateral action taken on a selective basis and premised on tenuous evidence, while a viable mechanism exists to ensure Iraqi compliance with relevant Security Council resolutions. Malaysia is, therefore, compelled to condemn that action.

Malaysia wishes to underline that the pre-emptive use of force threatens the very foundation of international law, making war once again the tool of international politics and of the powerful in subjugating the weak and defenceless. It also erroneously asserts the notion that might is right.

In view of the humanitarian catastrophe that is now unfolding in Iraq, as well as the grave threat to international and regional peace, security and stability arising from unilateral military action, Malaysia calls upon the United States and its allies to return immediately to peaceful but firm methods for bringing about Iraq's compliance with relevant resolutions of the Security Council.

Malaysia joins the international community in underlining the urgency to address the humanitarian catastrophe in the wake of military action. We share the view of those who take the position that the United States and its allies that have initiated military action must bear the full cost of providing humanitarian assistance.

The President

I thank the representative of Malaysia for his kind words addressed to me.

The next speaker inscribed on my list is Mr. Yahya Mahmassani, Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States to the United Nations, to whom the Council has extended an invitation under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure.

Mr. Mahmassani (League of Arab States)

Allow me to congratulate you once again, Mr. President, on your wise conduct of the work of the Security Council.

The Security Council is meeting today in an emergency meeting to consider the war being waged by the United States and the United Kingdom against an Arab State, namely, Iraq, as well as the repercussions of that war on the security and safety of neighbouring Arab States and on Arab national security. Since 20 March, the armies and air forces of two permanent members of the Security Council have, without the Council's authorization, been waging an unequal and unjust war against Iraq, which has been a Member State of the Organization since the signing of the Charter.

The ministerial decision adopted by the Council of the League of Arab States on 24 March 2003 in connection with the Anglo-American aggression against Iraq decided the following:

"To condemn the American/British aggression against Iraq, a State Member of the United Nations and a member of the League of Arab States;" (S/2003/365, annex, para. 1)

"To deem this aggression a violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law, a departure from international legitimacy, a threat to international peace and security and an act of defiance against the international community and world public opinion, which call for the settlement of disputes by peaceful means and compliance with the decisions of international legitimacy;" (ibid., para. 2)

"To call for an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the invading American/British forces from Iraqi territory and to make them bear the material, moral and legal responsibility for this aggression;" (ibid., para. 3)

"To mandate the Arab Group at the United Nations to call for an urgent meeting of the Security Council, with a view to the adoption of a decision to halt the aggression and to secure an immediate withdrawal of the invading forces beyond the international borders of the Republic of Iraq, affirmation of respect for Iraq's sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity, and a commitment by all States not to interfere in its internal affairs." (ibid., para.5)

American and British forces have chosen to wage war at a time when Iraq was actively cooperating with United Nations inspectors. The inspectors themselves stated as much in the Council, saying that they needed a few months to carry out their tasks. In that regard, we once again wish to reaffirm that the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) is the only party authorized to disarm Iraq.

Would it not have been better to wait a few months in order to avert a war that we today watch in agony, sadness and terror? This war will have grave consequences in both the region and the world. It is taking place despite the fact that the Security Council, despite numerous pressures and temptations, has refused to give its approval to a draft resolution that would have provided a mere fig leaf for the waging of an unjustified war.

The waging of war against Iraq today leads us to believe that the question of Iraq was never about weapons of mass destruction. The motive behind the war was to usher in a dangerous era in which absolute power is made necessary in order to implement plans and schemes against the peoples and States of the region, so as to redraw the map of the region in a way acceptable to the occupying Power. This is totally unacceptable and will cause turmoil in the Arab world, and in the Middle East in general.

At this difficult time, when the Arab nation is facing grave challenges, we once again reaffirm that the form of the Arab peoples' political regimes must be decided by the peoples of the region without foreign interference. Any attempts to impose changes on the region, to interfere in its affairs or to control its resources are totally unacceptable. In addition, they will have grave consequences on regional stability, including in the Mediterranean region.

At a time when we had hoped and waited that good offices would bring an end to Israel's occupation of Arab territory and to the Arab-Israeli conflict in accordance with the Arab initiative and relevant international resolutions, we have been stunned to see Iraq invaded and occupied. Now we must deal with two occupations, instead of just one. This will generate violence, extremism and hostility among the Arab peoples. The good relations of Britain and the United States with the Arab peoples depend upon the policies of those two States vis-à-vis fateful Arab issues. Unfortunately, all we see in that connection is negative, biased and not objective.

The real threat to the safety and security of the Arab nation is Israel's possession of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. Another threat is Israel's ongoing occupation of the Arab territories, its policy of killing and destruction against the Palestinian people and its refusal to comply with Security Council resolutions.

The current international system, established in 1945 after the Second World War, is in grave danger. The world is fast moving into an arena of frustration and international chaos. The security and safety of weak States are in serious jeopardy. The imposition of the logic of force and domination and the flouting of the United Nations Charter and international law will plunge the world anew into its pre-1939 condition and foment wars that will bring nothing to humanity but tragedy, pain and sadness.

We call upon the Security Council today to shoulder its obligations as the organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. How can the Security Council remain silent while this violent war is being waged before its very eyes? How can the Council turn a blind eye to the devastation, the aggression and the hundreds -- nay, thousands -- of civilian victims of this war? We call upon the Council to put an end to this war and to urge the immediate withdrawal of the invading forces. That is the Council's responsibility, upon which depends its credibility and, indeed, the credibility of the entire international system, which is collapsing under the multifaceted bombing of Basra and Baghdad.

The President

I call on the representative of Algeria.

Mr. Baali (Algeria)

It has taken so much loss of human life; such unspeakable horror and terrible destruction; the bloodcurdling terror of millions of innocent people subjected to a horrible campaign of shock and fright, coldly conceived and planned; and hundreds of millions of people crying tears of blood before the fury of a war broadcast live for the Council -- to which the nations of the world have given the responsibility of forever protecting us from war -- to realize that there is a nation in danger of death and that, if it should turn away, it would have to assume an onerous responsibility before God, humankind and history.

The Council has therefore decided to meet today following the joint request of the Group of Arab States and the Non-Aligned Movement. I am sure you will agree with me, Sir, that it was high time for it to do so. The situation we face today is so serious and fraught with peril for a people and a country whose very existence is threatened; for a region that is already heavily battered and bruised; and for humanity challenged in terms of its very humanity that to do nothing would be tantamount to complicity in failing to help a nation in jeopardy.

How can the use of such extreme, disproportionate and definitive measures be justified when no present and immediate danger was threatening international peace and security and when the inspections instituted by the Security Council for the peaceful disarmament of Iraq were proceeding in the right direction?

How can we characterize the irreparable damage inflicted on millions of children who had already been made sickly and famished by the sanctions that the Council imposed on them? They have been rudely awakened in the middle of the night and kept awake for days, terrorized, stupefied and plunged into a permanent nightmare by explosions of such unbelievable power that they have made us flinch even in front of our television screens and shaken us to our deepest foundations?

While we rightly worry about the effects of televised violence on our children, who can predict the serious trauma and immense suffering of these millions of children who have been robbed of their childhood and their innocence, who have been forever branded by the mark of horror, and who will never forget the unbearable ordeal that, in a split second, turned their lives forever inside out?

Neither they, nor all those who have been demonstrating against this war for months -- including here in New York, where we have seen the families of the victims of 11 September leading the peace march because, having experienced it in their souls and in their flesh, they know what man's folly can be -- can resign themselves to believing that freedom and security can be bought at such a price. These children will undoubtedly bear permanent scars and their hearts, like those of anyone whose hopes have been robbed, will be heavy with sorrow, bitterness and frustration.

Since the onset of the crisis, Algeria has called for a peaceful settlement of the conflict based on Iraq's full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions. Only a few days ago, we warned of the dangers and perils that a conflict in Iraq would entail for Iraq itself, the countries of the region and world peace. We wish today to express our immense sadness and grave concern before this terrible ordeal being imposed on the brotherly Iraqi people, who, besieged and bloodied, is meeting adversity with a courage and a dignity that compel our admiration and respect.

We say this with the conviction of those who know from experience that war is always the worst of solutions and that civilians always pay the highest price, as borne out by the unbearable images of hundreds of civilians, including women and children, who have been killed or wounded by the bombing. In spite of censorship, self-censorship and worse, such images have forced themselves willy-nilly onto our television screens.

Algeria profoundly regrets that the inspection missions were abruptly cut short just as they were beginning to bear fruit thanks to Iraq's active cooperation. Algeria wishes to recall that the force to which Iraq is today subject has not been duly authorized and that it does not therefore meet the required conditions of legality and legitimacy. In fact, a precedent of exceptional gravity has been set in international relations, against which the Secretary-General issued a warning on 11 March when he stated that those who would decide to act outside the Security Council would be doing so in violation of the United Nations Charter. Moreover, it is obvious today that the objectives of this war go well beyond those of Security Council resolution 1441 (2002) and that this is not merely a question of destroying the weapons of mass destruction that Iraq claims not to possess.

For all these reasons, my country fully endorses the resolution adopted on 24 March by the Council of Ministers of the League of Arab States, calling for the immediate cessation of acts of war and the total and unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces. This is a pressing and solemn appeal that can be ignored neither by the Council nor by the coalition that is waging war against Iraq.

It is for these reasons, too, that we reiterate the obligation of strict respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Iraq; reaffirm our full solidarity with the brotherly people of Iraq in their current terrible ordeal; and call for strict compliance with the Geneva Conventions relative to prisoners of war and to the protection of civilian persons in times of war.

It was likewise with regret and dismay that my country learned of the Secretary-General's decision on 17 March to put a halt to the activities of all United Nations bodies present in Iraq. While we understand the security reasons behind this measure, we would point out to the Council that the suspension of the oil for food programme is about to unleash a veritable humanitarian disaster, particularly in Basra, as the Secretary-General himself indicated two days ago.

The suspension of this humanitarian programme will mean neither more nor less than stopping the delivery to Iraq of medicine, food and other humanitarian supplies at the very moment when, deprived of water and electricity and subject to the fury of combat and bombardment, Iraq's civilians need more than ever to be protected, assisted and effectively led.

We therefore call for the immediate resumption of the oil for food programme, which must be administered under the authority of the Council, and only according to the terms of existing signed contracts. It is understood that when the sanctions are lifted, the system in place will have lost its reason for being and that any adjustment to the programme should not prejudice the future or violate the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Iraq. Nor should it violate the principle of the Iraqi people's right to dispose freely of their resources.

When the founding fathers created the United Nations, it was clearly not to create an agency for dispensing humanitarian assistance -- as important and as necessary as that can be -- in cases of catastrophe and armed conflict. The United Nations was, in fact, designed to realize ambitions and to embody the greatest ideals.

It is, above all, a political organization comprised of nations motivated by the will to work together in taking up the many challenges facing humanity today. The global, transnational nature of those challenges obliges all States, large and small, to unite their efforts and to act collectively and in solidarity to tackle them with success. The United Nations is the institution that embodies our universal conscience, the organization to which all look when there is a threat to international peace and security. This institution is expected to ensure peace, justice and law and to protect the weakest and most destitute. It is a unique forum in which the nations of the world come together to dream and to construct together, through dialogue, collaboration and cooperation, a safer and more just world in which the rule of law is applied to all, in all circumstances.

Therefore it is our duty, the Member States, and that of the Secretary-General -- as he has just demonstrated in his statement before the Council this afternoon -- to ensure that this Organization, irreplaceable from any point of view, is not sidestepped, marginalized, weakened or relegated to a minor role but, rather, emerges enhanced by the trials imposed by the circumstances. Otherwise, it would lose its soul, and we would all suffer for it.

Today the Council truly stands at a crossroads. It faces a situation of extreme gravity that touches upon its very reason for existence and which obliges it to do all to maintain international peace and security. The Council's responsibility is today greater because this is a question of the unauthorized use of force and because the Council is expected, at the least, to call for the immediate cessation of hostilities and the return to peaceful means for the settlement of conflicts.

Is that too much to ask of the Council, which remains for so many nations, large and small, despite the disappointments and frustrations, the object of our hopes and our will to create a safer, more just world and the last defence against brute force and the law of the strongest?

The President

Before I call on the next speaker, I would like to request that, in view of the long list of speakers, all delegations refrain from congratulating the President so that we can hear all the speakers on the list. I again ask all speakers to limit their statements to five minutes, as I asked, so that we can conclude our work within the time allowed. We currently have 72 speakers on our list.

I now call on the Permanent Representative of Egypt.

Mr. Aboul Gheit (Egypt)

Once again the Security Council faces a new challenge in the discharge of its responsibilities with respect to the painful circumstances in the Middle East. Those challenges are posed by the ongoing aggression of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian people and their territory and the continuation and increased ferocity of the military operations in Iraq after the failure of efforts to reach the peaceful settlement called for in the Council's resolutions.

Difficult days have passed since the outbreak of hostilities in Iraqi territory. Today we meet to consider the collective action we should take to put an end to the fighting and to resume political action in the framework of international legality with a view to achieving a peaceful settlement to this crisis. That way, we would spare the people of Iraq and the peoples of the Middle East and the whole world the scourge of a war that will bring nothing but destruction, devastation, destabilization and threats to the welfare and security of peoples. It is a war that threatens to reach grave dimensions and to have serious, long-lasting and far-reaching repercussions.

Egypt has participated actively in the various stages of international action on the question of Iraq throughout the last decade. Egypt's approach is based on its firm belief in the need to act within the collective international security system provided for in the United Nations Charter. It is also based on the absolute need to preserve the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of Iraq, as well as the territorial integrity, unity and sovereignty of its neighbours.

Undoubtedly, if the international inspection regime in Iraq had been given sufficient time and if all States had maintained the position that peace was possible and deserved going the extra mile within the framework of international legality, it would have been possible for humanity to prevent the painful picture we see today -- the picture of the dead and wounded soldiers and civilians, whose numbers will only increase in coming days. The loss of a single victim is a loss to humanity; the loss of a single victim is a seed of resentment and revenge that will continue to haunt succeeding generations, who will have to pay the price of these sad and disturbing developments.

As the genuine representative of the conscience of the international community and the source of international legitimacy, the Security Council is called upon to send a clear message calling for the immediate cessation of fighting in the territory of Iraq and for the attempt to resume efforts to reach a settlement by peaceful means. It is called upon to affirm the inadmissibility of any infringement on the sovereignty of Iraq and its neighbours and to affirm Iraq's sovereignty over its territory and resources. All parties must respect international humanitarian law and the responsibilities that flow from it. We the members of the international community have the common duty to urge the Council to assume its responsibilities swiftly.

At the meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the League of Arab States on 24 March, an important resolution was adopted that pays tribute to the advocates of peace. The resolution contained important elements that must be taken into account by the Security Council in its consideration of the question of Iraq and its grave repercussions for international peace and security. Foremost among those elements is the cessation of the aggression, the withdrawal of foreign forces, the reaffirmation of respect for Iraq's sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity and the need for all States to refrain from interfering in Iraq's internal affairs.

The international action for the elimination of proscribed Iraqi weapons cannot ignore the fact that such action will remain incomplete without the full implementation of paragraph 14 of resolution 687 (1991), which calls for making the Middle East a zone free of weapons of mass destruction. The disarmament of prohibited Iraqi weapons is only one step towards that objective, which must be fully implemented at the regional level, as called for by resolution 687 (1991).

The international community, on the basis of the rule of law and respect for international legitimacy, demands that the Council and its members safeguard the Charter, which rejected war and called for the peaceful settlement of disputes. Resorting to war and the use of force epitomizes, in our view, the failure of political action aimed at achieving the peaceful settlement of disputes.

I cannot believe that the Council, under any circumstances, would not assume its responsibility under the Charter of maintaining international peace and security. Nor can I believe that the Council would delay acting to put an end to a tragedy that endangers the lives of thousands of people and undermines the foundation of the edifice constructed by the world in order to avert the recurrence of violence and cruel wars.

Finally, if we were to reject war at all costs and also reject peace at all costs, we now have the opportunity to build peace upon a foundation that is clearly based on law and legality and the hopes of humanity, including the right of peoples to live free of weapons of mass or limited destruction.

The President

I call on the representative of Yemen.

Mr. Alsaidi (Yemen)

Thank you, Mr. President, for having called on me to express the position of the Republic of Yemen regarding the invasion of Iraq.

The Republic and people of Yemen support the Iraqi people, who daily -- indeed hourly -- are tallying victims. We regret this terrible crisis that is causing division in international relations, waged by the coalition States without the authorization or resolutions of the Security Council. We are deeply concerned by the impact that this war will have: the death of thousands of innocent civilians and destruction sown not only in Iraq, but also in the region as a whole. This will open the door wide to extremism, instability and failed security in the countries of the region. We must think very hard in order to avert the repercussions of this illegal war.

Even before the first missile was launched against Iraq, we saw the Security Council divided between a majority that encouraged continued inspections of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, which had already yielded positive results, and a minority that wished to halt all efforts towards peace and push towards war.

We have witnessed the tensions that followed, which caused a clear fissure in relations among States and have marginalized the Security Council and paralysed it in its role of maintaining international peace and security. It has led to a new stage in international relations that is characterized by the violation of agreed principles and the adoption of the politics of force.

The military invasion of Iraq brings tragedy for Iraq and the region as a whole. It also places the future of international relations at great risk. There is not enough time to expound on this now, so I shall merely summarize the position of the Republic of Yemen regarding what is occurring in Iraq.

First, the Republic of Yemen considers the military invasion of Iraq totally unjustifiable, particularly given Iraq's dedication to the principle of implementing international resolutions on the disarmament of weapons of mass destruction, particularly resolution 1441 (2002), as was confirmed by the reports of the Executive Chairman of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the Director-General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Using force against others for reasons other than self-defence and without a Security Council mandate constitutes a flagrant violation of the principles of international law and the Charter.

Secondly, the coalition countries have said that they are determined to disarm Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction, under the pretext of implementing relevant Security Council resolutions, while they have not been authorized by the Council to do that. Their refusal to consider Israel's nuclear, chemical and biological arsenal reflects a policy of double standards and shows that there are ulterior motives in dealing with the issues of the region.

Thirdly, the invasion constitutes in form and content unacceptable conduct that is highly risky to international relations. The declared policy to change the Iraqi regime is an act of aggression carried out against a sovereign, independent State that is a Member of the United Nations, and it constitutes interference in its domestic affairs.

A pre-emptive war, based on mere doubts about the intentions of others, leads to chaos that will undermine the basis of international relations. The Republic of Yemen supports the resolutions adopted by the most recent Arab summit, as well as the decisions adopted by the Council of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Arab States that have reaffirmed the need to respect Iraq's sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and the principle of non-interference in its internal affairs. Similarly, the Republic of Yemen supports the security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Kuwait.

Despite the very precarious situation, we are nonetheless optimistic about the multifarious international consensus against the war in Iraq. But this must be crystallized into a policy to put an end to this tragic war. That is, in fact, the responsibility of the United Nations. It is the United Nations that must determine the commitment of Member States to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter and must ensure respect for international legitimacy.

In conclusion, we should like once again to express our deep concern at what the people and the land of Iraq are being subjected to and we appeal for a halt to the aggression, destruction and blood-letting.

The President

I now give the floor to the representative of Kuwait.

Mr. Abulhasan (Kuwait)

We gather here today in response to a request made by the Group of Arab States in implementation of a decision adopted by the Council of the League of Arab States on 24 March 2003. That decision was issued along with a reservation by the State of Kuwait, because the decision makes no mention of Iraqi aggression directed against the State of Kuwait in the form of missile attacks or of Iraq's violation of relevant Security Council resolutions and of all decisions issued by Arab summits calling for respect for Kuwait's independence, sovereignty and security. Therefore, Kuwait's reservation cannot be attributed to today's Security Council meeting -- as can be seen by our active participation in it -- but rather to the reasons that I have just cited.

At the outset, I should like to express our profound sadness, anguish and sympathies with regard to the innocent victims -- both the injured and those who have died -- among the brotherly Iraqi people, and to those among the coalition forces who have fallen as a result of ongoing military operations. We wish solace and speedy recovery to them and their loved ones. This is war; these are its effects. Therefore, Kuwait joins other countries in stating its position that war must be the last option. Recourse to war should be made only after all other means have been exhausted.

The Kuwaiti people, more than others, is fully aware of the effects of the ongoing military operations in Iraq. Those operations have resulted from Iraq's persistent refusal to comply with relevant Security Council resolutions concerning the elimination of weapons of mass destruction. The Council will recall that, in 1990, the Kuwaiti people languished for seven months under a brutal, abhorrent Iraqi occupation that led to murder, torture, the desecration of sanctuaries and genuine suffering as a result of the Iraqi regime's brutal practices. During that bleak period, Iraq, the occupying Power, did not even allow international media or humanitarian organizations -- in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross -- to enter occupied Kuwait to monitor and convey such suffering to the world through reports and documented images. That situation is unlike what we are witnessing today. Present media coverage of the military operations and of their effects on the Iraqi people is of an unprecedented scope. Therefore, Kuwait urges the coalition forces to continue to take every possible precautionary measure in order to avoid causing human losses and to avoid exposing civilian lives to danger, pursuant to international humanitarian law and to the relevant Geneva Conventions.

With regard to current developments, my country takes the following positions.

First, the State of Kuwait reaffirms that it has not participated and will not participate in any military operation against Iraq and that all measures we are undertaking are aimed at protecting our security, safety and territorial integrity.

Secondly, Iraq, since its invasion and occupation of Kuwait in 1990, has continued its aggressive policies against Kuwait, its people and its Government. The most recent of such practices is the launching of Iraqi missiles against inhabited civilian areas in Kuwait since 20 March. Iraq's missile attacks have continued until today, which reaffirms the appropriateness of the defensive measures taken by Kuwait, by fraternal countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and by other friendly countries to protect Kuwait's security, sovereignty and stability.

From this rostrum, I salute the forces of the Al-Jazeera Shield, composed of forces from the Gulf Cooperation Council, which have come to Kuwait to help it protect its security and stability and to stand side by side with its armed forces and those of other friendly countries. We believe that Iraqi attacks against civilian targets in Kuwait constitute a flagrant violation of the Charter of the League of Arab States and the Charter of the United Nations. We call on the international community and on the Security Council to condemn these attacks, to demand that Iraq immediately put an end to them, and to stress the need to respect Kuwait's security, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Moreover, these Iraqi attacks involve many important considerations.

First, the Iraqi Government is trying to drag Kuwait into the war and to compel it to participate in these operations. However, Kuwait will not be drawn in by desperate Iraqi attempts aimed at achieving such an objective.

Secondly, the missiles that Iraq is aiming against Kuwaiti civilian areas have a range that exceeds 150 kilometres. Some of these missiles have landed on residential areas in Al-Fuhayhil city in southern Kuwait, which is irrefutable proof that the Iraqi Government possesses proscribed missiles whose range exceeds that allowed by Security Council resolutions. That proves the invalidity of the Iraqi Government's earlier claims that it does not possess such missiles.

Thirdly, Kuwait reaffirms that its position on the ongoing military operations against Iraq is in conformity with relevant Security Council resolutions and with the legal obligations on Iraq that proceed from them. This fact has been totally flouted by the Iraqi Government. Security Council resolution 1441 (2002) also included a clear warning to Iraq that it would face grave consequences if it remained in breach of these decisions. Kuwait reiterates its unequivocal position, declared before the Security Council in previous meetings, that the Iraqi Government bears full responsibility for the grave consequences confronting it now.

All members of the international community have called on the Iraqi regime to try to avert reaching this stage, cognizant as they were of the decisions of international legitimacy, which authorize, according to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the adoption of all measures to ensure Iraq's observance of relevant Security Council resolutions and ending Iraq's defiance of those resolutions. Some brave and sincere initiatives have been submitted to the Iraqi leadership aimed at sparing the Iraqi people the suffering they are facing today, yet the leadership rejected all of them.

Fourthly, the images recently displayed by the media of coalition forces' prisoners of war (POWs) taken by Iraq, including the inhuman treatment of the POWs by parading them before the media, prompt us to again express to the Council our grave concern for the fate of the Kuwaiti prisoners and nationals of third countries who have been detained by Iraq since 1990. We call on the Security Council, the Secretary-General and the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) to intervene promptly with the Iraqi Government and to demand that it respect the principles of international humanitarian law, especially the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, and to disclose the fate of our prisoners as soon as possible, pursuant to relevant Security Council resolutions.

Fifthly, Kuwait calls on the Security Council to focus on the future situation of the entire population of Iraq and to attempt especially to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in Iraq and elaborate a speedy plan that ensures fulfilment of the humanitarian requirements of the Iraqi people and ensures their right to a decent life. In this regard, we support the proposals and other ideas submitted by the Secretary-General to the Council and presently under consideration, including amendment of the oil for food programme. Kuwait calls for granting the Secretary-General the necessary authority to lead this urgent humanitarian task.

Sixth, the Government of Kuwait has elaborated a comprehensive plan to extend all forms of humanitarian assistance to our brothers, the people of Iraq, directly and through the United Nations and its humanitarian agencies, as well as the other humanitarian organizations. Under these circumstances, Kuwait has established a centre to provide humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people. Kuwait has also provided financial assistance in the amount of $5 million to a number of humanitarian agencies, including the ICRC, the World Food Programme and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In the coming days, Kuwait will announce more contributions to finance the humanitarian activities of other agencies in Iraq in response to the appeal of the Secretary-General.

Seventh, Kuwait is keen to preserve the wealth and national resources of Iraq and to thwart the desperate attempts of the Iraqi regime to create an environmental catastrophe in the region. Kuwait has dispatched a specialized team from its oil ministry to Iraq to extinguish a number of oil wells that Iraqi forces intentionally ignited in the Rumailah oil field. Two days ago the Kuwaiti team successfully extinguished the fires in one well and currently is working to extinguish fires in other wells.

It is regrettable that the Iraqi Government destroys the potential and wealth of the Iraqi people rather than preserve and develop such resources. It is well known that the Iraqi regime has many precedents. Before withdrawing from Kuwait in 1991, Iraq burned more than 700 oil wells in Kuwait, causing an environmental catastrophe whose consequences Kuwait and other countries in the region still suffer from. It is also regrettable that the Iraqi authorities continue to plant mines in the waters of the Gulf to prevent the use by coalition forces of the harbour of Umm Qasr and to hinder the arrival of humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people in southern Iraq, rather than to facilitate such assistance.

There is no doubt that such practices confirm the conviction of the international community that the Government of Iraq is oblivious to the suffering of the Iraqi people and that its main purpose is to stay in power at any price.

As it confronts these momentous challenges in Iraq, either with regard to establishing peace and stability, or to fulfilling the now urgent humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people as they undergo their current predicament, the Security Council must overcome its divisions and unify its ranks. The Council must set as its objective the interests of the Iraqi people and all that is necessary to bring about their security, stability and development and to compensate for years of deprivation, torture and displacement. History will then credit the United Nations with its expected role in Iraq, as it acts in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.

The President

The next speaker is the representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

Mr. Own (Libya)

At the outset, I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for having promptly granted the request to hold this meeting to discuss a grave situation in which international peace and security are threatened because of aggression against the people of Iraq.

First, I express my respect and admiration for the resisting people of Iraq, who are fighting courageously in these critical moments of their history and the history of the Arab region. At a time when there would be repercussions in the Middle East, it is regrettable that the few and poorly armed people of Iraq would be targeted by powerful nations on an unprecedented scale, by air, ground and sea attacks and by advanced conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction.

There has been continuous daily bombing of cities, villages and the infrastructure of the Iraqi people, with many innocent civilian casualties. We see this on all television stations except those of the aggressor States, which are hiding what is going on and providing erroneous information, although they pretend to be defending freedom and democracy.

At the beginning of this aggression, which went outside the scope of international legality, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, as well as Security Council members, said that it was a sad day for the United Nations and the international community. Millions of people around the globe shared this feeling of disappointment. This war has frightened them and touched their souls. It is a sad day that the international community is experiencing. One of the major States of the United Nations has violated the collective spirit; collective legal efforts were abandoned. This Organization, established by our fathers and our grandfathers, has become marginalized, even though it has been the place to settle disputes through peaceful means. It is clear that substantial damage has been done to the United Nations and its institutions, and it will be in a difficult state for a long time.

The evil aggression that is being conducted by the United States and the United Kingdom, as well as a small number of other allied nations, against an independent and sovereign State that is a Member of the United Nations constitutes a flagrant violation of all laws and international norms. It is a blatant violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, and it disregards all the efforts of the institutions that are responsible for maintaining international peace and security, including this Council. The resolutions that have been adopted -- most recently resolution 1441 (2002) -- do not authorize the use of force against Iraq. Moreover, this was explicitly stated by the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom when the resolution was adopted. They stated that resolution 1441 (2002) did not stipulate automatic use of force and that they did not have hidden motives except the disarming of Iraq.

It became clear to everyone that the objective was not to disarm Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction, for this had already been realized and confirmed by the chiefs of the inspections teams in statements and in reports and, in particular, in the work programme. The two States declared that regime change in Iraq, establishing freedom and democracy and respect for human rights, was the main objective. So, we wonder whether it is legal to commit aggression against another State and to change its regime. How can freedom and democracy be carried out with missiles and bombings that destroy all civilian institutions and facilities in Iraq and cause hundreds of deaths, including women, children and the elderly? This aggression has torn and destroyed their bodies, their homes, their schools, their hospitals, their towns and their villages. Is this democracy? Is this the freedom we hoped for at the start of the twenty-first century?

Who are the great Powers on whom the international community has bestowed the right and responsibility to maintain peace and security and the right of veto? How can this privation and these killings be justified? How can we make sure that the rights to life, security, food, health services and water are respected? Is it reasonable to stop programmes that have been established by the international community to provide the Iraqis with their essential needs for survival? How can we justify stopping the oil for food programme without a decision by a legal body, the Security Council in this instance? Is it wise to conduct a war unequalled in scope and in destructive capacity? Is it reasonable to just provide humanitarian assistance to the victim and let it go at that? Should we not demand that this unjustified and destructive war be stopped immediately, since it is against international legality? Is it not just to demand the withdrawal of all forces from Iraqi territory and to compensate the Iraqi people for the destruction and killing?

The people of Iraq do not need the humanitarian assistance that is being requested by some of the coalition States that are trying to provide it from the wealth and resources of Iraq, although they have stopped the oil for food programme. The people of Iraq have refused to head off towards the camps that have been prepared in the border regions of their country. Iraqis who live outside their country are returning to their country to defend it. They are not living in the so-called freedom camps that the aggressor States thought they would fill with millions of refugees.

We see a clear connection between these evil designs against Iraq and the tragedy that is taking place in the Arab world, ignored by the aggressor States. I am talking about the killings perpetrated by the Zionist occupying forces in the occupied Palestinian territory. These are killings of an unarmed people by an occupying State that has highly sophisticated weapons that it uses against civilians. Dozens are dying daily and these so-called democratic States do not lift a finger. It is protected by the aggressor State, which uses the right to veto in the Council, therefore making it impossible to take any measures against Israel, including the implementation of resolutions, the withdrawal of occupying troops from the Palestinian territories, allowing the Palestinian people to exercise its right to self-determination and establish an independent State on its territory. It is ironic that the invading States are calling for the implementation of the Fourth Geneva Convention on prisoners of war in spite of the illegality of this war, even though these same States reject the implementation of the Convention on the Palestinians' territory. The right of veto has been used by these States within the Security Council to block the adoption of a resolution calling for the occupying Israeli State to follow the Fourth Geneva Convention and to protect the Palestinians from daily killings.

We point out that 11 Council members were opposed to military action; 116 Non-Aligned Movement countries and 57 countries from the Organization of the Islamic Conference were all opposed to the use of force, because it represented a threat to their States and to international peace and security.

My country, as the current President of the 119th session of the Council of Ministers of the Arab League, categorically states that we support our Council of Ministers resolution. We are asking the Security Council to condemn this aggression against the people of Iraq, to stop the aggression by all available means, to ask the invading countries to withdraw their troops immediately and unconditionally, outside of Iraq's international borders, and to confirm the sovereignty of Iraq, its political independence, its unity and territorial integrity.

The people of Iraq must be able to choose their future under their own sovereignty and in their own national interests, so that they can maintain their wealth without interference in their internal affairs in order that peace, security and stability can be restored in Iraq and all countries in the region.

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Costa Rica, the Czech Republic, Ethiopia, the Federated States of Micronesia, Saudi Arabia, Slovakia and Zimbabwe in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item of the Council's agenda. In accordance with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objections, it is so decided.

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received a letter dated 26 March 2003 from the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations, which will be issued as document S/2003/372 and which reads as follows:

"I have the honour to request that, in accordance with its previous practice, the Security Council invite the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations to participate in the meeting of the Security Council to be held today, Wednesday, 26 March 2003, on the situation between Iraq and Kuwait."

I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite the Permanent Observer of Palestine to participate in the current debate in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and the previous practice in this regard.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

The President

I should like to inform the Council that I have received a letter dated 26 March 2003 from the Permanent Representative of the Sudan to the United Nations, which reads as follows:

"In my capacity as Chairman of the Islamic Group, I have the honour to request that Ambassador Mokhtar Lamani, Permanent Observer of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to the United Nations, be allowed to participate in the debate in the Security Council on the item entitled 'The situation between Iraq and Kuwait', in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure."

That letter will be published as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/2003/371.

If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Council agrees to extend an invitation under rule 39 to His Excellency Mr. Mokhtar Lamani.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

I invite Mr. Lamani to take the seat reserved for him at the side of the Council Chamber.

Mr. Vassilakis (Greece)

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union. The acceding countries Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia, the associated countries Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey, and the European Free Trade Association country member of the European Economic Area Iceland declare that they align themselves with this statement.

With the beginning of the military conflict in Iraq, we are faced with a new situation. Our hope is that the conflict will end with the minimum loss of human life and suffering.

At the meeting of the European Council on 20 and 21 March, the European Union heads of State and Government addressed the common challenges we face.

The European Union is committed to the territorial integrity, sovereignty, political stability and full and effective disarmament of Iraq on all its territory, as well as to respect for the rights of the Iraqi people, including all persons belonging to minorities.

The European Union believes that the United Nations must continue to play a central role during and after the current crisis. The United Nations system has a unique capacity and practical experience in coordinating assistance in post-conflict States. The Security Council should give the United Nations a strong mandate for this mission.

We urgently need to address the major humanitarian needs that will arise from the conflict. The European Union is committed to be actively involved in this field, in accordance with established principles. We support efforts based on proposals by the Secretary-General to adapt the oil for food programme to changing circumstances so that it can continue to meet the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people.

We want to contribute effectively to conditions allowing all Iraqis to live in freedom, dignity and prosperity under a representative Government that will be at peace with its neighbours and will be an active member of the international community.

On the regional front, the European Union expresses solidarity with and stands ready to assist those countries that are faced with problems and risks as a result of the conflict, including possible refugee flows. The European Union will actively engage in supporting regional stability. We call on all countries of the region to refrain from actions that could lead to further instability. The countries of the region have also a particular responsibility to prevent acts of terrorism.

The European Union will continue to work actively towards the reinvigoration of the Middle East peace process through the immediate publication and implementation of the road map as endorsed by the Quartet.

We will deepen our dialogue and cooperation in all fields with the Arab and the Islamic worlds. We hope that it will soon be possible to use the considerable opportunities offered by the Barcelona process to good account.

We reiterate our commitment to the fundamental role of the United Nations in the international system and to the primary responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and stability.

We will continue to contribute to the further strengthening of the international coalition against terrorism. Finally, we will also intensify work for a comprehensive, coherent and effective multilateral policy of the international community to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Mr. Hidayat (Indonesia)

Indonesia has joined countries that have asked for the convening of the present meeting of the Security Council to address the current critical situation in Iraq.

Some seven days after the virtual abandonment of the multilateral path by the United States of America and its allies, Governments and peoples around the world have been witness to the immense and intolerable sufferings that have been inflicted on the people of Iraq. Our collective conscience demands that the aggression be immediately stopped.

For some weeks now we have been agonizing over the very future of the United Nations system, which has been sidelined by the wilful unilateral action of the powerful, and whose authority has been undermined. Our shared interest in a world order that respects equality among nations and the primacy of multilateralism, as reflected by the United Nations, demands that unilateralism be immediately checked. And during those same weeks, all of us have pondered the multidimensional consequences of the war for the Middle East region and beyond.

Our shared commitment to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war demands that the United Nations should not stand idle.

It is for these reasons that Indonesia has demanded the convening of the present meeting and commends the President of the Council for making it possible. The very fact that the Security Council is meeting today is a step in restoring its authority. Indeed, much more is at stake than the fate and the future of the nation of Iraq.

Indonesia has strongly deplored the unilateral action by the United States of America and its allies, who have decided to launch a military attack against Iraq in contravention of international law.

Like others, the Government and the people of Indonesia have been witnessing with profound sadness the humanitarian toll and intolerable suffering that have been inflicted on thousands of innocent and vulnerable civilians in Iraq. At this stage in the conflict, we are already witnessing with profound concern rising casualties among the combatants on the ground, which all of us fear will continue to grow as the military confrontation intensifies. As we meet today, we face the ever alarming prospect that the fighting will spiral out of control.

Even if the fighting were to end today, we would already have a grave humanitarian crisis on our hands. According to information in the hands of the United Nations in that respect, there are already 300,000 internally displaced people in the north of Iraq. Similarly, the United Nations Children's Fund reports that in Basra there is no electricity and that the water supply has been interrupted. This suffering is being inflicted on a people who have for many years now endured the hardships of sanctions.

However, in our justified concern to immediately and collectively address the grave humanitarian situation in Iraq, we should not lose sight of one important fact: the countries that have chosen the path of war in disregard of the once ongoing process within the Security Council bear a special responsibility to address the unfolding humanitarian suffering resulting from their action.

Beyond the humanitarian implications on the people of Iraq, the very territorial integrity and national sovereignty of that country have been put at great risk. The Government of Indonesia has consistently emphasized that any solution to the question of Iraq should respect the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of that country.

The international community should not lose focus of what has been, and continues to be, the central problem, namely, the issue of disarming Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. Security Council resolution 1441 (2002) provided a clear road map to effectively address that issue through the inspections regime. Indonesia has been steadfast in its principled position against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We have therefore consistently urged Iraq to comply with its obligations under that resolution. We were encouraged by the report given by Mr. Hans Blix and Mr. ElBaradei, namely, that the inspection process was making progress and should be continued. Hence, diplomacy, combined with judicious pressure, was yielding results.

We should not, and cannot, underestimate what is presently at stake. The fate of the people of Iraq is certainly at stake. The future of neighbouring regions and of those beyond -- politically, strategically and economically -- are most definitely at stake. Nor can we be oblivious to the potential environmental impact of the war. Ultimately, however, it is the very foundation of the United Nations system and its inherent principle of multilateralism that are being tested. Unilateralism, from whatever source, must be held in check.

The Security Council must, and must be seen, to be seized of an issue that is in fact preoccupying all of us, Governments and peoples alike. Its silence with no call for an immediate cessation of the aggression is deafening indeed. Indonesia hopes the Council will not fail to shoulder its Charter-mandated responsibility to maintain international peace and security. The Council must unite and join the clarion call emanating from many councils of nations, and being voiced by peoples the world over, to end the war.

The President

The next speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of South Africa, on whom I now call.

Mr. Kumalo (South Africa)

The moment we had feared has come to pass. Iraq is in the midst of a bitter war. Some States have come together to invade Iraq without the authorization of the United Nations. This unilateral resort to force is compounded by the fact that progress was being made in dealing with the disarmament of Iraq through inspections authorized by the Security Council.

We regret this war, as do millions of people around the world. We recall the position of the African Union and the Non-Aligned Movement that war is not a solution to the world's problems. We reaffirm the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, and believe that the people of Iraq must be allowed to determine their own future and freedom.

Now more than ever, the United Nations must play a central role in securing an end to the war. The United Nations is the primary institution that gives legality and legitimacy to our collective efforts to secure peace and security in the world. The fear is that despite optimistic expectations, this war may result in an unwanted occupation that will further complicate the achievement of peace and stability in the entire region.

The war in Iraq must not be allowed to lead to the erosion of the principles and values that are contained in the Charter of the United Nations. For more than 50 years, the international community has relied on the United Nations to address disputes and promote peace and security in the world. Imperfect as it may be, the United Nations is the principal institution governing the international political system, and endows legality and legitimacy on our actions.

It is for that reason that we agree with the Secretary-General that

"Perhaps if we had persevered a little longer, Iraq could yet have been disarmed peacefully, or -- if not -- the world could have taken action to solve this problem by a collective decision, endowing it with greater legitimacy, and, therefore, commanding wider support, than is the case now." (SG/SM/8644)

As a country that voluntarily disarmed itself of weapons of mass destruction, South Africa strongly believes in a world free of all weapons of mass destruction. Ideally, we believe that no State should possess such weapons. We therefore made every effort to ensure that Iraq fully implemented all relevant Security Council resolutions, including 1441 (2002). It is for this reason that we agreed with the weapons inspectors when they indicated that they needed more time -- "months not years", to quote Mr. Blix -- to assure the world that Iraq is free of weapons of mass destruction.

The tragedy of the war in Iraq is that it continues to produce civilian and military casualties. Although we may disagree on the need for this war, we cannot ignore its casualties. The Security Council has a role to play in ensuring that provisions are in place to assist with the delivery of humanitarian relief to the Iraqi people. We would wish to caution the Security Council from being drawn into drafting a resolution that would provide tacit or implied approval of the military operations that are under way in Iraq at this time.

The Security Council must pass a resolution on humanitarian assistance that upholds the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq and ensures that the natural resources of Iraq remain in the hands of the people of Iraq. South Africa believes that the open-ended and punitive sanctions that the people of Iraq have been forced to endure for more than 12 years must come to an end.

As an interim measure, the oil for food programme is important for the people of Iraq. According to the Secretary-General, 60 per cent of the 27 million citizens of Iraq depend on the programme for daily sustenance. We agree that this programme could be adjusted to ensure that the humanitarian goods that have been ordered by the Iraqi Government are delivered. It is also appropriate to prioritize the delivery of essential medicines and food from the existing contracts and to ensure that the most urgent needs of the Iraqi people are addressed.

The war in Iraq should not destroy the foundation of the rules-based system of collective security with which the United Nations and its Charter provide us. The founders of the United Nations sought to bring predictability to international governance. They envisaged a world order in which the lives of the innocent and weak would be protected, and not one that is premised on military might and the law of survival of the fittest. The United Nations is more relevant than ever in a world confronted by complex challenges. There are places all over the world where peace must be won. Iraq is no exception.

The President

I call on the representative of Cuba.

Mr. Rodríguez Parrilla (Cuba)

The aggression of the United States and the United Kingdom against Iraq deserves strong condemnation and should be stopped immediately. The Security Council should fulfil its primary responsibility in the restoration of the international peace and security that have been shattered by this act of aggression.

The United Nations, including the General Assembly, must exercise all the powers and functions entrusted by the Charter to guarantee peace, security and the political independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, Kuwait and all the States of the region; to protect the Iraqi people and re-establish the implementation of international law and international humanitarian law, particularly that of the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I; and to ensure respect for the human rights of the Iraqis, especially their right to life.

We all had hopes, but we all knew this would be the outcome. More than two thirds of the members of the Security Council and three of its permanent members tried for weeks to avert war, noted its potential consequences and offered diverse solutions inspired by two premises: that any unilateral attack would be a violation of the Charter and international law; and the necessity of the complete implementation by peaceful means of the relevant resolutions of the Council itself.

Nevertheless, the inspections were suspended when tangible progress was being achieved. We duly noted the risk that the scope of resolution 1441 (2002) would be manipulated or distorted and we were sceptical about the public assurances given then by those who later started the war.

In reality, Iraq had been sentenced long before. We know that Iraq neither offers nor is able to offer the slightest threat to the national security of the United States or its allies. Rigorous analysts have submitted evidence that the attack against Iraq had been planned even before the criminal terrorist act of 11 September against the twin towers.

President Fidel Castro has addressed the causes, pretexts and factors of the crisis and offered solutions, particularly in his speeches of 28 January; 14 and 25 February; 6 and 22 March. In Kuala Lumpur, our President stated:

"In his speech to the graduating cadets of West Point on 1 June 2002, the United States President stated: 'Our security will require transforming the military you will lead -- a military that must be ready to strike at a moment's notice in any dark corner of the world.'

"That statement was not made by the Government of a small and weak nation, but by the leader of the richest and mightiest military Power that has ever existed, the same that possesses thousands of nuclear weapons -- enough to obliterate the world population several times over -- and other fearful conventional military systems and weapons of mass destruction.

"That is what we are: 'Dark corners of the world'. That is the perception some have of the third world nations. Never before had anyone offered a better definition.

"The former colonies of Powers that divided the world among them and plundered it for centuries constitute today the group of underdeveloped countries. There is nothing like full independence, fair treatment on an equal footing or national security for any of us; none is a permanent member of the Security Council with a right of veto; none has any opportunity to be involved in the decisions of the international financial institutions; none can keep its best talents; none can protect itself from the flight of capital or the destruction of nature and the environment caused by the squandering, selfish and insatiable consumerism of the economically developed countries.

"After the last world carnage in the 1940s, we were promised a world of peace, the reduction of the gap between the rich and the poor and the assistance of the highly developed to the less developed countries. It was all a huge lie. An unsustainable and unbearable world order was imposed on us. The world is being driven down a dead end."

It is necessary to halt this course of events if we want to survive -- Europe and the developed and developing countries, without exception -- as sovereign and independent States; if we want to preserve peace and the collective security system that cost humankind 50 million deaths and hundreds of thousands of lives to the United States people; and if we want to defend the already precarious existence of the United Nations as a main element and symbol of multilateralism.

Cities are not "secured" but destroyed by bombs; precision-guided ammunitions do kill and mutilate civilians and traumatize millions of people terribly. All prisoners deserve humane and honourable treatment and are protected by the Geneva Conventions and the Additional Protocol I. International humanitarian law should be totally and universally implemented and respected.

The priority now is to stop the bombing of and aggression against Iraq. It is also a priority to protect and provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the civilian population, for which the United Nations and its Secretary-General have all the necessary powers.

Nevertheless, we cannot accept that the aggression and the occupation of territories should be legalized or endorsed under humanitarian pretexts, which would serve only to encourage war and would essentially distance us from the ceasefire and from those very humanitarian principles and objectives that have been declared.

The Security Council and the Secretary-General must be extremely careful in their mandates and responsibilities. Nothing should be done against the political independence and sovereignty of Iraq or its territorial integrity. The aim of the United Nations is now to achieve a ceasefire and to stop the aggression, not to speculate or to do anything under the pretext of being anticipators able to validate an eventual Anglo-American occupation Government in Iraq, or whatever it may be called; nor to invent in advance United Nations mechanisms on the ground or procedures to commit those who opposed war to undertake the costs of a distant and unpredictable reconstruction.

The main thing is to do the impossible to stop the death and destruction and to achieve the end of the war and the withdrawal of the invading forces from the occupied territories. Public opinion, that extraordinary and booming force, shall be severe in the judgement of our conduct.

The President

I call on the representative of New Zealand.

Mr. MacKay (New Zealand)

The New Zealand Government deeply regrets the breakdown of the diplomatic process and the hostilities that are now under way. While we acknowledge the endeavour to avoid civilian casualties, the loss of life on both sides is of deep concern. It is also essential that the Geneva Conventions be adhered to by all parties.

But our immediate focus now should be to the future. Our common objective must be to end hostilities as quickly as possible, so that the risks to the Iraqi people are minimized and so that their humanitarian needs can be met. Those involved in initiating the military action appear to have acknowledged their responsibilities in this respect in their planning. The broader international community needs to respond urgently to the United Nations call for humanitarian relief funds. New Zealand has already announced a contribution to relief agencies, and we are looking at other ways we can help as needs and means become clearer.

The Security Council must move to resolve practical issues relating to the oil for food programme in these circumstances. The programme needs to continue to operate effectively. The Secretary-General has made proposals for its continuing effectiveness, and the Council should work quickly to reach an agreement on this.

This has been an extremely divisive and difficult period for the Council. We want to see it now set aside those differences and focus on the welfare of the Iraqi people. There will be a challenging period of reconstruction in Iraq ahead. It will be in the longer-term interest of us all to see the United Nations itself fully engaged. The United Nations has the experience to contribute and to help define the international architecture for the delivery of humanitarian and reconstruction assistance. Member States will expect the Council to work cooperatively to facilitate United Nations involvement.

New Zealand will, of course, work with others in the United Nations to assist with this humanitarian and reconstruction response.

The President

I would like to inform the Council that the present meeting could continue until 9 p.m. unless the remaining speakers follow the example of the representative of New Zealand. I give the floor to the Permanent Representative of India.

Mr. Nambiar (India)

I shall try. This meeting will represent the first open debate in the Security Council on Iraq since the outbreak of hostilities on 20 March 2003. We thank you for providing the general membership of the United Nations with an opportunity to communicate their views on this most critical issue involving international peace and security.

The situation relating to Iraq has evolved rapidly over the past few weeks. India's position advocating a peaceful resolution of this issue has been consistent and is well known. The peace and prosperity of that region is as vital for India as for any other country, given our long-standing political, cultural and economic ties with the countries of the region.

India recognized the validity of the unanimous decision of Security Council resolution 1441 (2002), which provided for the disarmament of Iraq. The resolution also reaffirmed the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, Kuwait and the neighbouring States. Resolution 1441 (2002) provided a stringent regime of inspections designed to meet the international community's desire to disarm Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction.

We believe that securing Iraq's cooperation with the inspections process and its compliance with all relevant Security Council resolutions should have been the main focus of the Council's efforts. That, unfortunately, did not happen. As it is, we are now presented with a situation in which some members have decided to proceed unilaterally.

My country received reports of the commencement of military action in Iraq with the deepest of anguish. In the circumstances, we sincerely hope that the military campaign, which was unjustified and avoidable, will be short-lived. We strongly urge that all possible efforts be made to bring hostilities to an early end. We also call upon all parties involved in the war to meet their obligations towards civilians under international humanitarian law. We are concerned about the human lives involved -- Iraqi and others. We are also concerned about refugee flows. The international community should ensure that the sovereignty and integrity of Iraq are fully preserved, as should be its secular traditions. Sectarian and ethnic conflict should not be allowed to divide the country. The right of the people of Iraq to determine their political future and to exercise control over their natural resources should also be fully respected.

The Secretary-General has already drawn attention to the increasingly difficult plight of the 1.7 million residents of the city of Basra. We wish to support any effort designed to provide relief to the civilian population of this city and other parts of the country in need of urgent assistance. We also support the decision of the Secretary-General to hold a meeting of United Nations relief agencies today to coordinate humanitarian relief efforts in Iraq.

We have tried to follow the deliberations of the Council on the Secretary-General's proposal to provide humanitarian assistance to Iraq by adjusting the mechanism of the oil for food programme. We believe that approved contracts for supplies to Iraq under the oil for food programme would be the logical priority for delivering immediate assistance to the Iraqi people. The international community must quickly get involved in restoring peace in Iraq and in the eventual reconstruction of the country and in alleviating the plight of its long-suffering people. We urge the Council to display the required unity and collective will to be able to assist the Iraqi people in this endeavour.

India has already announced its willingness to fully participate in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Iraq and its people, which will inevitably be required as a result of the current conflict. Our long-standing friendship with the people of Iraq would demand nothing less of us; we would be happy to discharge our duty in sharing this burden.

One can have differences over the necessity of war, but one cannot have differences about the urgent need for restoring peace. War is sometimes waged unilaterally, but peace must be built together. We call upon all members of the Security Council and, indeed, all Members of the United Nations to remain resolute in their efforts to secure a lasting peace and a stable future for the people of Iraq.

The President

I now call on the representative of Poland.

Mr. Staczyk (Poland)

Poland fully aligns itself with the statement made on behalf of the European Union in the present debate. The importance of the item on today's agenda warrants, nevertheless, some additional remarks presenting our national perspective on the issue at hand.

Poland deeply regrets that Iraq has not abided by the provisions of resolution 1441 (2002) and has not voluntarily disarmed, which was a necessary precondition for a political solution to the crisis. Resolution 1441 (2002) provided Iraq with a final opportunity to fully comply with the will of the international community. It also contained a warning of grave consequences in case of non-compliance, based on Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter.

As we have repeatedly underscored since the adoption of resolution 1441 (2002), we had hoped until the last moment that the conflict would be solved by peaceful means and that military action would be undertaken only as a last resort.

The Government of Iraq has, however, decided to disregard the provisions of resolution 1441 (2002) in the same way as it has disregarded over the last 12 years the provisions of numerous resolutions adopted by the Security Council.

Iraq has not implemented its obligations with regard to disarmament, nor has it extended full cooperation to the inspectors of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Investigation Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency. It has failed to destroy its stocks of weapons of mass destruction, the existence of which was confirmed by the United Nations inspectors. By failing to abide by Security Council decisions, particularly those relating to weapons of mass destruction, the regime of Saddam Hussain constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Under those circumstances, the conclusion had to be reached that the peaceful means for the resolution of the Iraqi crisis have been exhausted and the use of force remained the only option. The exclusive responsibility for that state of affairs rests with the Iraqi leadership.

The intervention of the international coalition to force Iraq's implementation of relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolution 1441 (2002), adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter, is not directed against the Iraqi people. It has been undertaken for the sake of eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, which threaten international peace and security. Failure to take action for the effective disarmament of Saddam Hussein's regime would be a serious political and military mistake. It would be tantamount to tolerating breaches of the law and persistent disrega