Security Council meeting 3367

The President

Before the meeting is called to order, I wish to make two short announcements.

First, I draw attention to document S/1994/329, which members of the Council and other colleagues will recall relates to a decision it took on the distribution of the texts of statements. That decision was that the distribution of texts should take place outside the Council Chamber.

Secondly, because of urgent business that the Council may need to attend to in the course of the evening, we may have to suspend the debate briefly in about two hours' time. I wanted to give members of the Council and other colleagues notice of the possibility that at around 7 p.m. we may need to suspend the debate for a short time. It is the intention of the members of the Security Council to complete the debate and adopt a resolution this evening on the agenda item before us.

The President

I should like to inform the Security Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Egypt, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Jordan, Malaysia, Morocco, Norway, Poland, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Slovenia, Sweden, Tunisia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

The President

I have received a request dated 20 April 1994 from Ambassador Dragomir Djokic to address the Council. With the consent of the Council, I would propose to invite him to address the Council in the course of the discussion of the item before it.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

I should like to inform the Council that I have received a letter dated 21 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations, which reads as follows:

"On behalf of the members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, I have the honour to request that the Security Council extend an invitation to His Excellency Mr. Engin Ahmet Ansay, Ambassador, Permanent Observer of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to the United Nations, to address the Council under rule 39 of its provisional rules of procedure in the course of the Council's consideration of the item 'The situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina'."

That letter will be published as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/1994/482.

If I hear no objection, I shall take it that the Council agrees to extend an invitation under rule 39 to His Excellency Mr. Ansay.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

The President

The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda.

The Security Council is meeting in accordance with the understanding reached in its prior consultations.

Members of the Council have before them document S/1994/465, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by France, the Russian Federation, Spain and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

I should like to draw the attention of the members of the Council to the following other documents:

- S/1994/400, 404, 412, 426, 451, 456 and 467, letters dated 6, 7, 9, 13, 15, 17 and 19 April 1994, respectively, from the Permanent Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/407, letter dated 7 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General;

- S/1994/418 and 449, letters dated 12 and 15 April 1994, respectively, from the Chargé d'affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Yugoslavia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General;

- S/1994/443, letter dated 14 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General;

- S/1994/450, letter dated 15 April 1994 from the Deputy Permanent Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/453, letter dated 15 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of Turkey to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/457, letter dated 17 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General;

- S/1994/460, letter dated 18 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of Croatia to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/466, letter dated 18 April 1994 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/469, letter dated 18 April 1994 from the representatives of France, Spain and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council;

- S/1994/475, letter dated 20 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; and

- S/1994/478, letter dated 20 April 1994 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of Malaysia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General.

Members of the Council have also received photocopies of letters dated 21 April 1994 from the Permanent Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Nations and the Permanent Representative of Brunei Darussalam to the United Nations, both addressed to the President of the Security Council, which will be issued under the symbols S/1994/480 and S/1994/483 respectively.

The first speaker is the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on whom I now call.

Mr. Sacirbey (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

Let me first take this opportunity to commend and thank the French Ambassador, Ambassador Mérimée, for the manner in which he presided over the Security Council during the month of March. Let me also thank you, Sir, in the sincerest terms, for the steady and attentive fashion in which you have directed the work of the Council for this month. It has been an especially difficult month for all of us.

I should also like to take the opportunity briefly to inform the Council that we can now confirm the reports that there is house-to-house fighting in Gorazde. This fact may make our debate and words here either of greater urgency or irrelevant. The choice is, at least partly, ours.

Let me also apologize in advance to the Council for having to take early leave of this debate, as I have urgent business to attend to on this very matter. I will endeavour to review all the comments of the Council members and the other speakers.

While Gorazde has been turned into a slaughterhouse, and Bosnia and Herzegovina has become a graveyard, unfortunately this most noble of institutions has been usurped into a Chamber of false promises and rationalizations for inaction.

I hesitate to make such a statement, but in the end, it is you, Excellencies, who are responsible for the credibility of your words. On the other hand, I owe my best and honest efforts to my battered and betrayed Republic and the innocents that are now being massacred in Gorazde.

I will keep my comments short. Almost everything has already been said and repeated on several occasions.

We endorse the 18 April 1994 letter from the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). We welcome President Clinton's course of action with respect to NATO, and thank him for the initiative he outlined yesterday.

Finally, we endorse the draft resolution before us, although it falls short on several fronts.

Unfortunately, none of the steps I have mentioned address certain basic and most important considerations. First, this Council must act immediately to respond to the slaughter of innocents in Gorazde. Those who voted for the designation of Gorazde as a safe area cannot now avoid the moral, legal and practical burden that they bear for the lives of those 70,000 individuals. It is this designation and the Council's commitment to it, when resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993) were adopted, that was offered in lieu of our unabridged right to self-defence.

Secondly, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not a haphazard composite of safe areas or urban ghettos. The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina has a responsibility to defend all of its citizens as well as its sovereignty and territorial integrity as a whole. The Council cannot continue to impede our right to self-defence unless it accepts the responsibility in full. Otherwise, the next Gorazde will be in - God forbid - Maglaj, Brcko or some other non-safe area.

Will the Serbians be allowed to move their weapons from their besieging positions around Gorazde, as they did from around Sarajevo, to use the same weapons against some other unfortunate town and civilian population?

In addition, who will intercede on behalf of the Croats and Bosnians now being tortured, raped, "ethnically cleansed" or murdered in places like Banja Luka, Prijedor, Bijelina or Shipovo, all of which are under Serbian occupation?

Thirdly, the precedent of Gorazde has a direct impact on, and poses a danger to, the peace process in the Republic of Croatia as well as the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This issue must be addressed directly.

Finally, let me make one point abundantly clear: we are fully prepared to negotiate to end the hostilities and settle this war - that is, to take part in good faith negotiations.

Let me quote the principled and reflective words of the Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation, Mr. Vitaly Churkin, after his endless efforts and talks with the Serbian party:

"I have never heard as many lies as I have heard from the Serbians in the last 48 hours."

Mr. Churkin continued:

"We should stop any type of conversation with them. The time for conversation has ended. I do not feel any desire by the Serbian side to agree on the subject [of stopping the offensives]."

So-called talks have been used as a weapon to murder the innocents in Gorazde. I urge all members of the Council, for the sake of the dead, the dying, the maimed, the endangered of Gorazde, not to call for any more talks until they have taken the very necessary and obvious steps to restore good faith to any negotiating process and once again to make talks a tool of peace rather than a weapon of genocide.

Similarly, if some mean to usurp the negotiating process in order to ratify the fruits of Serbian aggression, to adopt the consequences of "ethnic cleansing", to compel the partition of our country and to betray the United Nations Charter, let them openly accept this responsibility and not avoid accountability by seeking the cover of our acquiescence under the duress of continuing genocide.

Promises in this sacred Chamber have been made to the Bosnians for the last two years. They were made in part in lieu of the Security Council's recognizing the Bosnians' right to self-defence. The accumulated debt of promises has grown beyond all measure of reason. More words are inadequate and constitute a counterfeit substitute for the necessary action.

We, the Bosnians, have had to pay a very heavy price for diplomatic words and unfulfilled promises. We say to the Council: "We do gratefully acknowledge the contributions of your young men and women, the brave and committed peacekeepers, pilots, human rights and humanitarian relief workers. This, however, does not relieve you of your obligation. To the contrary, it amplifies your responsibility, for now you also owe a debt to the courageous and forthright individuals, your own citizens, who now struggle and sacrifice, at their own risk, to overcome your initial failure to respond properly. They now suffer and die with us like our own brothers and sisters."

Let me read out verbatim the communiqué of the lonely four International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) personnel who have stayed behind in Gorazde while all others have abandoned it. They say:

"Since the night of 28-29 March 1994, the international community has been receiving reports about the war in Gorazde and its tragic consequences on the population of this UN-protected Muslim enclave.

"The international community and the parties in conflict are aware that:

"- Many civilians - (children, women and elderly) were and are being killed and injured by indiscriminate shelling and sniper fire in Gorazde town and in the villages of the former pocket.

"- A large number of villages have been and are being burnt and destroyed and their inhabitants killed or injured.

"- The Gorazde hospital, the local Red Cross and its refugee center as well as purely civilian areas have been and are being exposed to shelling and constant sniper fire.

"- Access is being denied to all medical and relief convoys.

"- Reunification of families separated for two years already is being denied.

"- Residential water supplies to Gorazde town have been cut for the last two years.

"- Evacuation of urgent medical cases has been refused.

"As this is not enough to put an end to the humanitarian tragedy in Gorazde, the four relief workers still active in the field will stop all communications with the outside world for 24 hours.

"May this silent protest honor all innocent victims of this war."

The communiqué is signed by "Pablo, Olivier, Daniel, Klaus".

I remind all that the necessary authority of the Security Council and NATO already exists to provide close air-to-ground support to protect these United Nations-mandated humanitarian workers - Pablo, Olivier, Daniel and Klaus. No new debates or authority are required.

The debt of promises and commitments to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to all those who provide humanitarian assistance has come due a long time ago, and we cannot afford to extend the time for delivery any longer.

The President

I thank the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the kind words he addressed to me.

The next speaker is the representative of Croatia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Nobilo (Croatia)

At first there were Vukovar and Dubrovnik, and after that there was Sarajevo, and after Sarajevo came Srebrenica, then Gorazde, a Maglaj or two in between; and, then again Sarajevo - and Gorazde again. This vicious circle of terror promoted by extremist Serb leaders - in the words of Vitaly Churkin, "obsessed with war" against their neighbours - must finally come to an end.

The international community has made many attempts to bring this tragedy to an end, but without much success. The horrors of "ethnic cleansing" continue unabated not only in Gorazde, but also in Banja Luka, Mrkonjic-Grad, Prijedor and elsewhere in Bosnia. Intensive attacks against the Usora region in the Posavina corridor have not let up since January.

After two years of unthinkable suffering, and with 150,000 innocent lives lost, the time has come to impose peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A credible threat of resolute force combined with equally assertive diplomatic efforts should finally bring peace to the impoverished people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The initiative presented yesterday by the President of the United States is a firm step in such a direction. Diplomacy may work with politicians, but only force will work with wayward generals and militant fanatics. My delegation therefore strongly supports President Clinton's call that the Sarajevo model of a clear ultimatum be extended to Gorazde and other safe areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

A North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) threat of wider, ultimatum-type air strikes could give a new opportunity for finding a political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without such a credible threat of force, no new negotiations will be possible. This will be true not only for Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also for Croatia.

NATO's lack of response to the Bosnian Serbs' aggressive acts against the community of civilized nations in Gorazde has made negotiations with them a mockery. They have agreed to a cease-fire in Gorazde just about every day in the last seven days without any genuine commitment to respect it.

Similarly, last week the Serb insurgents in Croatia decided to disregard the agreement on confidence-building-measures talks with my Government. Their leadership has now raised frivolous obstacles regarding the venue for the second round of the peace talks, stubbornly refusing to accept the implementation of the Security Council resolutions and the gradual reintegration of the United Nations protected areas into the legal system of the Republic of Croatia. Further, they have taken dangerous steps in violation of the 29 March cease-fire agreement.

The Security Council's lack of resolve to respect its own resolutions and to protect its own assets and personnel in Bosnia and Herzegovina has had a debilitating effect on the peace process in the region. The promising process that began in November with the European Union Action Plan and culminated with the Washington agreements of 18 March for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the 29 March cease-fire agreement for United Nations protected areas in Croatia is now in jeopardy.

While my Government will pursue all possible avenues so that those agreements are maintained, the international community will need to respond quickly with most decisive measures, which make it clear to the belligerent side that the agreements and the Security Council resolutions do in fact correctly represent the will of the international community.

The strengthening of the sanctions regime against Serbia and Montenegro, instead of promises that the sanctions regime might be revoked, is indeed a telling sign that the international community is willing to stand by its principles and its objectives in the region. My Government cannot emphasize enough the value of such a policy message.

Moreover, the conditions for the lifting of the sanctions regime must be firmly linked not only with the peace process in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also with implementation of the agreements and resolutions in Croatia, consistent with resolution 871 (1993).

Croatia is genuinely committed to continuing to play a constructive role in the peace process, and the Council must consider our forbearance with respect to the United Nations protected areas as well as our enormous contribution to the care of Bosnian refugees to date. But the patience of the Croatian people regarding reintegration of United Nations protected areas and our ability to care effectively for an increasing number of Bosnian refugees is limited.

In such circumstances, my delegation must insist on more vigorous engagement by the Council, lest, without decisive action now, the conflict spill over east and west of Gorazde. An even more detrimental consequence of inaction is the possible indefinite stifling of the negotiating process, which has been very successful recently.

The success of the Washington agreements for Bosnia and Herzegovina can best be confirmed on the ground. The battlefields in central Bosnia have become very quiet, and the Bosnian Muslim and Croat leaderships are working intensively to form a new government for the proposed federation. Progress in this regard will be significantly affected by the willingness of the international community to support the agreements it assisted in brokering.

The assistance of political leadership at the highest level was a major factor in the success of the Washington agreements. It is the view of my delegation that the Washington agreements would have come with much greater difficulty had it not been for the personal involvement of President Clinton.

That is why my delegation was very pleased to learn that a new major diplomatic initiative involving the highest political leadership of the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union may soon become a reality. We also hope that the leadership of the Organization of the Islamic Conference will be able to play a major role in this initiative. Their participation at this point in the negotiating process may be very constructive.

If the international community is not able to impose peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the resolute use of substantive force and assertive diplomatic progress, the Security Council will have to consider other ways to achieve the desired balance of power in the region, including the right of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia, under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, to defend themselves.

We must emphasize in this regard that the capacity to defend oneself does not increase violence. On the contrary, an increased capacity of self-defence creates a balance of power which decreases violence and promotes non-military solutions to conflicts. The fact that the cold war never turned "hot", and was eventually defused, attests to this.

My Government will continue to support any initiative that would impose peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina - which is indeed possible and justified - after two years of tragic bloodletting that has shamefully culminated in Gorazde today. However, my Government would support the use of the Sarajevo ultimatum model in the implementation of the Security Council's resolutions and the peace agreements for the occupied territories in Croatia. Similarly, my Government would seriously consider the extension of the exclusion zones for certain safe areas, such as Bihac and Tuzla, into the territory of the Republic of Croatia. The Bosnian safe area of Bihac, for instance, is being attacked by rebel Serb forces in the occupied territories in Croatia, while conversely, Zupanja, a Croatian town, is being shelled by the Bosnian Serb militia from the Tuzla region in Bosnia.

Heavier involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and new high-level leadership in the negotiating process can bring peace to the region, a peace which the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, but also of Serbia and Montenegro, finally deserve. Sixty-five thousand desperate citizens of Gorazde appeal to the Council today to recognize that their fate is in its hands. Millions of people around the world would plead likewise. The Council cannot disregard these calls for decisive action. There is too much at stake.

The President

The next speaker is the representative of Turkey. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Batu (Turkey)

It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of April. We are confident that, under your able guidance, the Council will successfully carry out its responsibilities. I would also like to pay a tribute to Ambassador Jean-Bernard Mérimée of France for the remarkable manner in which he conducted the work of the Council in March.

The Council has called this urgent meeting to consider the extremely grave situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With deep shock and indignation, we have been witnessing a new round of Serbian acts of carnage in the United Nations designated safe area of Gorazde. Unfortunately, Gorazde, which has become a new symbol of moral and humanitarian catastrophe, is at the mercy of the Serbian aggressors. The blatant violation of Security Council resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993) remains unchallenged. Gorazde is now not only a test case for the United Nations commitments in Bosnia and Herzegovina but also for the role it will play in shaping the future of the international system.

The latest Serbian aggression in Gorazde is part of a consistent pattern of "ethnic cleansing" and genocide committed by the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the last two years. The momentum created by the ultimatum of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) of 9 February and the Washington agreements of 1 and 18 March has been overtaken by the Serbian brutality in Gorazde. The Serbian aggressors have been allowed once again to pursue their defiance of international law.

Wrong signals sent to the Serbs set the grounds for the plight of Gorazde. Appeasement, which is nothing but partnership in wrongdoing, has encouraged the aggressors to intensify their attacks. They have succeeded in turning Gorazde into an open prison, a living hell for its defenceless residents waiting for their public execution under the supervision of the United Nations. Yesterday alone, the Serb aggressors massacred 44 people, most of them in the hospital, which was directly targeted by the Serbs. Today, the Serbian extremist forces besieging Gorazde continued their defiance of the international community by issuing an ultimatum and threatening to level the city to the ground. There are even alarming reports that the Serbian forces have today entered the city and that hand-to-hand fighting is going on in Gorazde at this very moment.

Threats against the Serbs have turned into failed bluffs. The prestige and moral authority of the United Nations are at their lowest ebb. The United Nations cannot even defend its own personnel. The concept of a United Nations designated safe area has become a joke. Bosnians are in a state of frustration and seem to have lost all their confidence in the international system.

On several occasions, we have voiced before this body our deep anguish over the inability of the Security Council to protect the Bosnians from genocide and to act effectively against the Serbian defiance. Along with many others, these appeals and the draft resolution before us would not have been necessary had the Security Council followed up its resolutions with strict and dedicated enforcement. It is precisely the lack of such decisive action that has sent wrong signals to the aggressors that they might push the imperiled Bosnian people into practical extinction. As long as the Serbian aggressor is allowed to continue to impose its ill-designed plans for a Greater Serbia through the use of force and "ethnic cleansing", there will be no incentive for credible negotiations. Hence, any viable peace process should be backed by sufficient force to make the Serbs realize that more war gives them more pain than gain.

This is only possible when the Government and people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are given the chance to acquire the means to exercise their right to self-defence. Indeed, nothing is more important for deterrence than letting the Bosnians defend themselves. The arms embargo adopted by Security Council resolution 713 (1991) is in clear contradiction of Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. I must underline once again that we would like to urge the Council to clarify the legal opinion that its resolution 713 (1991) does not and should not apply to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. While the Council has - in words if not in deeds - reaffirmed in all relevant resolutions the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and rejected the acquisition of territory through the use of force and the practice of "ethnic cleansing", it should no longer remain indifferent to the right of self-defence of a country whose very existence is at stake.

The concept of safe areas was based on the assumption that resolutions establishing them would effectively and immediately be implemented. Regrettably, we are still far from that. The safe areas are almost abandoned by the United Nations. In this context, I wish to emphasize that Security Council resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993) provide a clear legal framework for the use of all necessary means, including air strikes against the aggressors for the defence of all safe areas. What we lack is resolute action. It is in line with this reasoning that we welcome the letter sent by the Secretary-General to NATO on 18 April 1994 and the announcement of an action plan by the President of the United States yesterday as steps in the right direction. Yet, we would like to see concrete action. The Secretary-General will have our total support for the implementation of the air strikes. As a NATO member, we will spare no efforts in the NATO Council to ensure a positive reply to the letter of the Secretary-General.

As I explained to the Council two months ago, we are strongly in favour of a negotiated settlement. However, it should be just and viable. To this end, an atmosphere conducive to credible negotiations should first be created. In this respect, we welcomed and contributed to the peace momentum gained by the Washington agreements between the Bosnians and Croats. On 5 and 6 April 1994, the political directors of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Turkey held a meeting in Ankara on the basis of a permanent political consultation mechanism and confirmed their joint efforts for the maintenance of the momentum for peace in Bosnia. They also reiterated that the agreement concluded between the Bosnians and Bosnian Croats is aimed at preserving the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina with a multicultural, multireligious and multi-ethnic society and that it is open to the participation of the Bosnian Serbs.

The terrorist aggression against Gorazde underlines once again the urgency of bringing the perpetrators of crimes against humanity before the International Tribunal set up by Council resolution 827 (1993). We welcome the preambular paragraph of the draft resolution before us reaffirming this fact. But we need a quick prosecution process. Furthermore, we think that the diplomatic isolation and economic embargo imposed on the aggressor should be tightened. We were hoping to see in the draft resolution before us a reference to this end.

We should like to hope that this draft resolution will not remain empty words. The time has come for determination and action. We should stop supplying the Bosnians with unenforced resolutions and unsafe "safe areas". Instead, we should give them effective protection and means to defend themselves. The arms embargo, which is inherently illegal and invalid with respect to Bosnia, should be removed to increase the chances of a real peace process without any further delay.

We must set a final deadline for Serbian compliance with the Council's resolutions. We should act decisively to put an end to the bloodiest aggression and cruellest crimes against humanity in Europe in 50 years. There is no moral ground for remaining "neutral" and "impartial" between aggressors and their victims. The aggressors should bear in mind that we shall never give up actively supporting the brave people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their struggle for survival, justice and democracy.

The President

I thank the representative of Turkey for his kind words addressed to me and my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Tunisia. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Abdellah (Tunisia)

On behalf of my delegation, I should like first of all, Sir, to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of this body and to tell you how very much we appreciate the way in which you are discharging your responsibility. My congratulations also go to your predecessor, Ambassador Jean-Bernard Mérimée of France, who as last month's President displayed courage and tenacity.

It is with profound bitterness that my delegation takes part in today's meeting of the Security Council on the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, if we are not careful, will go down in the annals of modern history along with Munich. In this aggression, "ethnic cleansing", systematic murder and genocide are the macabre instruments chosen by the Serbs to achieve their ends, thus flouting the most basic rules of international and humanitarian law, in full view of and with the full knowledge of the entire international community.

The painful and repugnant images that reach us from that Republic, which is recognized by the United Nations as a sovereign and independent State, will for ever remain etched in the world's conscience if the international community does not now - immediately - resolutely take matters in hand.

Must we let the Serbs, backed by the power of Belgrade, annihilate before our impassive eyes an entire people, an entire culture, an entire history and an entire territory in order for us to realize at last that we have failed in our duty? Must we wait until the Serbs proceed to the final execution of their diabolical plan of annihilation before we finally understand the scope of the tragedy?

The credibility of the United Nations is today taking a beating from the irresponsible and bloody acts of the Serbs, who, in their mad rage continue, in the absence of a forceful reaction, making a mockery of our Organization. They have gone beyond all limits in violating Security Council resolutions, particularly those adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter. They have been deaf to all appeals, even those coming from their own friends. They have deceived United Nations negotiators, abused the good will of the Muslim side in Bosnia, kidnapped members of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and taken back and begun to use again the heavy weapons that had been confiscated from them. With almost total impunity they have openly declared war on the United Nations and on the forces of the Atlantic Alliance.

Today we are facing the certainty that the measures taken so far by the Organization have been in vain and that the solutions recommended have proved ineffective. The policy of appeasement has clearly not paid off.

We must see to it today that the Serbian gangrene does not spread, that it does not poison a world already afflicted by numerous hotbeds of tension.

We must act so that the Bosnian people, in danger of losing all their confidence in the United Nations, have the means to defend themselves. If we are incapable of playing our full role in the defence of that assailed Member State, does it not run counter to the very Charter of the United Nations, especially Article 51, if our Organization prevents the Bosnian people from defending themselves and preserving their sovereignty and territorial integrity?

The Serb war machine, having several times tested the limits of the United Nations apparatus, will surely not stop in Gorazde. That machine, which violated with impunity resolutions 781 (1992), 816 (1993), 819 (1993), 820 (1993), 824 (1993) and 836 (1993), will implacably advance towards other cities and regions declared protected areas and will return to Sarajevo, which is merely experiencing a lull.

My country has on several occasions condemned and denounced the Serbian aggression and the iniquitous acts committed against the Bosnian people, disarmed and held prisoner in their own territory. We have constantly exhorted the United Nations and the Security Council, as guarantor of international security, to take the necessary measures to put an end to this tragedy. We have denounced the plot against this young Republic and warned against its implications for all of Europe and the Mediterranean. Regrettably, however, despite the measures decreed and the extraordinary number of resolutions adopted by the Security Council, the situation worsens daily. This requires that the United Nations, especially the Security Council, immediately review its whole strategy, whose failure has become obvious.

The draft resolution before the Council today should, in our view, have indicated in the clearest and most direct manner the Council's determination to use any means to put an end to the systematic violation of its resolutions by the Serb side. In fact, it is a question of the Council's credibility.

Increasingly, questions are being raised about the applicability of the provisions of resolution 713 (1991), which imposed an arms embargo against the former Yugoslavia. In fact, given the limited mandate of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), the repeated incursions by Serb forces into safe areas, and the depredations they have carried out in Muslim areas, we are entitled to wonder whether the Security Council did not actually disarm the victims of aggression by confining them to these so-called safe areas, which have become veritable killing grounds.

Article 51 of the Charter stipulates that

"Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations".

In our view, this Chapter-VII provision permits resort to Article 42 of the same Chapter, since two years following the first Security Council resolution on this matter it is clear that the provisions of Article 41 - which have been the only ones invoked thus far - have not had the desired results. But if the Council is not ready in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina to follow the sequence of the various provisions of Chapter VII, it should redefine the applicability of resolution 713 (1991) with respect to imposing it on the Bosnian Muslim side.

With respect to safe areas, we are very pleased at the Council's interest in them and at the trend towards applying the Sarajevo model in the other five areas. But we want to stress that the Council must bolster their status through appropriate measures and, above all, prevent any deliberately twisted interpretation of this concept by the Serb forces. The fact is that the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not confined to a few zones defined by the Security Council; we are dealing with the single and indivisible territory of that State. To avoid rewarding the Serb war machine with other Bosnian towns, the Council must therefore explicitly declare the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be a safe area, and that any acquisition of any portion of that territory is null and void and will not be the subject of negotiations.

It is time for the Security Council to take the measures demanded by this situation, whose infernal evolution is overtaking both the pace and the content of its decisions. It must respond to the expectations of an entire people whose desperate pleas accuse the entire community of nations. The scope of the tragedy can justify no half-measures.

The Council must vigorously stress that the sovereignty of States is not a vague notion to be revised according to the whim and interests of certain parties.

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an integral part of the international community. We have agreed in the Charter to delegate a portion of our responsibilities with respect to the maintenance of international peace and security, but only on the understanding that under all circumstances the Council will be the instrument of legality and right.

The President

I thank the representative of Tunisia for the kind words he addressed to me and to my predecessor.

In accordance with the decision taken earlier in the meeting, I now invite Ambassador Dragomir Djokic to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Djokic (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

The international community, the United Nations and the Security Council have been exerting great efforts in the past two years with a view to resolving the crisis in the former Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite the enormous political and material resources which have been invested, the prevailing circumstances on the ground and the chances for a political resolution and the stabilization of the situation are still precarious. The fact that peace is still elusive in former Bosnia and Herzegovina is due primarily to the fact that the approach and the activities of the international community have been based on false premises and misconceptions concerning the nature and origin of the conflict and concerning ways to resolve it.

A civil, interethnic and religious war provoked by unconstitutional separatism and forceful secession has been treated as aggression by one indigenous and constituent nation of Bosnia and Herzegovina - the Bosnian Serbs - against the others. Instead of seeking a comprehensive solution which would take into account the vital interests of the three constituent peoples on the basis of equality, support and legitimacy have practically been given to one side only: the Bosnian Muslims. At the same time, only the Bosnian Serbs and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which is not a party to the conflict, have been confronted with harsh sanctions as well as with an unprecedented media campaign directed against the whole Serbian nation.

The situation on the ground is much too serious and complex for the Security Council to take decisions according to rhetorical outbursts and unsubstantiated and biased media reporting. If the Security Council is truly seeking to contribute to resolving this crisis it is imperative that the facts be separated from assessments based on political interests.

These, however, are the facts:

First, for almost a year, until the Washington agreement of 17 March 1994, the war in Bosnia was waged primarily between the Bosnian Croats and Muslims. Unfortunately, in past days we have been able to witness that the long announced spring offensive of the Bosnian Muslims against the Serbs has begun to materialize. That evidently indicates that the Muslims have continued to persist in the military option regarding the resolution of the civil war. They have taken advantage of the situation in the wake of the Washington agreement to regroup their forces and launch large-scale offensives throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the region of Gorazde in particular. Counting on the continued support of the international community, and particularly encouraged by the positions of certain important factors, they have rejected all proposals on a comprehensive cease-fire and cessation of hostilities.

Secondly, since the beginning of the conflict, it has been the Muslim side that has been opposed to a political agreement which would take into account the vital interests of the three parties to the conflict; it has been the Muslim side that has been trying to provoke foreign military intervention, whose aim would be to establish a unitary Bosnia and Herzegovina under Muslim domination. With this aim in mind, the Muslim side obstructed the negotiation process and rejected the plan of the European Union.

Peace was within reach on several occasions last year and this year, but it has always been spiked by the Muslims and their patrons, who were not interested in the restoration of peace. The Bosnian Muslim leadership flatly rejected the agreement reached in negotiations in which they themselves took part on the British aircraft carrier Invincible last September.

The agreement, containing a detailed set of arrangements on constitutional and military issues, regarded by the co-Chairmen of the Conference on the Former Yugoslavia as fair and reasonable, did not materialize because it was in the interest of the Bosnian Muslims to protract the war, and they were unfortunately supported by some influential international factors, including in the United States. The Bosnian Muslims were obviously determined to persist in the military option; this can be best illustrated by the fact that they constantly insisted on maximalist demands and demonstrated a total lack of readiness for a reasonable settlement.

Thirdly, instead of an agreement having been concluded and implemented, steps contrary to peace have been taken. One side to the conflict, the Bosnian Serbs, have been totally excluded from the negotiating process. The basic premise - negotiations on the basis of equality - has again been abandoned. All attention has been focused on a rapprochement between the Bosnian Croats and the Bosnian Muslims. The Bosnian Serbs, on the other hand, have been excluded and isolated from negotiations, and no serious effort has been made to determine the basis for their inclusion in the political process. The hesitation of the international community about putting pressure on the Bosnian Muslims - and they have been putting pressure all the time on the Bosnian Serb side - to join negotiations in good faith and provide their bottom-line demands, has contributed largely to the break-down of the negotiation process and the escalation of hostilities.

Fourthly, the newly created situation has further encouraged the Muslim side to fulfil its intentions and acquire a military advantage by launching fresh offensives against the Bosnian Serb forces on virtually all fronts throughout Bosnia. As is confirmed in the report of the Secretary-General, the Muslims abused the sanctuary of the safe areas

"as locations in which its troops can rest, train and equip themselves as well as fire on Serb positions ...".

Particularly in the region of Gorazde 8,000 combatants were additionally armed in violation of the existing arms embargo.

From the time of the establishment of a safe area around Gorazde, the Bosnian Serbs refrained from any military activity and withdrew their forces from the area. On the other hand, the Muslims took advantage of the presence of UNPROFOR in the safe area of Gorazde, and with its consent and tacit approval, used it to launch attacks against the Bosnian Serbs. The United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), though fully aware of the situation, did not prevent the Muslims from abusing the safe area.

In such circumstances the Bosnian Serbs had no other option but to defend themselves.

Fifthly, instead of deterring the Muslim forces from escalating the military activities, the United Nations and NATO not only tolerated this but even took part themselves in the military intervention against the Serb side by carrying out the aerial bombardment of the Serb positions near Gorazde. By military intervention against the Republic of Srpska and the Serb people, the United Nations and NATO have entered the civil war in the former Bosnia and Herzegovina, siding with the Muslims. By this decision, the United Nations has abandoned neutrality in dealing with the crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina; this constitutes a dangerous precedent for peace operations all over the world. In doing so, the United Nations discredited its reputation as a peace-keeper as well as its mediating role in the peace process in the former Yugoslavia. The pretext that military action has been carried out to protect the vaguely defined safe areas is neither convincing nor acceptable. In the interest of truthful presentation of the events around Gorazde, it has to be acknowledged that the real cause of the current escalation is primarily the failure of UNPROFOR to prevent the abuses by the Muslim side of the safe area for military action.

Before NATO air strikes on Bosnian Serb positions, the Serb side offered the Muslims an immediate and unconditional cessation of hostilities throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the Muslims wanted a partial cease-fire, namely in Gorazde, where their air offensive was facing a defeat and, at the same time, they wanted to have a free hand to continue the offensives against the Serbs elsewhere in Bosnia. Despite repeated proposals by the Bosnian Serbs for the comprehensive cessation of hostilities, the Muslims were vigorously attempting to improve their military standing and to portray themselves as victims so as to provoke a foreign military intervention.

There will not and there cannot be peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina if the pressure is put only on one side - the Serb side - demanding that only it make concessions whereas the Muslim side enjoys massive political and even military support to advance the military option.

The only solution to the Bosnian crisis should be a peaceful and negotiated outcome which takes into account legitimate interests of all three peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of full equality. To that end, it is of the utmost importance that the peace process be revived, with the full engagement of the parties concerned and the United Nations, the European Union, the Russian Federation and the United States.

Any taking of sides in the civil war bears with it the risk of a loss of credibility, and this is exactly what could happen to the United Nations. The policy of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is directed towards establishing peace and a political solution in the former Bosnia and Herzegovina. A political solution is not possible if one of the sides in the conflict is approached as an adversary. It is to be hoped that the lesson of Gorazde will be well studied and that appropriate conclusions may be reached.

Calls for the lifting of the arms embargo against the Bosnian Muslims and offensive air strikes against the Bosnian Serbs can only lead to a very dangerous and uncontrollable escalation of the conflict, with increased chances of its spreading to other regions. If this were to be accepted, the United Nations would become fully engaged on one side in the civil war.

Once again the Security Council finds itself at the crucial juncture. Either it can pursue the path of peace and work towards a negotiated settlement or it can opt for an escalation of the war with unforeseeable consequences. In this very dangerous and delicate phase, it is vital that the Council demonstrate wisdom and statesmanship as well as restraint. Any hasty measures might provoke an uncontrollable chain of events, which should certainly be avoided.

What is the most important in this moment is that the Security Council give full support to an urgent, unconditional cessation of all hostilities and that a comprehensive cease-fire be reached without prejudice to the final political solution, which can be arrived at only through negotiations on the basis of equality, and this implies also the lifting of sanctions. Instead of the policy of double standards, it is necessary for all international factors to take impartial stands.

Consistent with its principled and peaceful policy in solving the crisis in former Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is vitally interested in the easing of the present tensions and the attainment of an unconditional and urgent cessation of hostilities. To that end, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia will continue to render necessary support to all constructive efforts in finding a just political solution to the crisis.

In connection with some of the statements made during our debate this evening, my delegation would like to make the following comments:

We categorically reject the untrue and malicious qualifications and unsubstantiated allegations that have been expressed by certain delegations during this debate. The situation in Bosnia is far too serious for this Council to be manipulated for the satisfaction of domestic political propaganda. Those delegations that have chosen to advance uncorroborated allegations have by their biased position shown their true intentions, which are not directed towards reaching a just and lasting peaceful solution.

On the contrary, such outbursts against and vilification of the whole Serbian people are designed to incite a foreign military intervention and align the United Nations on the side of one party in the civil war. By constantly fuelling the hopes of lifting the arms embargo, of air strikes and even of full-scale intervention, these delegations are not contributing to ending the ethnic and civil war, but are, on the contrary, generating a further escalation of the flames of war.

Peace in Bosnia cannot be achieved through military means or by threatening and punishing one side with air strikes while encouraging the other side to continue with its provocations. The only possible solution was, still is and must be a political and negotiated one.

The President

The next speaker is the representative of Greece. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Vassilakis (Greece)

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union.

At the outset, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. I have no doubt that your wealth of diplomatic experience and diplomatic skills will be of invaluable assistance in conducting the affairs of the Council. I also wish to congratulate the Permanent Representative of France, Ambassador Jean-Bernard Mérimée, on the highly efficient and professional manner in which he conducted the work of the Council during the month of March.

The European Union is appalled at the ongoing hostilities in and around Gorazde, as well as in other areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which have resulted in the death of numerous civilians and tremendous human suffering. We are particularly concerned at the consequences of this situation on the negotiation process aimed at an overall political settlement.

The European Union strongly condemns the continuing Bosnian Serb attacks against the civilian population, humanitarian relief workers and United Nations personnel, in blatant violation of international humanitarian law and all relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for an immediate, effective and unconditional cease-fire in and around Gorazde, the deployment of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and the pullback of Bosnian Serb forces which threaten the security of this safe area. The Bosnian Serb party must realize that its failure to uphold its commitments is not acceptable and has considerably undermined its credibility to negotiate in good faith.

The European Union condemns the harassment and the detention of UNPROFOR personnel by the Bosnian Serb forces. It calls for the immediate release of all United Nations personnel currently held, and for unrestricted freedom of movement in the performance of their mandate. Furthermore, the European Union also calls on all parties, and in particular on the Bosnian Serbs, to allow the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance throughout Bosnia, especially to Gorazde.

The European Union demands that the Bosnian Serbs honour their word and obligations, and cease forthwith all hostilities. The European Union calls on all the parties, and in particular the Bosnian Serbs, to exercise maximum restraint. The effective implementation of a cease-fire agreement in and around Gorazde is the first essential step. This should be followed quickly by a general cease-fire throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, which would be a prelude to a political settlement involving the whole of Bosnia.

The European Union expresses its full support for the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and UNPROFOR commanders and confirms its support for Atlantic Alliance forces in their underpinning of United Nations action.

The European Union also calls for an intensified diplomatic effort by the international community, involving the United Nations, the European Union, the United States and Russia, to ensure the convergence of their initiatives. It is imperative that the parties engage, as soon as possible and in good faith, in negotiations based on the European Union plan and taking into account the Washington accords and the talks on the Krajinas. In this connection, the European Union continues to give full support to the role and the efforts of the two Co-Chairmen.

Finally, we would wish to pay tribute once again to the committed work of the men and women of UNPROFOR, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian agencies, including many European Union citizens, who continue their humanitarian mission despite the appalling and unacceptable difficulties that they face on the ground.

The President

I thank the representative of Greece for his kind words addressed to me and my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Egypt. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Elaraby (Egypt)

Allow me at the outset, Sir, to express our thanks to you for the sincere efforts that you have been making during your presidency of the Council. Undoubtedly, your wisdom and your leadership qualities will lead to positive results in dealing with the important international crises before the Council. Allow me also to express our thanks to Ambassador Mérimée, the Permanent Representative of France, for the efforts he made during his presidency of the Council last month.

Today, once again, the Security Council is considering a blatant act of aggression that has grave repercussions on international peace and security. The situation is deteriorating with alarming speed, so much so that the statement prepared by the delegation of Egypt for today's debate may have been overtaken by events.

The deterioration of the situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been epitomized by the plight of the city of Gorazde, a city which had been declared a safe area by the Security Council. That city has been and continues to be subjected to the fiercest forms of savage attacks by the Serbian forces, which practise the most heinous violence against civilians and even against hospitals.

The personnel of UNPROFOR have been targeted for attack. All this is taking place, and the world stands unable to put an end to this human tragedy. The United Nations stands unable to provide protection for the "safe areas", which are theoretically supposed to be under the protection of the United Nations, in accordance with Security Council resolutions.

How can anybody remain silent or lax in the face of the continued Serbian attacks when the civilian population is being subjected to killing, expulsion and displacement under heinous, racist pretexts such as "ethnic cleansing", which constitutes a crime of genocide - all this for the realization of expansionist dreams and territorial ambitions whose aim is the establishment of a so-called "greater Serbia"? To stand silent against territorial expansion and aggression could be the beginning of the end of the international order as we know it today.

The United Nations Charter and the principles of international law provide the basis for the international community, to use all the means at its disposal resolutely to confront such illegitimate, illegal positions, ensure that all parties comply with international norms of behaviour, stand up to aggression, render justice to the victims and restore the territories seized by force to their legitimate owners.

The Council is called upon to discharge its responsibility and to correct this situation. The United Nations must take these measures in full cooperation with the lawful Government of the State which has fallen victim to this aggression - the Government which had been established when this State was admitted to membership of this international Organization.

Despite the continued call of the international community for resolute action in the face of this tragedy, the Security Council has followed another approach to maintaining what little remains of the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Pursuant to resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter, the Council declared six areas as "safe areas", to which the United Nations committed itself to providing protection and security. The Council also adopted various resolutions, including resolution 824 (1993) and 836 (1993), which mandated the use of all means, including military power, to provide protection for those areas.

Nevertheless, the world is witnessing today an unprecedented development: the Serbs are riding roughshod over the resolutions of the Security Council. They are disregarding all the rules of international legitimacy. They are violating the "safe areas". The deterioration reached its peak with the storming by Serbian forces of the city of Gorazde, which constitutes a blatant challenge to the United Nations.

Faced with this deteriorating situation, the United Nations is losing its credibility and has but two alternatives: either to invoke the collective security measures under the Charter to end the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and force the aggressors to withdraw, or to lift the arms embargo against the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The delegation of Egypt repeatedly alerted the Council to the grave repercussions and consequences of a failure to take decisive measures to deal with this deteriorating situation. Today, my delegation reaffirms this position and calls upon the Council to take immediate measures to put an end to this untenable tragedy - notably the following:

First, the use of the collective security measures under the Charter to force the Serbs to evacuate the territory they have seized by force;

Secondly, approval of the call for the Secretary-General to deal immediately with the deteriorating situation in Gorazde so that NATO, as a regional organization under Chapter VIII of the Charter, would be mandated to carry out the necessary military actions - including air strikes on the military positions and arms depots of the Serbs as well as on supply and logistical lines - in order to end the siege of Gorazde and to force Serbian forces to withdraw therefrom.

The Council must support the right of the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to exercise its inherent right to self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter. It must also lift the arms embargo immediately, since the very existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina is being put to the test.

As my delegation has cautioned, half-solutions will not solve the problem or mitigate the tragedy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. What is called for now, and urgently, is the adoption of measures that will ensure the implementation of and respect for resolutions already adopted by the Council - resolutions designed to maintain the independence and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The draft resolution before the Council today falls short of dealing with the true problem, in that it deals with the question of a cease-fire without discriminating between the aggressors and the victims of aggression. Neither does it contain appropriate measures to end the siege of Gorazde or to force the aggressors to withdraw therefrom.

Although the draft resolution does deal with the important question of the security of UNPROFOR personnel, it nevertheless ignores one basic element: how to ensure the safety of the "safe areas" whose protection is called for. In my delegation's view, the draft resolution should have been so worded as to deal effectively with the real crisis - not simply some of its symptoms.

The time for talk has passed. It is time for action.

The President

I thank the representative of Egypt for the kind words he addressed to me and to my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Morocco. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Snoussi (Morocco)

It is an honour for me to offer you, Sir, my sincere congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for April. Your wisdom and far-sightedness, with which we are all very familiar, will certainly allow you to take on the delicate task of guiding the Council's work in these difficult times.

I also wish to commend the effective and resourceful manner in which the Ambassador of France conducted the Council's business last month.

We are meeting once again to deplore the tragedy of Gorazde and to add that city to the long list of martyred cities. Sarajevo gave rise to a glimmer of hope, but, sadly, that hope has died with Gorazde. We no longer even need to watch television to know that the Bosnian Serbs are relentlessly pursuing their dirty work. We no longer need to read the newspapers to know that they are not content to win, but that they wish to sweep everything away and impose their own rules of the game and their own rules of partition.

All the resolutions adopted by the Security Council have been trampled underfoot in the most barbaric manner. In attacking Gorazde, the Bosnian Serbs and the Serbs have sought to demonstrate that they can with impunity achieve their dreams and ambitions.

Gorazde the safe area, Gorazde the zone of peace, has been violated, sacked and destroyed in an ultimate gesture of humiliation and defiance. But the defiance of the Security Council is really defiance of the international community as a whole. We must ask ourselves whether the latest chapter in this horror story will finally convince us that we made a mistake in preventing the Bosnians from defending themselves, because we ourselves were incapable of defending them.

The Serbs and the Bosnian Serbs have apparently, in a diabolical fashion, learned to recognize our limits and weaknesses and they have taken advantage of all our hesitations and disagreements. And yet Sarajevo could have taught us a lesson, because it is now very clear that only force can compel the belligerents to stop their warmongering and destruction.

Yesterday, a French newspaper wrote: "The United Nations is dead". Certainly, everything would seem to point that way. But are we to give up and allow this monstrous idea to take root because a group of men far away, inspired by a barbaric ideology, wish to discredit and demolish everything we have built so patiently since 1945? Are we to allow the dream of a few bloodthirsty leaders to come true? Are we to bury for ever the hope still entertained by the poor residents of Gorazde, who are expecting a miracle?

We are in a position to bring about that miracle, but only if we wake up soon - this evening or tomorrow - sound the alarm and have our muezzins cry: "Stop this massacre". The latest massacre has begun, because, as the Council knows, the Serbs are in the streets of Gorazde. We sincerely appealed earlier for the Sarajevo ultimatum to cover other areas, because we already feared then what has now happened. What are we waiting for?

It is true that the prestige of the United Nations is at stake. It is true that the future of the United Nations is in jeopardy. But cannot we at least allow these poor people, these innocent victims, to defend themselves, to have equality in weapons, until we can do something to save them?

The world knows exactly what must be done. Let us do it. Let us wait no longer. The draft resolution on which the Council is about to vote contains elements for the salvation of Gorazde and other cities. But is it not too late, at least for Gorazde? Will this not be merely the umpteenth resolution to be neither respected nor observed by people who have neither faith nor law, whose only rules are mass murder, "ethnic cleansing", rape and intolerance?

I wish to add a few words, because a short time ago we were horrified to hear a dizzying, picturesque depiction - the only one of its kind - of the situation in Bosnia. We heard the very original theory that everything now happening in Bosnia is being done solely by the Muslims, wishing to establish Muslim supremacy and daring to refuse to agree to eliminate Bosnia and Herzegovina. They are the only ones to blame, apparently.

Like me, Mr. President, you heard the United Nations condemned for managing once - just once - to prevent Sarajevo from becoming Serb as well. You, too, heard that all the Bosnians dying every day by the thousands are guilty because they do not wish to die or to abandon fast enough the territory they occupy - that is their land, their homeland. What a pity it is that people no longer die of shame!

The President

I thank the representative of Morocco for his kind words addressed to me and my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Hungary. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Erdös (Hungary)

The trap awaiting the international community in the debate on the former Yugoslavia is in the sense of the banality of evil, a sense which is liable to take root in our hearts and minds and inure us to the tragic panorama before us in several parts of the former federation, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One wonders whether our collective conscience is still able to register and absorb the succession of horrors that relentlessly ravage this land of many ethnicities, many cultures and many faiths.

We therefore run the risk of resigning ourselves to this spectacle of aggression, massacre, "ethnic cleansing", concentration camps, merciless sieges of towns and villages, atrocities committed against civilian populations, the exodus of refugees and the destruction of a priceless cultural and religious heritage. We are also at risk of accepting as inevitable what is in effect an antibody that has set about destroying human society from within, the devastating impact of which could have been forestalled if the international community, the regional institutions and individual Governments had managed to act in time with the necessary determination and commitment.

The very latest convulsion in this explosive chain of events is the situation in Gorazde, which defies all rational analysis. In this United Nations safe area we have faced many challenges which, if they were to go unanswered, would be likely to plunge the United Nations and the other international organizations concerned into paralysis, inconsistency and ignominy. In an affront to the entire international community, the Bosnian Serb forces are continuing to attack Gorazde relentlessly, preventing the personnel of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) from fulfilling their mandate under the relevant Security Council resolutions, continuing blindly to pound civilian targets, seizing UNPROFOR soldiers as hostages and aiming at them deliberately and fatally wounding them. They also fire upon aircraft carrying out the United Nations mandate and have even shot one down. There is no explanation or any possible justification for these acts of madness. We therefore welcome the letter which the Secretary-General recently sent to the Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) with a view to finding a way to end the situation that has developed within and around the city of Gorazde.

We should like to make it clear that when the cannons are silenced and the difficult work of implementing settlement agreements is begun, those who provoked such situations, who ordered or committed atrocities and acts that run counter to all the civilized international norms of behaviour, will have to be held individually accountable for their actions, actions which have caused - and continue to cause - immeasurable harm to relations between States, nations, communities, individuals and, I might add, to the building of Europe.

In this context we note with satisfaction that the draft resolution before the council leaves no doubt as to which side bears the responsibility for what has come to pass in the Gorazde region. We note also that the Gorazde phenomenon is far from being an isolated or unusual one. We cannot but see that the history of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina is replete with identical or similar events, with scenes that have become all too familiar in various parts of that Republic throughout the crisis.

We consider most positive the draft resolution's reaffirmation of the Security Council's responsibility with regard to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its noting that the situation there is a threat to international peace and security. The least one could say is that it would be a fatal error to remain indifferent in the face of the high stakes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where, basically, mythical, aggressive and obscurantist nationalism is pitted against the spirit of openness, tolerance and human solidarity.

We call for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Gorazde and throughout the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina because, without question, our top priority must be to stop the bloodshed. At the same time, a cease-fire arrangement must not prejudge the parameters for a final political settlement; nor must it freeze in place situations born of violence, in spite of the decisions taken by the international community and the injunctions of authorities and personalities participating in the talks on the crisis in the former Yugoslavia.

Hungary continues to support the diplomatic efforts aimed at bringing about a political settlement of the crisis. Given this context, the relevant consultations now being stepped up should also take into account the interests and positions of the countries of the region. In the context of efforts now under way to find the most appropriate means of putting an end to the situation in Gorazde and throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, one recalls, quite naturally, the issue of the sanctions regime implemented against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), because this approach amounts to an important tool in the United Nations arsenal for promoting a settlement of the conflict in former Yugoslavia.

As a neighbouring country on the Danube, Hungary has suffered considerable damages and losses over the last two years as a result of these sanctions. However, it is quite clear that in the current grave circumstances, the political conditions that might make possible the relaxation and ultimate elimination of the sanctions have not yet been met.

We therefore express the hope that when this draft resolution has been adopted, it and the various major initiatives and political contacts in process will be capable of restoring momentum to the peace process and bringing us nearer the end of this dreadful conflict, which, without doubt, will remain one of the darkest pages in the history of our times.

The President

I thank the representative of Hungary for his kind words addressed to me and to my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Afghanistan. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Farhadi (Afghanistan)

I should like first to express my congratulations to you on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. Your great skill, which is beyond question, will serve you well in conducting the work of the Council. I should also like to congratulate Ambassador Mérimée, Permanent Representative of France, on his outstanding guidance of the Council's work during the month of March.

Once again the Security Council, the United Nations and the international community are, tragically, faced with a fait accompli; and once again it is the Bosnian Serbs showing them utter defiance and inflicting historic humiliation on them. We are entitled to be gravely concerned at the fact that increasingly disturbing armed hostilities and aggression continue to be directed against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that the relevant Security Council resolutions remain a dead letter, trampled underfoot.

The United Nations is becoming a tool in the hands of its adversaries. The United Nations Force Commander in Bosnia, General Sir Michael Rose, has clearly accused the Serb forces of having openly used the operations of the United Nations contingents to cover up their offensive and of ignoring all the assurances that they themselves had given to the international mediators.

Although the situation in Gorazde at this time is unclear, and while the news that reaches us is disturbing, it is important to reaffirm that the consequences of the siege or of the partial or total occupation of Gorazde must not be accepted by the Security Council. It is also important to reaffirm that the Bosnian Serbs must absolutely desist at the earliest possible moment, which obviously requires a resolute attitude on the part of the Security Council and further initiatives.

We are now informed that activities are under way to hold a high-level meeting, perhaps even a summit. What worries us is that those preparations will clearly take time. The danger is that in the meantime there could be other massacres and more bloodshed. Hence, it is necessary that preparatory work be done not only for such a meeting but also to see to it that the situation will be such that, at the time of the meeting, we need not renegotiate points regarding dangers that are not present today but that, by that time, might be a fait accompli.

The Security Council must shoulder its responsibilities under Article 24 of the Charter. It must take all action necessary to protect and fully restore the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It must demand that the Bosnian Serbs withdraw from all occupied territories.

Gorazde is a city under siege. It is important for the Bosnian Serbs to lift that siege immediately, along with the siege of other safe areas and other besieged Bosnian cities. It must instruct the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) to take urgent, necessary action to protect the safe areas in conformity with Security Council resolutions on the subject.

The Sarajevo exclusionary zone must be extended to other safe areas. The situation in Gorazde is a special one. Any international action against the aggressor must be recognized as effective from the standpoint of the victims. It is vital for the Security Council to force the Bosnian Serbs to remove all heavy weapons and forces from the safe areas, and to withdraw to a distance at which they will no longer pose a threat to the security of those areas. The inhabitants should be guarded by United Nations military observers.

Alas, we all know that the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been deliberately deprived of any way to defend itself. The great majority of the world's nations once again urge the Security Council urgently to consider no longer applying to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina the arms embargo imposed on the former Yugoslavia in resolution 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991. The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is a sovereign, independent State Member of the United Nations and is therefore entitled to all the rights set out in the Charter of the United Nations, including the right of self-defence under Article 51.

So long as the arms embargo continues unjustly, illegally and dangerously against Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serb aggressors' policy of "ethnic cleansing" too will continue. The worst aggressors are those who attack civilians, even in their hospital beds, even those who are without weapons with which to defend themselves. To continue the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina is to be an accomplice of the aggressors.

My delegation, here and in the General Assembly, has repeatedly stated that resolution 713 (1991) should not apply to Bosnia and Herzegovina; our position is perfectly clear, and those who desire details of that position can find them in the verbatim record of the 3201st meeting of the Security Council, held on 19 April 1993.

Both Members of the United Nations and other members of the international community should offer all possible cooperation to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the exercise of its inherent right to individual and collective self-defence as set out in Chapter VII, Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. The General Assembly endorsed that view last December.

The consequences of this tragedy are disastrous not only for Bosnia, but for the Balkans and for the whole of Europe. No group that practices ethnic or any other kind of "cleansing" can ever serve a democratic Europe. There can be no assurances of stability in a Europe where ultranationalism triumphs in any of its regions. That is the lesson of history.

If a high-level meeting is to take place, it must be understood that flagrant aggression has taken place in Bosnia. To treat the parties to the conflict as two morally equal parties would be tantamount to equating justice with injustice. On the one hand, there are the Bosnian Serbs, led by ultranationalists who believe aggression, the expulsion of civilians and "ethnic cleansing" to be perfectly natural behaviour; on the other hand, there is the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian people, victims of that "ethnic cleansing", which has been recognized by international legal forums as genocide. That must be taken into account whenever we talk of a negotiated settlement, with the representatives of the victims sitting down at the same table as the perpetrators of genocide.

Repeatedly, the Bosnian Serbs and their protectors in Belgrade have shown that they have no wish to keep their own promises. It is therefore important that any summit conference should concern itself not only with present peace, but with ensuring that peace is backed with official guarantees, through international instruments if necessary, and that commitments agreed by all parties will be complied with. A summit conference must recognize and guarantee the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina; otherwise, there can never be a guaranteed peace. Therefore, the Bosnian lands occupied by the Bosnian Serbs must be returned to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

I think that we should be seriously alarmed if things continue in this way, if systematic acts of violence continue to be committed against the Albanians, the Bosnians, the Hungarians and the Croats, and still others are committed in Kosovo, in Sandjak, in Vojvodina by the Serb authorities. The Serb ultra-nationalists think they can do anything they want to do. Today it is Gorazde, tomorrow it will be other safe areas, and the day after tomorrow it will be the non-Serb minorities in the rest of former Yugoslavia.

If a high-level conference is to be held, the representatives of the United States, France and the United Kingdom must be fully aware that their countries, like Italy and Japan, signed the Treaty of Saint-German-en-Laye on 10 September 1919. It was also signed by the ex-Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The countries of former Yugoslavia are its legal heirs. The 1919 Treaty of Saint-German-en-Laye is still valid. It guarantees all rights to the minorities of Kosovo, Sandjak, and Vojvodina and to the Catholics, the Muslims, the Albanians, the Croats, the Hungarians and others.

The Serb ultra-nationalists of Bosnia and Serbia are sure that they have nothing to fear, that they will not have to pay for any atrocities or destruction they carry out in Bosnia. My delegation once again puts forward the idea - and this will be my conclusion - of establishing a committee to study the question of war damages. This study should be the basis of an estimate of the reparations that should be paid by the Serbs and by Belgrade. That would be an essential factor in leading the aggressor to think about having to pay, before shooting and killing.

The President

I thank the representative of Afghanistan for his kind words addressed to me and my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Senegal. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Cissé (Senegal)

I should like, first, to congratulate you, Sir, on your accession to the presidency of the Security Council and to thank you, on behalf of my delegation, for the efforts you have been making in guiding the work of the Security Council in April.

I wish also to congratulate your predecessor, Ambassador Jean-Bernard Mérimée, on the great competence with which he led the Council's work last month.

The signing of the framework agreement in Washington and the adoption by the Security Council of resolution 900 (1994) gave us some hope that finally a peaceful, negotiated solution was at hand in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that the international community's reaction to the massacre at the Sarajevo market-place would mark a decisive turning-point in this aggression against a Member State of our Organization.

We are compelled to note today that the withdrawal from Sarajevo was, in the eyes of the aggressor, only a diversionary manoeuvre aimed at letting the storm pass and then continuing to carry out the Machiavellian plan conceived in Belgrade, the aim of which is quite clearly to call into question, by "ethnic cleansing" and genocide, the existence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent and sovereign entity.

The tragedy which, to our great regret, besets Gorazde today is the extension of a long series of acts of military aggression which, during March and April, in Srebrenica, Maglaj, Banja Luka, Prijedor and Saravejo itself, convinced the Serbs of the international community's inertia and that they could carry out their actions with impunity.

In a letter dated 9 April 1994 addressed to the Secretary-General and to the Heads of State or Government of the five permanent members of the Security Council, His Excellency President Abdou Diouf, in his capacity as Chairman of the Sixth Summit Conference of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, stated:

"... the threat of credible air strikes must be extended to the whole of the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and in particular to the safe areas defined in Security Council resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993).

"Such a threat is particularly necessary since the Serb forces seem at the moment to be taking advantage of the fact that the international community is focusing on Sarajevo in order to launch deadly offensives against other safe areas, especially Gorazde and in the north-western part of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the aim of 'cleansing' them of their non-Serb populations.

"It is to be feared that in the absence of strong action to stop the Serb party's quest for a military victory and to get it to undertake negotiations in good faith, the international community's efforts and the enormous hopes for peace resulting from the tragic events in Sarajevo on 5 February will have been in vain."

Hence, my delegation strongly supports the proposal to extend the air support by NATO and the model of the Sarajevo exclusion zone to other safe areas.

Although this proposal is a step in the right direction, it unfortunately does not provide an immediate response to the human tragedy threatening the 65,000 persons who, at this very time, are left defenceless, at the mercy of the Serb aggressors - as the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina has just confirmed.

What is at stake in the defence of the safe area of Gorazde is not only the survival of what remains of the innocent civilians but also, and above all, the credibility of our Organization, particularly the Security Council, in regard to its proclaimed determination to put an end to the aggression and the violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a Member State and to recourse to force as a means of expressing a national policy.

If it should prove to be the case that the United Nations is not able to summon the human, material and financial resources to discharge its responsibility to ensure the defence of the courageous people of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is morally unacceptable to refuse to give that Republic the means to exercise, in all dignity, its right to self-defence, under Article 51 of the Charter.

My delegation believes that the Council should, as a matter of urgency, clarify the question of the applicability of resolution 713 (1991) to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and lift the arms embargo decreed against Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The experience of these past two weeks has shown, if further proof were indeed needed, that the quest for a just and lasting solution through credible negotiations requires, first and foremost, the establishment of a military balance to get the aggressor to accept a complete cessation of hostilities and to find a viable settlement concluded in good faith.

In the past, firm determination alone enabled the international community to put an end to the crimes, arrogance and departures from the truth of leaders who, like those of the Serbian aggressors, do not hesitate to fire at markets, hospitals, schools or refugee centres.

This same determination is more than ever necessary today if we are to reach a just and lasting solution to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina by taking all appropriate action to reverse the consequences of the aggression against that country.

The diplomatic and economic isolation of Serbia and Montenegro must be increased and continued. The lands seized through the use of force and through ethnic cleansing must be restored.

The Government and the courageous people of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be allowed to obtain the necessary weapons to guarantee their own defence and to make the Serbs pay the price of their aggression.

The sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be restored.

The criminals that planned and carried out this genocide must be answerable for their actions before international justice. This is the only way we can give meaning to the daily sacrifices of the thousands of men and women of UNPROFOR, as well as the United Nations agencies and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as they implement, with such devotion and self-abnegation, the decisions of the United Nations and the ideals that underpin them.

The President

I thank the representative of Senegal for his kind words addressed to me and to my predecessor.

Mr. Wisnumurti (Indonesia)

On behalf of my delegation, I should like to extend congratulations to you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of April. We remain confident that, under your able guidance, our deliberations on the issue under consideration will lead to the initiation of effective measures. May I also avail myself of this opportunity to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Mérimée of France, for his able leadership of the Council last month.

This meeting has been convened against the backdrop of a rapidly deteriorating situation in the on-going conflict in the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina, particularly the unconscionable siege of Gorazde and the brutal and indiscriminate shelling and attacks against that city and its vicinity, whose innocent population has been subjected to the brutality of Bosnian Serb forces.

We recall in this context Security Council resolutions 819 (1993) and 824 (1993) of last year, which established the so-called safe areas, first in Srebrenica and then in Sarajevo, Gorazde, Zepa, Tuzla and Bihac. It was the understanding of many Member States, including Indonesia, that those areas would be temporary, would ensure the safety of the civilians, guarantee an international military presence and assure the unimpeded presence of UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies, as well as the right to humanitarian assistance and, most importantly, security against military attacks.

In this context, we also deem it pertinent to recall the Secretary General's report of May 1993 which raised two fundamental questions: What would the United Nations do if the aggressors were first to accept the establishment of safe areas but later refused to withdraw their forces? Would it then clear the way for the Security Council to use force and compel them to withdraw? A credible response to these questions has now become urgent for the people of Bosnia in the face of increasingly brazen Serbian aggression with its attendant unconscionable toll in human lives and material destruction. After solemnly pledging to observe numerous cease-fires, the Serbian army has unleashed a campaign of terror which is no doubt intended to subdue and subjugate the inhabitants of Gorazde.

The military objective behind this relentless bombardment, whose targets include a hospital and refugee sites, is equally self-evident: it straddles the road that links Serbia with the illegally held territory in southern Bosnia. The consequences of this grave situation in Gorazde to the territorial integrity and the independence of the Republic of Bosnia can not escape our attention.

The imminent collapse of the city has already revealed the futility of the limited use of force. The limited air strikes which came too little and too late did not deter the aggressors. The brutal fact is that a mere pair of bombing runs has not provided protection to the besieged Bosnians. It is certainly a humbling moment for the international community to watch Gorazde's defence crumble and Serbian tanks roll into an area that the United Nations has already declared a "safe area". These have in fact become nothing more than areas under constant shelling, open jails and refugee camps.

This intolerable situation has placed the people of Bosnia into what may become a major humanitarian catastrophe. It has been rightly described as grim. It calls not only for the immediate lifting of the arms embargo against the Republic of Bosnia, but also for a change in the mandate of UNPROFOR. And it calls for concerted military action against Serbian command posts, ammunition dumps and heavy weapons.

The Consultative Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Non-Aligned Countries held in Jakarta last February called for more effective measures by the Security Council to end the genocide and carnage in Bosnia. The Meeting also raised the possibility of convening an appropriately structured international conference on Bosnia.

Pressure, condemnation, warnings, sanctions and isolation have failed to persuade the Serbs to refrain from their murderous campaign and the willful violation of their commitments. Now more than ever, the credibility of this august body is at stake. It is self-evident that determined action by the Security Council is now imperative. The status of Gorazde and other cities as safe areas must be enforced, and Bosnia and Herzegovina must be exempted from the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council.

At the same time, new diplomatic initiatives to establish a cease-fire in Gorazde and its vicinity, and the whole territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as efforts to find a political settlement to the conflict, must be pursued.

Lastly, the safety and freedom of United Nations personnel must be secured.

The President

I thank the representative of Indonesia for his kind words addressed to me and to my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Algeria. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Lamamra (Algeria)

Allow me first of all, Sir, on behalf of the delegation of Algeria, to offer you our heartfelt congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. Your unanimously recognized attributes guarantee success for our deliberations at a time when the Council is once again having to deal with tragic developments affecting the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Barely a few weeks ago, when the Security Council was seized of the horrible massacre in the central marketplace of Sarajevo, many Member States called for effective international protection for the six "safe areas" declared as such by the Council itself. Many, including Algeria, stressed that the international community could not go on taking an accommodating position, laboriously conceived and often imperfectly implemented, in the face of more and more faits accomplis created by the Serb side in a pitiless strategy of making territorial gains by "ethnic cleansing" and the annihilation of the Muslim population of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The unleashing of Serb aggression and violence against the city of Gorazde, with their toll of victims among the civilian population and international personnel, confirms that the Serb plan for expansion and exclusion continues. This relentless wave of aggression and violence has all the alarming characteristics of an open challenge to the international community, since it goes hand in hand with the seizing of members of the personnel of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and attacks on aircraft helping to implement United Nations decisions.

Throughout the last two years, particularly trying for our collective conscience faced with a savage war meeting the definition of genocide, the United Nations has often hesitated over the fate of one of its Member States. The hope for a negotiated political settlement has undercut the determination to enforce international law and weakened the desire to show firmness in the face of escalated aggression, so much so that the aggressors became convinced that their escalated horror would become so commonplace that people would be inured to it all.

In this sense, Gorazde is turning into a veritable test. If the international community does not suddenly leap into positive action to keep the aggressor from creating yet another fait accompli, we must fear that history will record that the confrontation between law and force was irrevocably settled in Gorazde, with incalculable, horrendous consequences.

Aware of the gravity of the situation, Algeria, which has firmly condemned the deadly siege of Gorazde, called for an extraordinary meeting of the member countries of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to take a collective stand to contribute to organizing effective international action to deter Serb aggression.

In the quest for a peaceful resolution of conflict situations, there is sometimes a tendency imperceptibly to blur the difference in status between the aggressor and the victim and to call on the latter to make more concessions. The arms embargo, which is preventing the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from having the means to exercise its natural right to self-defence, and the continual shrinking of the territory that some envisage assigning to the Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, seem to demonstrate this tendency.

The accelerated worsening of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina proves that just and lasting solutions require strict application of the parameters of international legality; they are far from being accommodations responding to relationships of force.

The United Nations collective security system must fully cover the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. International protection of its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and of its people, is imperative and urgently needed. Effective deterrent steps on the ground could, even at this late stage, keep the irreversible from actually happening.

The President

I thank the representative of Algeria for the kind words he addressed to me and to my predecessor.

The next speaker is the representative of Jordan. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Abu Odeh (Jordan)

Allow me at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month and to express the confidence of my delegation in your ability, wisdom and sound leadership. These give us hope that this discussion will lead to serious decisions which will make this meeting a true turning point in the faltering international endeavours to stop the Serb aggression against the people of Bosnia, suffering because of their identity. I am also happy to thank your predecessor, Ambassador Mérimée, for the effort he made and the ability he showed in conducting the work of the Council last month.

Once again Member States, prompted by the intransigence of the Serbs towards the Bosnians, are meeting over yet another chapter in the crimes of "ethnic cleansing" committed by the Serb nationalists to complete their vicious attempts to occupy the territories of the Bosnians vacated by their owners and their population. The Member States look upon this horrible chapter in the tragedy of Bosnia from the perspective of Gorazde, which is supposed to be a "safe area", according to the Council's classification. This classification, seen against the status quo in the city, has an irony which reverberates in our ears with the sound of the continuous shelling of the besieged city, shelling which does not distinguish between the city's hospitals and the trenches of those who defend it.

This irony is all the more acute in that the United Nations, which, through the Security Council, pledged safety for the Bosnians, is completely helpless, having given up the role of player to become a spectator. Because we are human beings representing countries and peoples in this international Organization, I wonder if we have already become used to the Serb crimes because they have gone on so long, to the point where our senses have become blunted and we are unable to be moved. Have we started to hear, in the groans of the wounded, a musical tune? Has the crying of a terrified Bosnian child burying his head in the bosom of his mother turned into a school song? Have we started to see in the tears of a young virgin expecting the fearsome moment of rape the glimmer of joy in the eyes of one preparing for her wedding? Have we become unable to identify with the parents whose will to defend their country is mixed with fear for their sons and daughters, subject to the oppression of a monster that marches without any deterrent, physical or moral?

Have we lost our ability to sympathize with the mothers whose fear of the future, after having lost their husbands, is compounded by the pain of hiding their real feelings in front of their children to ease their terror? Have human rights in the West become a mere meaningless political slogan or a veneer to cover its boundless materialism? If not, how can Europe accept being, for the second time this century, a graveyard of minorities? Is it because, this time, the victim is Muslim?

I hope that I will not be taken as speaking to play on emotions and sow the seeds of sadness. My purpose is to show the depth of the wound that is still being gouged by the Serbs' crimes into the conscience of humanity. Such a wound can only encourage the mind to work and to learn its lessons.

The first lesson to be learned from the Bosnian tragedy is that the United Nations may not be a safe haven for poor peoples or small countries. We must save its reputation and credibility by observing the principles of its Charter, without which the entire world will cease being one that seeks security, stability and peace in the cause of cooperation, development and construction and will begin sliding towards war and destruction. While my delegation fully respects and appreciates the relief work carried out by the United Nations Member States and non-governmental organizations and their persistent attempts to urge the belligerents to negotiate a political settlement, this is not enough to justify the United Nations shirking its primary responsibility to halt aggression against one of its States Members.

In the light of events in Gorazde, the humanitarian assistance being provided to the besieged Bosnians in their safe areas has become nothing more than their grooming for death by knife, bullet or bomb instead of by hunger, malnutrition or disease. In the way the negotiations have so far been conducted, they are regrettably a mere smokescreen for the Serbs to gain time to achieve their ultimate aggressive aims.

If there is a lesson to be learned from events to date, it is that negotiations and relief operations will be valid sources of pride to the United Nations only when they are accompanied by serious efforts to deter and stem Serb aggression. This will happen only when the Serbs feel that they are paying a high price for their aggression, as President Clinton said yesterday. To bring that about, my delegation emphasizes three pillars upon which the new policy of the United Nations towards the Serbs should be based.

First, the protection of the safe areas and the continuation of relief operations for those areas must be ensured. Secondly, all Security Council resolutions pertaining to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the pursuit of peace efforts must be implemented. Thirdly, the arms embargo imposed on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be lifted immediately. It is untenable to continue pursuing a policy that deprives a State Member of the United Nations of its legitimate right of self-defence in accordance with the Charter. Building on all these pillars together, and not on just one or two, is the only way to deter the Serbian aggressors and to raise the price of their aggression.

In conclusion, my delegation thanks the Council for convening this meeting to hold a general debate on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that members of the Council will make it a turning point in United Nations policy and save the Organization's credibility by halting an overt aggression against one of its Member States.