General Assembly Session 62 meeting 60

The President

I give the floor to the representative of Egypt to introduce draft resolutions A/62/L.22 and A/62/L.23.

Mr. Abdelaziz (Egypt)

The General Assembly is meeting today to consider agenda item 17, entitled "The situation in the Middle East", which aims at enhancing international engagement in the Arab-Israeli conflict, a conflict resulting from Israel's ongoing occupation of Arab territories since 1967 and its catastrophic practices in those lands.

It is a source of optimism that our debate on this item coincides with a new international approach to address the Arab-Israeli conflict more seriously and attentively, namely, the holding of the Annapolis Conference, which represented a first step on the way forward to resume Arab-Israeli peace negotiations, especially on the Palestinian-Israeli track, in order to reach a just and lasting solution to the question of Palestine, the core of the Middle East conflict.

This development comes after Arab delegations reiterated, from this podium and in all other international forums, their steadfast commitment to the just and comprehensive peace reflected in the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, which was reaffirmed in 2007. That requires action by the international community as represented in the General Assembly to generate support for final-status negotiations on the Palestinian track leading to the achievement of a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict on all tracks, on the basis of the principle of land for peace and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.

In order to express the international community's opposition to Israel's continuing illegal occupation of Arab territories and its firm belief in the need to end the occupation as soon as possible, every year at this time the General Assembly adopts two draft resolutions of great importance under the agenda item "The situation in the Middle East". The first pertains to the question of Jerusalem. Relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions have reaffirmed the need to preserve the special status of that city, as well as the illegitimacy of any measures undertaken by successive Israeli Governments to alter its character prior to the conclusion of final status negotiations and the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian state. The second draft resolution deals with the occupied Syrian Golan and reiterates the will and determination of the international community to end Israel's forcible occupation of Syrian territory and to achieve its full withdrawal to the borders of 4 June 1967.

Undoubtedly, the convening of the Annapolis Conference, in which all Arab parties concerned, including Syria, participated and the agreement to launch negotiations on the Palestinian track aimed at the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state, with East Jerusalem as its capital, before the end of 2008 under a specific time frame that takes into consideration all relevant elements -- including United Nations resolutions, the Arab Peace Initiative and the Road Map -- will foster an international environment conducive to achieving a settlement through Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, Lebanon's Shab'a farms and the Syrian Golan Heights. That would lead to the achievement of just and comprehensive peace to ensure the stability of the Middle East in a context that assures the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza within the borders of 1967 and the establishment of normal peaceful relations between Arabs and Israel.

This is the letter and spirit of the Arab Peace Initiative, which is based on the idea of full withdrawal in return for full peace, which we look forward to achieving before the end of 2008. For this to succeed, international support through the General Assembly is necessary, manifested in large part by support for these two draft resolutions. It depends also on Israel showing a commitment to reach a solution, principally through undertaking confidence-building measures. Other such measures include ending all illegal actions that hinder the peace process, showing political will to make progress on all tracks, improving the living conditions of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza and ending all forms of collective punishment.

There is also a need to agree on fair negotiations on the problem of refugees on the basis of General Assembly resolution 194 (III), adopted in 1948. We also look forward to the United States continuing to play a leading role in the process, as well as to a more effective role for the Quartet, which will have the responsibility to follow up the implementation of what is agreed by the Palestinian and Israeli parties in reaching a two-State solution, by establishing an independent Palestinian state before the end of 2008 and achieving full withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories in the West Bank, the Golan Heights and the Shab'a farms. The end of occupation must be full and comprehensive, based on direct negotiations on all tracks and free of delays and prevarications aimed at imposing an illegal situation on the ground.

I have the pleasure today to introduce to the General Assembly two draft resolutions under agenda item 17, entitled "The situation in the Middle East", namely, draft resolution A/62/L.22, entitled "Jerusalem", and draft resolution A/62/L.23, entitled "The Syrian Golan".

The first draft resolution reaffirms that the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions dealing with the special status of East Jerusalem remain the main terms of reference. It also reaffirms the renunciation and repudiation of all legislative and administrative measures and actions undertaken by Israel -- the occupying Power -- aimed at altering the legal status and character of Jerusalem. Moreover, the draft resolution confirms that any just and comprehensive solution to the question of Jerusalem must take into consideration the legitimate concerns of both the Palestinian and Israeli sides and include provisions on international guarantees to assure its inhabitants' freedom of belief and religion, free from any illegal attempts by Israel to impose a Jewish character on the city.

The second draft resolution, on the occupied Syrian Golan (A/62/L.23), recalls Security Council resolution 497 (1981) and expresses deep concern over Israel's continued non-compliance with it. It also reaffirms the applicability of The Hague Convention of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention, of 1949, to the Syrian territory occupied since 1967 and declares the illegitimacy of both the decision to apply Israeli law on this territory and the settlement activities there. The draft resolution demands once again that Israel withdraw from the Golan Heights to the line of 4 June 1967 and calls for the resumption of peace talks on the Syrian track and respect for commitments reached during the previous talks.

The sponsors of these two draft resolutions believe that the time has come for the international community to look at the Middle East from a comprehensive perspective, particularly in the light of ongoing efforts to move the peace process forward. The peoples of the region have suffered from the scourge of war and aggression, and aspire to achieve peace, stability and development. This cannot be without the international will to provide the political support necessary to achieve a breakthrough that can lead to full Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, on the basis of international law, the principle of land for peace, the Arab Peace Initiative, the Road Map, the Madrid terms of reference and the relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.

In order to attain this goal with the support of the international community, the sponsors look forward to the support of all Member States and their votes in favour of these two draft resolutions and in favour of achieving peace and stability in the Middle East.

Mr. Carmon (Israel)

The situation in the Middle East is rapidly changing. Although some previously embraced the misleading narrative that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the cause of instability in our region, the facts on the ground show precisely the opposite: that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the consequence of instability caused by the rising extremism which is sweeping through our region.

The recent meeting in Annapolis highlighted the growing recognition and agreement that the real dangers to the region come directly from Islamic extremism and its champion, Iran, which sponsors terrorism around the globe, tries to attain nuclear weapons and relentlessly defies the will of the international community.

Indeed, the real situation in the Middle East was best articulated late last week by a Syrian member of parliament, who said there is an "alliance stretching from Tehran to Gaza". Syria today continues to be the home of forces of extremism and instability, hosting the headquarters of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and others and facilitating Hizbullah's rearming in southern Lebanon.

Behind almost every conflict in the Middle East we see the long arm and shadow of Iran. In Lebanon, Hizbullah -- Iran's terrorist organization proxy -- foments domestic instability and political deadlock. In the Palestinian areas, Hamas fires rockets and carries out suicide bombings with money and support from Iran. In Iraq, the insurgents and terrorists are financed and trained by Iran.

Iran's destabilizing activities are not restricted to our region. As we saw in the recent warrants issued by INTERPOL in the bombing of the AMIA Jewish Community Centre in Buenos Aires in 1994 and in the bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires two years earlier, in 1992, Iran has long funded and supported global terrorism. All the while, Iran's campaign of Holocaust denial and calls for Israel's destruction add rhetorical flair to its already murderous and bloody operations around the globe.

The recognized urgency of the Iranian threat has enabled the assembling of a like-minded group of moderate Muslim and Arab States of the region. The gathering in Annapolis reflects the hope for peace and security in the region and the Arab world's fear of the ominous threat from Iran.

In order to secure the situation in our region, the international community must stand up and confront the enemies of peace. Otherwise, progress will never be made -- no matter how much we yearn for peace, no matter what we are willing to sacrifice for it.

We have the tools to deal with the extremist threat. For Lebanon, Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) must be fully implemented to ensure the security and stability of the region. Hizbullah continues redeploying in south Lebanon, and its arsenal continues to grow as weapons are transferred across the Lebanese-Syrian border in violation of the arms embargo. For the Palestinian areas, the Road Map clearly states the obligations and responsibilities of each side, in particular with regard to dismantling the terrorist infrastructure and an end to incitement and violence.

The terrorists and extremists have shown their cards. They will not back down. But the international community cannot surrender. The extremists seek to strip us of our most valuable possessions: the freedoms we enjoy and the tolerance and mutual understanding we promote.

The enemies of peace continue to hold in their perilous grasp our missing and captive sons, Gilad Shalit, Udi Goldwasser and Eldad Regev. Israel, and all those committed to peace and freedom, long for the day when our boys, Gilad, Eldad and Udi, will be brought back to their families and to their home.

The situation in our region leads us to two wholly contradictory conclusions. On the one hand, never before in the history of our region has there been such potential for peace and harmony. And on the other hand, never before in the history of our region has there been such potential for instability and tragedy. The choice between these two very different fates can only be made by the people of our region and their leaders.

In Israel, last week, we celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of the historic arrival of former Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in Jerusalem. This courageous, historic first visit by an Arab leader to Israel, and the speech he gave at the Israeli parliament, is to this day credited with changing the geopolitics of the entire Middle East, opening the path for peace between Israel and the Arab world and shaping a new agenda of political relations in the region.

President Sadat's courageous push for dialogue and common understanding was followed years later when King Hussein of Jordan travelled that same road to peace. Today, Israel, Egypt and Jordan have collectively known more years of peace than of confrontation and conflict, years in which open dialogue and cooperative ventures have been possible.

Yesterday, my delegation addressed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (see A/62/PV.58), showing that, while the tragic choices made by the Arab States could have been averted 60 years ago, the realities of today that were seen in Annapolis suggest that the time is ripe for an agreement to be reached between the parties. There is a commitment by our respective leaders, Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas, to the bilateral Israeli-Palestinian process, supported by the coalition of peace, the moderate Arab and Muslim States and the international community, who will do all that they can to bolster both of us.

History has shown the power and profound implications of the choices made by the leaders in our region. Let us hope that for us, in our time too, the right choices are made for the betterment of our region and for the betterment of our shared future.