General Assembly Session 62 meeting 16

The President

I give the floor to Mr. Volodymyr Khandogiy, First Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

Mr. Khandogiy (Ukraine)

Allow me, first of all, to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. On behalf of my delegation, let me wish you, sir, every success in your important mission and assure you of our full support.

I would like to extend warm words of appreciation to your predecessor, Mrs. Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of the Kingdom of Bahrain, whose extensive diplomatic experience and skilful guidance throughout the sixty-first session greatly contributed to its success.

Allow me also to take this opportunity to express our support for the ambitious plans and consistent efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, to re-energize the Organization, strengthen its capacity and update the United Nations system in the new century.

International terrorism remains one of the most serious threats facing humankind today. Last year the General Assembly, by adopting the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, made a concrete contribution to combat terrorism in a coordinated manner at the national, regional and international levels. We believe that the adoption of a definition of terrorism during the current session would be a starting point in assessing counter-terrorism measures taken by each State.

My country joined the anti-terrorist coalition at its inception and has made a significant contribution to its activities. In the last five years, all 13 international counter-terrorism treaties have been ratified by the Ukrainian Parliament.

On the governmental level, we support international anti-terrorist efforts, in particular, through participation in the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism. This fall, we plan to organize in Ukraine the third international forum on measures to counteract acts of nuclear terrorism with the participation of civil society, scholars and non-governmental organizations.

Disarmament and non-proliferation are among the most important challenges on our agenda. As a country that voluntarily renounced its military nuclear arsenals, Ukraine is truly disappointed that a world without weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) remains a distant dream.

The international community continues to be intimidated by the threat of WMD proliferation. The strengthening of international legal norms and political instrument to prevent WMD proliferation remains a top priority. In this regard, I would like to stress the importance of the universalization of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, as well as the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. Commemorating in 2007 the tenth anniversary of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), Ukraine is ready to contribute to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) efforts on ensuring universal adherence to the CWC, particularly by Middle East countries.

With this in mind, Ukraine proposes to host next year, together with the OPCW, an international conference with the participation of, inter alia, countries from the Middle East and North Africa. The anticipated outcome of such a conference might be a joint statement of the intention of the countries concerned to adhere to the CWC.

We are convinced that the only way forward is to make simultaneous progress in the areas of both non-proliferation and disarmament.

We cannot but underscore our concerns over the recent tendencies that have already caused the erosion of the multilateral regime in the arms control and disarmament spheres with a negative impact on mutual trust and confidence among States. The very recent events around the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe have seriously put into question the future of this important arms control instrument, widely recognized as the cornerstone of European security.

Speaking about global peace and security, I cannot but draw attention to the problem of the protracted conflicts in the GUAM Group area. These conflicts create instability and insecurity and constitute a threat to peace in the region. There is no doubt that these conflicts endanger the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries of the region, while also hampering their economic and social development.

We are concerned that numerous international efforts to settle those conflicts have yielded no results. It is crucially important that the world community continue taking practical steps to that end. In our opinion, the United Nations, regional organizations and other relevant mechanisms should harmoniously complement one another, using their comparative advantages in peacemaking efforts.

In this context, I would like to stress Ukraine's unequivocal support for a lasting settlement in Kosovo. That objective cannot be achieved by undertaking unilateral steps nor by steps seeking to bypass the United Nations. A hasty settlement can only destabilize the situation in the region and have negative implications for the entire system of international relations, since similar scenarios could be pursued by separatist entities in other regions.

Ukraine has always supported United Nations peacekeeping efforts, both politically and practically. We are glad to note that the recent noticeable increase in peacekeeping activities has taken place in accordance with the reform strategy of Peace Operations 2010. That is especially important in light of the ongoing and expected deployments in the future. In this context, Ukraine supports the Secretary-General in his efforts to strengthen the United Nations capacity to manage and sustain peace operations.

I would also like to draw your attention to the fact that next year will mark the sixtieth anniversary of United Nations peacekeeping operations. In this regard, our delegation proposes to adopt, at the sixty-third session of the General Assembly, a special declaration to commemorate this event.

United Nations credibility will always be measured by its ability to respond adequately to various threats in all regions of the world. No organization is better equipped to deal with those issues. The United Nations should lead multilateral efforts with a view to reaching solutions in the interest of all. But, to address them effectively, we need to take further steps in reforming and improving existing mechanisms of the United Nations in order to make this Organization more relevant in the twenty-first century.

Unfortunately, the process of reforming the Security Council, which is the key element within the process of renewing the United Nations, is still only an agenda item. We are of the view that the reform process can only benefit from new, creative approaches that will eventually bring about tangible results. In this regard, I would like, once again, to stress Ukraine's position that one of the necessary elements of Security Council reform should be the allocation of an additional non-permanent seat to the Group of Eastern European and other States, whose membership has more than doubled since 1991.

In today's world, adherence to sound economic, social and environmental policies and good governance are the key factors in achieving sustainable development. We share the view, expressed in a number of statements during this session, that sustainable development is a global challenge. Ukraine believes that only through concerted efforts, using universal, multilateral mechanisms as well as regional and subregional forums, will those challenges be adequately addressed.

For Ukraine and other countries of the region, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become an important element in achieving internationally agreed Millennium Development Goals.

At the same time, the forces of nature, complemented by reckless and irresponsible human behaviour can disrupt development plans, reshape continents and even wipe out whole countries from the world's map. Science has shown, on many occasions, that climate change, global warming and pollution may cause sudden and dramatic consequences if not addressed in timely, proper and effective ways. Ukraine is firmly committed to the international agreements in the area of climate change, including the United Nations Framework Convention to Combat Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol.

This year, we marked the twenty-first anniversary of the Chernobyl catastrophe, the worst technological disaster ever faced by humankind. Chernobyl severely affected my country and the entire region. We call upon United Nations agencies and individual donors to continue to provide assistance to the affected States and to work together on the implementation of the relevant programmes in a spirit of cooperation.

Ukraine, as a 2007 coordinator of the Chernobyl Agenda, has proposed, together with the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, the adoption at the sixty-second United Nations General Assembly session, of a new resolution on strengthening international cooperation to mitigate the consequences of the Chernobyl disaster. In this regard, we would welcome broad support for that initiative during this General Assembly session.

Ukraine is approaching the seventy-fifth anniversary of one of the most tragic pages in its history -- the Holodomor -- or Great Famine. The artificial famine of 1932-33, perpetrated by the Soviet totalitarian regime for the purpose of annihilating the rural population, the backbone of the Ukrainian nation, took the lives of millions of innocent people. For more than seven decades this horrific crime, which ranks among the worst catastrophes ever experienced by humankind, still awaits adequate international condemnation.

We sincerely hope that the United Nations, as a collective moral authority and effective instrument in safeguarding human rights and fundamental freedoms, will raise its voice and denounce the horrendous disaster that was purposely inflicted on the Ukrainian population in the early 1930s. By doing so, due tribute will be paid to honour the memory of millions of our compatriots who were outrageously deprived of their lives. It is important to remember the past in order to learn from it and to avoid repeating crimes against humankind in the future.

A decision of the General Assembly to establish an international day of remembrance of victims of genocide would be a worthwhile and timely contribution to the attainment of that goal. Likewise, it could facilitate the effective implementation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, as the world approaches the sixtieth anniversary of those instruments in 2008. We are confident that this event deserves the adoption of a special resolution.

In the context of human rights, Ukraine attaches great importance to the harmonious coexistence of civilizations, dialogue and cooperation among various cultures and peoples. In this regard, we support the Alliance of Civilizations established under the initiative of the Prime Ministers of Spain and Turkey, and we intend to join the Group of Friends of the Alliance in the near future.

The problems before us are daunting. We believe that the United Nations is the only Organization with the worldwide membership, global reach and universal legitimacy needed to address today's global threats and challenges, which no country can resolve on its own.

I take this opportunity to reaffirm Ukraine's readiness to continue making an active contribution to the further strengthening of our Organization.

The President

I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Billie A. Miller, Senior Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Barbados.

Ms. Miller (Barbados)

It is my pleasure to join with the preceding speakers in congratulating you on your election to preside over the sixty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. The Barbados delegation extends its appreciation to your predecessor, Her Excellency Ms. Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for her leadership of the sixty-first session and also takes the opportunity to offer its formal welcome to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

Since its independence in 1966, Barbados has been actively participating in the formulation of international policy on a number of issues of universal concern and promoting the centrality of the United Nations in the global development debate. We are proud to have made our contribution to the critical negotiating processes on the development agenda. Much work, however, needs to be done.

Permit me to use this occasion to identify those outstanding areas to which Barbados accords outstanding importance and where we consider that urgent results-oriented action must be taken by the international community. I refer specifically to the effective and comprehensive implementation of the global partnership for development as set out in the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation, the Barbados Programme of Action and the Mauritius International Strategy; the provision of stable, predictable and adequate financial resources for the implementation of development commitments; the creation of a more enabling international environment that would facilitate the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by a majority of developing countries, particularly the most vulnerable among them; the recognition by the international community of the importance of providing continued support for the needs of middle-income developing countries; the implementation of existing global agreements on climate change as well as the early adoption of an ambitious and comprehensive post-Kyoto agreement; the protection and sustainable management of the Caribbean Sea; the successful conclusion of the Doha round of trade negotiations, with development as a central component of its outcome; the promotion of international cooperation on tax matters; the need for United Nations reinforcement of its commitment to assist all Member States in their efforts to combat the problems associated with the trafficking in and trans-shipment of illegal drugs, as well as the consequent increase in violent crime; and, finally, the need for progress on Security Council reform and for sustained emphasis on revitalizing the Economic and Social Council.

The gap between promises and implementation continues to frustrate our achievement of the full range of internationally agreed development goals. The level of international cooperation and resources committed by development partners has been woefully inadequate. Small island developing States, for example, have had, to date, to assume the majority portion of the implementation burden of the Barbados Programme of Action and the Mauritius Strategy, despite the fact that these goals were determined by the consensus of the entire international community. Similarly, the needs of middle-income developing countries were not adequately addressed through the Monterrey Consensus on Financing for Development, and they continue to be deprived of the vital development support they require to complete the transition. Next year's Follow-up International Conference on Financing for Development must seek to redress this situation.

There remain only eight years before we reach our target date of 2015 for the achievement of the MDGs. We must identify effective strategies to transform Member States' political commitment to the MDGs into results-oriented, concrete action. We must forge strategic partnerships, not only within and across national borders that encompass varying levels of development and economic prosperity, but also among the private sector, the public sector and civil society.

It can no longer be denied that climate change is an alarming phenomenon that requires focused attention and urgent and decisive global action by the international community. I warmly commend the Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his initiative to convene the high-level event on climate change on 24 September. The presence of so large a number of heads of State and Government at that important session is a clear indication that the grave dimensions of the problem have been recognized and the need for bold political leadership fully understood.

If we continue to delay action, we will be judged harshly, and deservedly so, for callously placing the inheritance of future generations in greater jeopardy. For today, we may have choices; tomorrow, they will not.

Barbados is a small, low-lying island State, highly dependent on its coastal and marine environment for its economic activity. For its people, the stakes could not be higher. Climate change not only represents the most serious challenge to our sustainable development, it also threatens our very survival. Prime Minister Arthur of Barbados said at the 24 September meeting that there exists no reason -- scientific nor political -- for delaying an immediate response to this global crisis.

Barbados and other members of the Caribbean Community have taken steps, at the national and regional levels, to develop and implement climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies and plans, largely from our own resources. However, the most effective unilateral adaptation strategies will be futile in the absence of decisive global action to reduce harmful greenhouse gases emissions and to address climate change in a comprehensive manner. Our leaders have underscored the imperative of collective action to address climate change, with the United Nations at the centre of the search for lasting solutions to that problem. In December, our negotiators in Bali must seize this moment in time.

The international community has yet to complete the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, with an outcome that has development at its core. While trade liberalization can assist in that process, much more is required if sustainable economic development is to be achieved in the developing world. We firmly believe in a multilateral process, which will not only cater to the aspirations of the more developed countries, but will also address the needs of developing countries, especially those with small, vulnerable economies such as ours. I urge the international community to proceed with the multilateral trade negotiations with a view to reaching a successful and mutually beneficial outcome.

Barbados and the other countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) are neither major suppliers of nor demand markets for illicit drugs. Yet, because of our geographical position and external factors that are largely beyond our control, we find ourselves affected by the illicit trafficking in drugs, small arms and light weapons and their constant companion, transnational organized crime. As small countries with limited resources and severe vulnerabilities, we depend on international cooperation to counter those threats. The presence of the Caribbean Regional Office of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in Barbados, which served a total of 29 States and territories and provided significant technical assistance, was extremely important to the Caribbean region.

We are deeply concerned about the decision taken unilaterally in Vienna to close that Office, and we are not at all convinced that it will make our region safer from these very real threats. On the contrary, the studies published earlier this year by the UNODC and the World Bank, on drugs, crime and development in Central America and the Caribbean, clearly demonstrate the need for an enhanced international effort in the region. It is our sincere hope that this unfortunate decision will be reversed as a matter of urgency and that the United Nations will once again engage the Caribbean region, through the reopening of the Regional Office in Barbados.

The issue of reform of the Security Council has been under consideration by the General Assembly for several years. Member States have expressed their views, and group positions have been formulated, but firm decisions have eluded us. It is now time for political compromise in the negotiation of an acceptable solution. Barbados will continue to participate actively in this process.

Gender equity and the empowerment of women are critical to development at both the national and international levels. There is a need to improve the way in which gender is treated within the context of the United Nations. It is crucial that the proposal to establish a new gender architecture be further discussed at the intergovernmental level and that all concerns be addressed and taken into consideration before a final decision is made. Any new structure must give due prominence not only to normative and advocacy issues, but also to issues of development, operational activities and adequate resources.

The deepening of the regional integration process is critical to the ability of CARICOM countries to respond to the challenges and opportunities presented by changes in the global community. Having established the Single Market in 2006, our efforts are now focused on mechanisms to bring the Single Economy into effect through a process of phased implementation. The Single Economy will facilitate further integration of our production and financial sectors, the coordination of our economic sectoral policies, the convergence of macroeconomic policies, the building of a regional capital market and the harmonization of monetary and fiscal policies.

Functional cooperation has been a central theme of the Caribbean Community since its inception. We believe that, as small nations with so much in common, our best means of advancement lies in sharing our resources, experience and expertise to address mutual concerns. Health, education and, more recently, security are our foremost areas of resource pooling and research. Our region has the distinction of being one of the first to have eradicated polio and smallpox. A fortnight ago, the region convened its first summit to specifically address chronic non-communicable diseases, which have become the major causes of morbidity and mortality.

A stable, peaceful and prosperous Haiti is essential for the effective functioning of the Caribbean Community to which it belongs. There is a continuing urgent need for substantial support from the international community to assist Haiti in consolidating and strengthening the commendable progress that it has made to date. A prime requirement is the further extension by the Security Council of the mandate of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti to include a focus on peacebuilding, judicial reform, institutional support for the provision of basic services, and border management. We must directly address the humanitarian and socio-economic needs of Haiti if the majority of the population is to be lifted out of poverty and if the underlying preconditions for threats to peace and security in the country are to be removed.

This year, many countries around the world, including Barbados, commemorated the two-hundredth anniversary of the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The horrors of the slave trade -- particularly the notorious middle passage -- were of such huge scale and intensity that it can truly be considered one of the earliest crimes against humanity. That experience must never be repeated.

To bring closure to the criminal activity that was racial slavery, we also need to bring equity to the emancipation process. Addressing the controversial issue of reparations is essential to the attainment of those objectives. This is not the first time that a discussion on reparations has taken place and that decisions have been made. During the nineteenth century, Europeans accepted and enforced multiple forms of reparations.

Delivering the Wilberforce Lecture in the United Kingdom earlier this year, Prime Minister Arthur proposed the establishment of a William Wilberforce educational fund. Barbados encourages all those countries that participated in and benefited from this iniquitous practice to support that important initiative. In so doing, they will be paying tribute to the courage and the moral convictions of all those who campaigned tirelessly for the end of the slave trade and of slavery, and at the same time they will be supporting the continuous evolutionary experiment in human relations represented by the ethnic pluralism of Caribbean societies.

In international affairs, a multilateral approach is the best means for countries to fully and effectively address the world's most pressing problems. It is our collective responsibility to make sure that this Organization, the epicentre of multilateralism, is reformed and revitalized to make it more accountable -- a transparent and effective instrument in the service of the development efforts of all its Members.

Development is the key to sustainable international peace and security. In our quest to guarantee the primacy of development on the global agenda, we must make certain that the United Nations is sufficiently well funded to meet the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable among us, to support the aspirations of middle-income developing countries and to facilitate the transition to developed-country status of those who are poised to make that transition. The disproportionate allocation of regular budget resources away from the development agenda must be reversed without further delay.

There can no longer be a deficit in the world's development performance. We must all demonstrate the political will necessary to ensure that. It is a task from which we are not at liberty to abstain.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Vartan Oskanian, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia.

Mr. Oskanian (Armenia)

Each opportunity to speak from this rostrum is a humbling experience, because I know that all the countries of the world listen to one another and try to discern and understand where our common approaches and interests lie. Those of us who represent small countries have a sense that this forum is a place where large nations address the ills of the world and that we smaller ones ought to stick to issues and topics that are specific to us and to our regions, as if addressing overarching, global issues were pretentious and best left to those with the power to do something about them.

Today marks my tenth year here, and I risk breaking the rule. This year, as financial calamities have compounded political and natural disasters, it has become very clear that, although our common problems and challenges threaten us all equally, they affect us unevenly. The small nations, which have less of everything -- diversity, resources, manoeuvrability, means and options -- are at greater peril and have greater susceptibility than those with bigger territories, larger populations and greater potential.

At the same time, the issues on the agenda of the General Assembly -- such as peace and security, economic growth, sustainable development, human rights, disarmament, drugs, crime and international terrorism -- know no borders, and none of us can address them individually if we want to see effective solutions. Finding solutions to these problems is in our common interest, for they are issues that affect all of humanity. And because these problems cannot be solved within our own borders, no one has either the right to abdicate responsibility for the consequences or the luxury of doing so.

When the speculative market drives the price of oil to $80, those who are too small to have significant reserves are the ones who are affected most, and large countries with large appetites for fuel sometimes make deals on energy matters that are not consistent with their policies. So do we, because energy security is not only a matter of global arithmetic; it is also a matter of life and death.

When climate change causes serious changes in the environment, it does not take much for a prolonged drought or an excessive rain to harm our agriculture and damage our economy or for rising sea levels to reach our cities. But we do not have the space or the diversity to cope and adapt.

When it is news that there have been no explosions in Iraq and when daily calamities are commonplace, we in the small countries begin to sense that we are vulnerable and susceptible to the will and the capacity of other members of the international community and, most important, to their tolerance of distant acts of violence and humiliation.

When development is dependent on the absence of bad weather, disease and war, and when the capacity to ward off at least two of those three ills lies in the hands of those who have the ability to bring peace and to heal, we in the small nations feel at risk and helpless.

When disarmament and arms control cease to be instruments for peace and security and instead become a means to reap political dividends, we in the small countries turn to our own means for self-protection. In other words, we become part of the problem, because the solution is not straightforward or visible.

Finally, when "Darfur" becomes shorthand for "helplessness", we in the small nations of the world realize that power has replaced responsibility. The ubiquitous language of human rights cannot and will not compensate for a lack of political will to act. Genocide must be prevented, not commemorated.

Generation after generation, we find new places for appalling human tolerance of inhuman machinations and names for places of slaughter, mass killings and massacres of those who belong to a particular sector, ethnic group, race or religion. For Armenia, it was, for 100 years, the desert of Der el Zor; for the next generation, it was Auschwitz; later, it was the killing fields of Cambodia; and, more recently, it was Rwanda. If each one of those names, together with the word "genocide", evokes ignorance, helplessness and the covering up of war crimes, "Darfur" today is synonymous with expediency, evasion and simple inconvenience. "Darfur" is synonymous with shame.

My appeal to the international community, on behalf of the small countries, is that it address each of these issues on its own merits and for its own sake, not as a piece of the global power puzzle. When tension rises between global Powers, it leads to polarization, and that in turn leads to a decrease in the capacity of small nations to carry out hard-earned policies of complementarity and balance. Our ability to be part of the process diminishes.

Let me state the obvious: we count on the willingness of the great Powers in the international community to set aside their disputes and to try to address these issues collectively. We also expect that they clearly understand that their power and influence do not make them immune from the consequences of the processes and problems that afflict us.

Last month, Armenia celebrated its sixteenth year of independence. During this period, we have weathered sea changes that have swept us up in regional and global processes that affect us in our daily lives. But we can only take pride in what we have accomplished during the same period: an open and diverse economy, high growth and strong financial systems, as well as improved elections, stronger public institutions and a population that is increasingly aware of its rights. All of that gives us the confidence and determination to address other ills facing our society -- uneven growth, a high poverty rate, low pay -- and to strengthen our human institutions and deepen our experience with democracy.

We have accomplished all of this under difficult circumstances. We still have a conflict to resolve with a neighbour; there are artificial limitations on Armenia's ability to act; and regional cooperation is lacking.

The agenda of the General Assembly this year includes an item on protracted conflicts. Lumping all those conflicts together is an inherently flawed approach. Our own conflict in Nagorny Karabakh does not belong there. The United Nations is not the place to address it, because that issue is being addressed within the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Additionally, Karabakh is not a frozen conflict. We are negotiating with Azerbaijan and are inching towards a resolution.

Second, during this time, there has been an evolution of the process. We have a balanced, solid document in our hands that addresses not only the core issues but also consequential issues, and the two together add up to a reasonable solution.

Third, at the core of our process lies the right of peoples to self-determination. Indeed, the people of Karabakh do not want anything more than that which is theirs. They want to live in peace and security on their own territory. In other words, they would like to exercise the very right that every single nation in this Hall has exercised at some time in their history.

Speaking of conflict, we also follow very closely the events in Kosovo. We hear the international community loud and clear when it is said that Kosovo will not be a precedent for other conflicts. We are not attempting to make Kosovo a precedent for our conflict, because that contradicts our own principle that all conflicts are different. At the same time, however, we will not accept or understand the reverse logic, which holds that because Kosovo has been given independence, other peoples cannot achieve self-determination. No one should tell us that there is a quota for liberty and freedom.

At the end of the day, the willingness and understanding of small nations and their involvement in global processes cannot be a substitute for what major Powers with greater capacities and political will to act can do. In this age of openness and inclusion, there is no room for the old instruments of coercion and exclusion. Instead, we need new instruments of compromise and consensus so that we can achieve humanity's enduring goal of living in peace and prosperity.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Seyoum Mesfin, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

Mr. Mesfin (Ethiopia)

Allow me to begin by congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I would like to assure you of my country's fullest cooperation in the discharge of the responsibilities bestowed upon you. I have no doubt that this Assembly will benefit from both your personal and professional experience. May I take this opportunity to commend your predecessor, Ambassador Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for her invaluable contributions and wise leadership during the Assembly's previous session.

I would also like to extend my sincere appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. He is already fully engaged and has made an excellent beginning in the efforts to address global challenges since he took office a year ago. I would therefore, on this occasion, like to underline Ethiopia's firm commitment to cooperate in every way in assisting him in his demanding endeavours.

Just three weeks ago, Ethiopia began its third Millennium. This Assembly has recognized the Ethiopian Millennium as a world event. On 15 June 2007, it adopted resolution 61/270, designating the year from 12 September 2007 to 11 September 2008 as the year of the Ethiopian Millennium. The Assembly of the African Union also declared the Ethiopian Millennium as a part of African heritage and a unique occasion. We thank you all for that honour and for that expression of solidarity.

Those who have witnessed how Ethiopians of all walks of life have received the new Ethiopian Millennium could not have missed the new spirit that has been on display in the country. This is a spirit of renewal and commitment to stand in unity for a better future for the country. The new Millennium was greeted by all Ethiopians with a pledge to do more for national harmony and for durable peace and stability and to prevail against the poverty that has been the hallmark of the country in recent decades.

Two thousand years ago, Ethiopia was the home of one of the great civilizations of the world, at Aksum. A thousand years ago, we could still produce two of the world's greatest heritage sites. One is the city of Harar, the fourth holiest city of Islam, which by happy coincidence also celebrates its own millennium this year. The other is the city of churches built by Lalibela, a saint, priest and emperor in the town that still bears his name today.

But Ethiopia's fortune began to change, commencing in the second half of the last Millennium. Though a survivor of colonialism and a representative of the greatness of Africa's past, Ethiopia also unfortunately came to represent and symbolize the poverty, dearth and destitution of Africa's more recent history.

Despite the formidable challenges we have faced, all of this has begun to change in the last decade. Hopelessness and frustration growing out of a lack of confidence in the future is no longer an image reflecting the reality of Ethiopia. That is perhaps the explanation for the exuberance displayed by all sectors of Ethiopian society in welcoming the new Millennium. A new and strong national consensus is being created in Ethiopia today. It is a consensus around conviction and the resolve to make the opening of our third Millennium a symbol of Ethiopian renaissance.

That overwhelming optimism displayed by all Ethiopians at the opening of the new Millennium rests on a tangible foundation. The political, social and economic realities in Ethiopia have been changing over the past decade. We are making meaningful progress. Indeed, we have no shortage of detractors. These are non-Ethiopians determined to scuttle the progress we are making in all areas. Their attempts include efforts to undermine national unity and to micromanage Ethiopia's internal affairs. We have seen this, including over the past few days.

Despite all this, however, we continue to make progress. For five consecutive years now, our real gross domestic product growth rate has averaged over 10 per cent. Our per capita income growth has averaged nearly 8 per cent for the last seven years.

More tangible perhaps, in terms of the progress we have been making to change the life situation of our people, is the advance we have registered towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. We are set to attain universal primary health care by 2010. We are well on the way to achieving the goals set for reducing child and maternal mortality well prior to 2015. We have made much progress in combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases. We have managed to halt and stabilize the spread of HIV/AIDS and reduce the incidence of malaria.

What we have been able to achieve in the area of education has been quite remarkable as well. There is now little doubt that we are on our way to achieving universal primary education by 2015. Primary school enrolment at present is 91.6 per cent. Sixteen years ago, it stood at 19 per cent. We have also begun to ensure that the education available will, in fact, be quality education.

We have also committed ourselves to environmental sustainability in a tangible manner. Our New Ethiopian Millennium celebrations and the preparations leading to them have underlined practical expressions to this commitment. The slogan "Two Trees for 2000" has been enthusiastically taken up throughout the country. Popular enthusiasm has led to the acceleration of the process that began earlier, culminating, after just three or four months, in the opening of the New Millennium and the planting of close to a billion trees. This is a process that will continue throughout the year and beyond.

Nor are we oblivious to the spectre of global warming and the threat of climate change. Africa is exceptionally vulnerable to the effects of climate change: so many of us live on the margins that the smallest difference in climate can mean the difference between sufficient food and famine, survival and death. It is a global challenge that requires a global response.

However, the need for speedy economic development in countries such as Ethiopia, and in Africa as a whole, should not be compromised simply in order to reverse dangerous climatic situations for whose creation we have no responsibility. It should, nonetheless, be possible, through effective international collaboration, to ensure that the developmental process in countries such as Ethiopia is environmentally friendly.

In this regard, we welcome the proposal of Brazil for a new United Nations conference on the environment and development to be held in 2012. We are also appreciative of the European Union's (EU) commitment to further cut its greenhouse gas emissions and to introduce more responsible and sustainable energy policies. We endorse the EU's support for reforming the institutional framework of United Nations environmental activities.

The economic and social progress Ethiopia has made over the past decade has, no doubt, been underpinned by the real and concrete advances we have made in building democratic institutions and fostering the rule of law. In this regard as well, we are entering our New Millennium with even greater and renewed commitment to deepening the democratic process in Ethiopia and strengthening a culture of tolerance and mutual understanding among our people. There is a new spirit of tolerance, dialogue and inclusiveness and of commitment to peace among our people.

The further democratization of the country and the nurturing of the rule of law is a pledge that every Ethiopian is making as we enter our New Millennium. This commitment is rooted in the conviction that durable peace in our country and the successful achievement of our objectives in the economic and social spheres can only be viable if we succeed in advancing towards achieving the democratic aspirations of our people. We urge those who wish to meddle in our affairs to remember that they will be held accountable for their action and that they should desist from seeking to place a trojan horse in our society.

It is that same spirit of the New Ethiopian Millennium that must guide our foreign policy. We have, over the last decade and a half, worked in good faith for peace in our region. We are more prepared now than ever and, in the spirit of the New Millennium, to contribute our share to achieving peace and understanding among peoples and countries, most particularly in our own subregion.

We are indeed fully aware that the basis for the renaissance of Ethiopia, to which we are committed in our New Millennium, cannot be limited to what we do in Ethiopia alone. To be true to the new spirit and to succeed in the rejuvenation of Ethiopia, we feel we have the obligation to stretch a hand of friendship to all of those, near and far, who see wisdom in a positive response to this gesture. We are well aware of the need for a regional atmosphere conducive to the rejuvenation of our region and of ourselves. It is not just the absence of conflict and dispute, but the reality of peace and cooperation, which is, we know, an absolute necessity. Without this we cannot achieve our aims, whether in Ethiopia, our region, or in Africa.

Allow me to express our profound appreciation to all those who have helped us make the progress we have made over the past decade. There are those who have been steadfast in their support for our endeavours and who have stood with us through thick and thin. We are indebted to them. Our obligation is to be true to the principles that underpin those expressions of solidarity.

Ethiopia, a founding Member of the United Nations, will continue to be devoted to multilateralism and the fullest cooperation with the United Nations. Therefore, as I conclude, I wish to reiterate, once again, our readiness to cooperate fully, and without reserve, with our Secretary-General in all areas where our contribution is needed and to seek friendship with all nations in the spirit of our New Millennium.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Lam Akol Ajawin, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Sudan.

Mr. Ajawin (Sudan)

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