General Assembly Session 62 meeting 15

The President

I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Brent Symonette, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.

Mr. Symonette (Bahamas)

I am proud to address this body as the representative of the Government of the Bahamas. We are committed to achieving a sense of security, well-being, pride and prosperity for the people of the Bahamas. We look forward to working with fellow Member States towards securing the same opportunities and freedoms for all people.

On behalf of the Government and the people of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I also want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor for her leadership and dedication and for so aptly guiding the work of the sixty-first session.

I would like to take this opportunity to extend congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his appointment as the eighth Secretary-General of the Organization. My Government is confident that, given Secretary-General Ban's experience and diplomatic skills, he will aptly guide the Organization in facing its challenges.

Let me take this opportunity to commend the General Assembly's adoption of the historic resolution 61/19, on the two-hundredth anniversary of the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and on the commemoration of the International Day held on 25 March of this year. The Bahamas, where the majority of our people are proud descendents of freed slaves, is participating at both the national and the regional levels in a number of commemorative activities. We fully support the project aimed at erecting a permanent memorial at the United Nations in commemoration of that shameful period in the history of our world.

At a time when the international community is engaged in serious reflections regarding the history and consequences of slavery and the slave trade, the Bahamas wishes to recognize Haiti as the only country to liberate itself from slavery and for the inspiration this provided to the international campaign against slavery.

Since modern forms of slavery still exist and since many people continue to be held in servitude, we must not relent in our resolve until everyone is able to enjoy and exercise the freedoms which this Organization has worked so diligently to recognize, uphold and defend.

Despite Haiti's proud history, challenges have beset our neighbour for generations. Haiti's return to democratic order last year was especially welcomed, and we celebrate the strides Haiti is making along the difficult and arduous road to peace, security and development. We heartily commend President Préval and his Administration for their stewardship of this demanding process. At the same time, we also commend the Organization of American States for its unstinting support for the people of Haiti.

The United Nations Mission in Haiti continues to play a vital role in this process, and the Bahamas supports the call for that mission to be maintained so as to consolidate the gains made to date and thus place our Caribbean Community (CARICOM) sister country on a firm and lasting path to sustainable development, peace, security and democracy. We urge the international community to support the people of Haiti in that quest.

As Haiti lies merely 90 miles from the southern shores of the Bahamas, its economic and political situation can and does have very tangible repercussions for us all. Each year, the Bahamas is challenged by the arrival of thousands of illegal migrants from Haiti who, by perilous means, journey to our shores in search of a better way of life. Ensuring that justice and democracy prevail in Haiti, therefore, has a positive impact not only on the people of Haiti, but also on the Bahamas and indeed the entire region.

The role of the United Nations in matters of sustainable development is crucial, particularly with regard to challenges demanding a truly global response -- challenges such as climate change. We commend the Secretary-General for bringing greater focus to the issue, with the convening of the high-level event on climate change last week, and are hopeful that the event will provide the necessary impetus for action when Member States meet in Bali later this year. The Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is indeed the appropriate forum for negotiations on a post-Kyoto agreement, and the political will demonstrated during the Secretary-General's recent high-level event should only bring closer focus to an agreed agenda in that regard.

For small island developing States and archipelagos like the Bahamas, climate change is a matter of critical importance. For many of us it is not just a matter of economics, but a matter of survival, as 80 per cent of our landmass is within five feet of mean sea level; even a one-degree rise in atmospheric temperature can have devastating ecological effects. Climate change is particularly challenging with respect to the potential effects on our tourism industry, which is our main industry and which generates some 60 per cent of the Bahamas's gross domestic product. We therefore cannot overemphasize the need for an ambitious mitigation agenda for the post-Kyoto regime. Recent studies have shown that there are many mitigation options available, and many of them are win-win. We must therefore, with unwavering commitment, explore these options in an open and inclusive environment.

For countries like the Bahamas, resources for adaptation are also essential. However, even access to existing funds can prove difficult given the country's gross national income. It is therefore vital that the relevant financial instruments and mechanisms be fully operationalized and/or improved so that they become more accessible and better address the peculiar circumstances and special needs of different countries. Further, there is a need for greater international cooperation with respect to the development of new technologies, as well as the transfer of such technologies in support of the sustainable development of small island developing States.

We in the Caribbean region must prepare for the possibility of continued increases in the incidence of natural hazards such as hurricanes, floods and earthquakes. Whether it is through assistance with hazard mapping and vulnerability assessment standardization or through the implementation of early warning systems, international cooperation has an important role to play in complementing national efforts to reduce vulnerability to natural disasters.

One step taken by the Caribbean region was the establishment of the Caribbean Catastrophic Risk Insurance Facility under the aegis of the World Bank. We would like to thank those countries who have contributed to the fund. The Bahamas continues to press for the execution of the Mauritius Strategy for the Further Implementation of the Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, as well as of complementary frameworks such as the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation and the Hyogo Framework for Action. The time has come to reassess our collective response to these issues and to renew our efforts in support of sustainable development.

Adequate financial resources are essential in the implementation of the wider internationally agreed development goals. Consideration of issues surrounding the follow-up to the International Conference on Financing for Development is particularly significant this year, as we prepare for the Follow-up International Conference on Financing for Development to Review the Implementation of the Monterrey Consensus, to be held in Doha next year. The Bahamas would wish for the deliberations of the upcoming High-level Dialogue, as well as the 2008 meeting of the Economic and Social Council with the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), to provide practical input into, and contribute to the success of that most important review conference.

The issue of strengthening the voice and participation of developing nations in international economic decision- making and norm-setting is especially important to the Bahamas. There is a definite need for concrete, realistic proposals to ensure the effective, permanent representation of developing countries, particularly small developing countries, not only in the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO but also in the other international economic and financial institutions, such as the Financial Stability Forum, the Financial Action Task Force and the Basel Committee.

The Bahamas welcomes the positive development in the area of international cooperation in tax matters, namely, the establishment of the Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters within the Economic and Social Council. The establishment of that Committee ensures that the interests of small developing States Members of the United Nations with different tax regimes will be factored into discussions and recommendations aimed at adopting mutually agreed standards that do not unduly favour the wealthy nations at the expense of meaningful development in States and jurisdictions not members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

We have reached the halfway mark in the time frame we set ourselves in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to undertake concrete steps by the year 2015 to address not only the economic and environmental challenges plaguing the international community and the Organization, but various social ills as well. In so doing, we gave those who are less fortunate hope for a better and more equitable world.

The MDG Report 2007 demonstrates that progress has been achieved in the reduction of the proportion of people living in poverty, the reduction of child and maternal mortality rates and the increase of primary school enrolment levels. However, nearly 20 million children worldwide continue to be severely malnourished and suffer from various preventable diseases that will undoubtedly affect their survival and rob them of their full potential. Overall progress in achieving equal rights and the empowerment of women is also too slow. My Government regards effective and practical measures to address poverty and the enhancement of educational partnerships to facilitate the development of our human resources to impact accelerated change as critical issues.

HIV/AIDS remains a global threat to the development, progress and stability of our societies. If the goal of universal access to comprehensive prevention, treatment, care and support by 2010 is to be achieved, commitments entered into in the 2001 Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS and the 2006 Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS must be implemented. The necessary financial and technical support to developing countries must be provided to help bridge the gap and foster a more comprehensive and sustainable global response to this pandemic.

Equally important is the fact that 63 per cent of deaths worldwide are attributable to non-communicable diseases resulting from factors such as obesity, high cholesterol, high blood sugar, high blood pressure, tobacco use, physical inactivity, unhealthy diet and alcohol abuse. At a recent summit of CARICOM heads of Government, a number of action steps were identified. The Governments have agreed to establish, by mid-2008, comprehensive plans for the screening and management of chronic diseases and risk factors, so that, by 2012, 80 per cent of people in the Caribbean region with non-communicable diseases would receive quality care and have access to preventive education based on regional guidelines.

In spite of the efforts of various entities and the existence of United Nations conventions to protect the rights of women and children, discrimination and violence against women and children persist throughout the world. In an effort to better address this problem, the Bahamas has drafted a new Child Protective Act and a Domestic Violence Protection Order to enhance and provide greater protection to these vulnerable groups.

Last year the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy (resolution 60/288) was adopted, marking an important step towards the elaboration of a counter-terrorism convention. The Bahamas continues to condemn terrorism and recognizes that while there may be instances when terrorism and criminal activities converge, the methodologies used to combat each of them are very different. Based on its own risk assessment, therefore, each Government must determine the level of resources that can be adopted and applied to counter-terrorism measures, particularly given the emphasis that the Strategy also places on addressing and preventing the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.

In prescribing counter-terrorism measures, care must be taken by the international community to preserve the tenet of due process. Care must also be taken to guard against the creation of disincentives that negatively impact countries with service-based economies. With respect to counter-terrorism measures, the Bahamas has adopted new legislation, ratified additional anti-terrorism conventions, increased security of large facilities, airports, docks and harbours developed a counter-terrorism intelligence network and provided anti-terrorism training for the police. Needless to say, such initiatives present a challenge and divert resources from our economic development.

The Bahamas reaffirms its commitment to fulfil its obligations to major international drug and counter-terrorism conventions and continues to support the concept of the expansion of the membership of the Security Council. The Bahamas maintains, however, that such expansion of the Security Council will not greatly increase the chances for our particular countries, such as the Bahamas.

While it is incumbent on Member States to fulfil their obligations that come with membership, the Organization must put in place effective management tools and create a system that would eliminate overspending and waste and create more fiscal accountability and proper oversight.

The Bahamas values the role of the United Nations as the custodian of the interests of the world's people, in particular the poor and the vulnerable. The Bahamas continues to believe that the United Nations Charter constitutes a viable and firm foundation on which the Organization can balance and achieve its objectives: to maintain international peace and security and, equally important, to promote development and economic and social progress.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Kenneth Baugh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Jamaica.

Mr. Baugh (Jamaica)

It is my great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you warmest and most sincere congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. The Jamaican delegation is confident that much will be accomplished during the sixty-second session under your able leadership. You can be assured of the support of the Jamaican delegation in that endeavour.

To your predecessor, Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, the Jamaican delegation extends its appreciation for her unstinting efforts in advancing the work of the General Assembly during its sixty-first session.

Jamaica also wishes to pay tribute to the laudable efforts of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon who, since his assumption of office in January of this year, has moved forward in earnest to enhance the process of reform of the United Nations.

I am deeply honoured to be addressing the General Assembly at its sixty-second session on behalf of my country, Jamaica. The time has come to reassess our collective response to these issues and to renew our efforts in support of sustainable development.

Adequate financial resources are essential in the implementation of the wider internationally agreed development goals. Consideration of issues surrounding the follow-up to the International Conference on Financing for Development is particularly significant this year, as we prepare for the Follow-up International Conference on Financing for Development to Review the Implementation of the Monterrey Consensus, to be held in Doha next year. The Bahamas would wish for the deliberations of the upcoming High-level Dialogue, as well as the 2008 meeting of the Economic and Social Council with the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), to provide practical input into, and contribute to the success of that most important review conference.

The issue of strengthening the voice and participation of developing nations in international economic decision-making and norm-setting is especially important to the Bahamas. There is a definite need for concrete, realistic proposals to ensure the effective, permanent representation of developing countries, particularly small developing countries, not only in the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO but also in the other international economic and financial institutions, such as the Financial Stability Forum, the Financial Action Task Force and the Basel Committee.

The Bahamas welcomes the positive development in the area of international cooperation in tax matters, namely, the establishment of the Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters within the Economic and Social Council. The establishment of that Committee ensures that the interests of small developing States Members of the United Nations with different tax regimes will be factored into discussions and recommendations aimed at adopting mutually agreed standards that do not unduly favour the wealthy nations at the expense of meaningful development in States and jurisdictions not members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

We have reached the halfway mark in the time frame we set ourselves in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to undertake concrete steps by the year 2015 to address not only the economic and environmental challenges plaguing the international community and the Organization, but various social ills as well. In so doing, we gave those who are less fortunate hope for a better and more equitable world.

The MDG Report 2007 demonstrates that progress has been achieved in the reduction of the proportion of people living in poverty, the reduction of child and maternal mortality rates and the increase of primary school enrolment levels. However, nearly 20 million children worldwide continue to be severely malnourished and suffer from various preventable diseases that will undoubtedly affect their survival and rob them of their full potential. Overall progress in achieving equal rights and the empowerment of women is also too slow. My Government regards effective and practical measures to address poverty and the enhancement of educational partnerships to facilitate the development of our human resources to impact accelerated change as critical issues.

HIV/AIDS remains a global threat to the development, progress and stability of our societies. If the goal of universal access to comprehensive prevention, treatment, care and support by 2010 is to be achieved, commitments entered into in the 2001 Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS and the 2006 Political Declaration on HIV/AIDS must be implemented. The necessary financial and technical support to developing countries must be provided to help bridge the gap and foster a more comprehensive and sustainable global response to this pandemic.

Equally important is the fact that 63 per cent of deaths worldwide are attributable to non-communicable diseases resulting from factors such as obesity, high cholesterol, high blood sugar, high blood pressure, tobacco use, physical inactivity, unhealthy diet and alcohol abuse. At a recent summit of CARICOM heads of Government, a number of action steps were identified. The Governments have agreed to establish, by mid-2008, comprehensive plans for the screening and management of chronic diseases and risk factors, so that, by 2012, 80 per cent of people in the Caribbean region with non-communicable diseases would receive quality care and have access to preventive education based on regional guidelines.

In spite of the efforts of various entities and the existence of United Nations conventions to protect the rights of women and children, discrimination and violence against women and children persist throughout the world. In an effort to better address this problem, the Bahamas has drafted a new Child Protective Act and a Domestic Violence Protection Order to enhance and provide greater protection to these vulnerable groups.

Last year the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy (resolution 60/288) was adopted, marking an important step towards the elaboration of a counter-terrorism convention. The Bahamas continues to condemn terrorism and recognizes that while there may be instances when terrorism and criminal activities converge, the methodologies used to combat each of them are very different. Based on its own risk assessment, therefore, each Government must determine the level of resources that can be adopted and applied to counter-terrorism measures, particularly given the emphasis that the Strategy also places on addressing and preventing the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.

In prescribing counter-terrorism measures, care must be taken by the international community to preserve the tenet of due process. Care must also be taken to guard against the creation of disincentives that negatively impact countries with service-based economies. With respect to counter-terrorism measures, the Bahamas has adopted new legislation, ratified additional anti-terrorism conventions, increased security of large facilities, airports, docks and harbours developed a counter-terrorism intelligence network and provided anti-terrorism training for the police. Needless to say, such initiatives present a challenge and divert resources from our economic development.

The Bahamas reaffirms its commitment to fulfil its obligations to major international drug and counter-terrorism conventions and continues to support the concept of the expansion of the membership of the Security Council. The Bahamas maintains, however, that such expansion of the Security Council will not greatly increase the chances for our particular countries, such as the Bahamas.

While it is incumbent on Member States to fulfil their obligations that come with membership, the Organization must put in place effective management tools and create a system that would eliminate overspending and waste and create more fiscal accountability and proper oversight.

The Bahamas values the role of the United Nations as the custodian of the interests of the world's people, in particular the poor and the vulnerable. The Bahamas continues to believe that the United Nations Charter constitutes a viable and firm foundation on which the Organization can balance and achieve its objectives: to maintain international peace and security and, equally important, to promote development and economic and social progress.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Kenneth Baugh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Jamaica.

Mr. Baugh (Jamaica)

It is my great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you warmest and most sincere congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. The Jamaican delegation is confident that much will be accomplished during the sixty-second session under your able leadership. You can be assured of the support of the Jamaican delegation in that endeavour.

To your predecessor, Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, the Jamaican delegation extends its appreciation for her unstinting efforts in advancing the work of the General Assembly during its sixty-first session.

Jamaica also wishes to pay tribute to the laudable efforts of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon who, since his assumption of office in January of this year, has moved forward in earnest to enhance the process of reform of the United Nations.

I am deeply honoured to be addressing the General Assembly at its sixty-second session on behalf of my country, Jamaica. Today, I especially restate my country's firm commitment to the ideals and principles of the United Nations and underscore Jamaica's strong support for multilateralism, which must underpin the core processes in the execution of the functions and responsibilities of the United Nations. In doing so, I am driven by our resolve for change, as well as by the need for unity and for the reinvigoration of the United Nations in order for it to effectively and efficiently achieve the fundamental purposes set out in its Charter.

As we begin this session, we must not lose sight of our strategic objectives and vision towards the maintenance of international peace and security; the development of friendly relations among nations; the achievement of international cooperation in the economic, social, cultural and humanitarian fields; and the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Looking back at the record over the past year, it is disconcerting that the challenges we face at the global level have not seen much discernable change. From a security point of view, the world continues to be plagued by seemingly incessant and protracted conflicts, such as those in the Middle East, parts of Africa and elsewhere. Millions of innocent persons are the victims of civil strife or are displaced as a result of violence and armed conflict. Terrorism, transnational organized crime and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction continue to threaten international peace and security.

From the economic and social perspective, we cannot escape the fact that we live in a world characterized by high levels of underdevelopment and social degradation -- a world where too many people live in dehumanizing poverty. It is a world in which human security is being threatened by environmental degradation. The experience of HIV/AIDS and the constant threat of new pandemics underscore our interconnectedness and interdependence, demanding universal cooperation and collective action.

All States, developed and developing, large and small, are vulnerable to those threats and must of necessity have a shared commitment to strengthening collective security and safeguarding world peace and security. No nation can address those challenges and threats entirely on its own. Sustained collective action and global cooperation are required to identify and shape a common vision and agreed objectives to deal with the complexities of our times. In recent years, we have renewed our commitment to the United Nations as the catalyst for effectively advancing the interests of our peoples in the areas of development, peace and security, and human rights.

Unquestionably, there have been pockets of success in global economic progress over the past decade. By and large, however, our commitments have not been matched by the desired implementation of the targets for meeting basic human needs, human security and sustainable development. It is clear that much more needs to be done if we are to achieve the development targets in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015.

The Government of Jamaica fully accepts that each country has the primary responsibility for setting development priorities through sound governance and policies. We believe that the goals that were solemnly agreed seven years ago are not overly ambitious and are still achievable. In that context, my Government is committed to taking further measures to pursue the objectives of the MDGs and other internationally agreed development goals. We are committed to providing the necessary framework that will promote social inclusion, enhance productive capacity and employment, and facilitate investment and sustained economic growth.

But many developing countries, such as Jamaica, cannot do it alone. The realization of the development agenda is dependent not only on our own domestic capabilities, but equally on the genuine commitment of all Member States to pursue a global partnership for development, which is at the core of the strategy for development. We believe, therefore, that it is imperative that we move beyond the simple reiteration of principles and translate commitments into action. We must give life to the aspirations embodied in the outcomes of international conferences on the basis of mutual responsibility and mutual accountability, with a fair expectation that obligations, as agreed, will be fully undertaken.

In all that we do, we must recognize that progress and uplifting the poor benefits all of us. It can mean the difference between conflict and stability, between hope and despair. As developing countries strive to put in place practical national development strategies, developed country partners must support those efforts through greater market access, debt relief, private capital flows, technological transfers and improved global economic governance. Jamaica therefore calls for renewed focus, as well as the necessary political will, to honour the commitments made for development, and urges the fulfilment of all obligations that we have collectively embraced so that we may effect real change in the lives of millions of impoverished people around the world.

A critical role in that process is official development assistance, including the fulfilment by developed countries of the official development assistance target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income. The High-Level Meeting on Financing for Development provides an opportunity to enhance collaboration with our partners towards achieving that goal.

The unique situation of middle-income developing countries, such as Jamaica, also requires special attention. That varied group of countries, with per capita gross domestic product spreading from $900 to $10,000, is by no means a homogeneous group and possesses its own particular vulnerabilities. Greater efforts must be made to address the needs of middle-income developing countries, in particular the high level of indebtedness that those countries face.

Globalization and economic liberalization have resulted in the increased exposure of developing countries to external economic forces over which they have little control. We should refuse to accept that globalization creates winners and losers. What we should strive for is a win-win and inclusive process in which the benefits and opportunities are more widely enjoyed across countries and regions.

An enabling international environment also requires a global trading system that is fair and equitable and that is conducive to development and integration in the world economy. A continued cause of grave concern to Jamaica is therefore the current impasse in the negotiations in the Doha Development Round, in spite of commitments to work expeditiously towards implementing the development dimensions of the Doha work programme. We must summon the necessary political will to reignite trade negotiations, with the development agenda as the centrepiece of the discussions as we seek to integrate developing countries in the multilateral trading system.

It is important that the creation of a viable and equitable trade regime also recognize diversity in the levels of development and size of economies. A one-size-fits-all model disregards the complexities and unique circumstances of countries. Jamaica will therefore continue to insist that new trading arrangements take account of that differentiation, especially as it concerns small vulnerable economies. The principle of special and differential treatment seeks only to level the playing field and to give developing countries a fair chance to participate meaningfully in global trade. At the same time, we will also join other developing countries in pressing for the removal of support for agricultural products by certain developed countries as a precondition for further market access for such products.

We call for and join in continuous and concerted international efforts to fight the spread of communicable diseases, including HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and others, particularly bearing in mind that they are all preventable. The global impact of AIDS has been particularly devastating. The high prevalence in many countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean, is cause for alarm. It should be noted that the pattern of high prevalence and high heterosexual transmission is strongly associated with poverty.

While noting the international response through the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, we stress the need for increased funding to help support developing countries to fight the pandemic. We are particularly concerned that the countries of the Caribbean, including Jamaica, are placed at a disadvantage in accessing the necessary funding to curtail the spread of the disease owing to their assigned middle-income status.

Implementing a global response to climate change must remain a priority as we seek consensus for combating global warming beyond 2012, when the Kyoto Protocol expires. As we prepare for the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Bali, Indonesia, we are encouraged that the recent High-Level Event on Climate Change and the General Assembly informal debate on climate change reinforced the urgency with which issues pertaining to environmental sustainability have to be tackled.

The principle of common but differentiated responsibility must be applied across the board. We are equally convinced that the international community must assist small island developing States in incorporating climate change adaptation and mitigation concerns in national sustainable development plans and assist them by improving access to environmentally sound technology related to climate change.

Jamaica and other countries in the Caribbean are all too familiar with the adverse effects of climate change and associated phenomena, including the rise in sea-level and the increase in the frequency and intensity of hurricanes and other weather events that threaten the sustainable development, livelihoods and the very existence of small island developing States. In my own country, the onslaught of Hurricane Dean on 19 August resulted in the loss of life and extensive damage to infrastructure, property and the agricultural sector, as well as in the loss of livelihood for many.

The threat of terrorism transcends boundaries and has had a devastating impact on the economic development of States, whether directly or indirectly. It is imperative that we negotiate and conclude a comprehensive convention against terrorism. We must also invigorate disarmament and non-proliferation efforts.

There is a need to comprehensively address the illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons, which have the capacity to kill and maim thousands of people. Jamaica has first-hand experience of high levels of gun violence and the unwarranted burden it places on our social and economic system. We urge the international community to give priority attention to this menace, including through the creation of a legally binding instrument containing stricter controls on the illegal trade in small arms and ammunition. Likewise, we support the proposal for the establishment of an arms trade treaty.

A major priority of the United Nations is not only winning the peace, but more importantly keeping and sustaining the peace. Jamaica fully supports the work of the Peacebuilding Commission, which earlier this year celebrated its first anniversary and whose groundbreaking work is assisting in post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction. As a member of the Commission, Jamaica looks forward to the continuation of the dialogue as we seek to build on the successes of the recent past, always mindful that the countries under consideration require swift action to implement priority projects as part of the rehabilitation and reconstruction process.

The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) continues to be seized of developments in Haiti. We reaffirm the importance of the continued engagement of the international community and, in this regard, welcome the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) to assist in the stabilization process. We also encourage support from the international community to meet the long-term social, economic and development needs of Haiti.

We must remain unwavering in our commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights and the rule of law. Much more needs to be done to ensure that the basic rights of individuals are universally protected and that transparent and accountable governance prevails at the local and international levels.

Jamaica is honoured to assume the Chairmanship of the Third Committee during the General Assembly at its sixty-second session, as part of our commitment to ensure that human rights are promoted and protected globally. In this regard, we are particularly keen to help guide the Committee's work in promoting and protecting the rights of marginalized and vulnerable groups. Jamaica recognizes the importance of the protection of the human rights of women, which is critical to the international processes aimed at achieving gender equality and the development of women.

Late last year a significant milestone was achieved with the adoption by the United Nations of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities with the distinction of being one of the most supported conventions at its opening for signature in March 2007. Jamaica is pleased to have been the first country to ratify the Convention and encourages others to accede to the Convention as a sign of their commitment to ensuring that the rights and dignity of the disabled are promoted and protected. We also welcome the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The deteriorating humanitarian situation in Darfur remains a matter of grave concern and preoccupation of the international community. Jamaica therefore welcomes the recent unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 1769 (2007) for the deployment of the joint African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur to the region. We are encouraged that by certain developments that indicate that this kind of cooperation has begun and urge that these efforts be intensified.

The process of reform of the United Nations seems prolonged and challenging, with little or no consensus in the various proposals put forward for improvements in the functioning of the United Nations and its main organs. We must redouble our efforts to revitalize the General Assembly, so that it can effectively carry out its role and responsibility as the chief deliberative and policy-making organ of the United Nations. We must also work towards a reformed Security Council that is more inclusive, more representative and more transparent.

This year marks the bicentenary of the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade. Member States of the Caribbean Community are heartened by the overwhelming solidarity of the international community in marking the event at the special commemorative meeting of the General Assembly in March and other activities during the course of the year to memorialize the victims of this egregious period in our history.

A significant element of the commemoration is a plan to honour the victims of the transatlantic slave trade and slavery, through the erection of a permanent memorial in the halls of the United Nations. We are grateful to Member States that have contributed or pledged towards the permanent memorial account that has been established and look forward to your further support and contributions towards the erection of the memorial.

We are 192 Member States; we have the fundamental tools and the required level of expertise to effectively address the major challenges facing us today. It is now clear that we must also have a steadfast will and a shared commitment towards a radical change from the existing mindset in favour of positive action, if the United Nations is to successfully respond to challenges, which continue to hamper the attainment of its objectives for peace and sustainable development.

In calling for radical change in the existing mindset and in the way we discourse and take actions on international issues, we should be guided by the purposes and principles of the Charter. A change in our mindset will require a rethinking on the part of all Member States as we seek to promote world peace and achieve economic and social development. It will also require a deep search in the conscience of all States as we seek to adhere to our obligations under international law with due regard for the collective will of the international community.

This radical change in the existing mindset will necessarily require us to be more responsible as Member States of a united Organization, more responsible as citizens of this one world and more focused on the shared responsibilities that come with our membership in the United Nations.

Let us not falter in our obligation to ensure that the Organization not only remains responsive to the vast array of concerns and demands of its diverse membership, but that it is able to do so without compromising the noble ideals and principles on which it was founded. This process begins with a conscious determination and political resolve to transform not only our modus operandi, but the thinking that informs it. Jamaica stands ready to play its part in this endeavour and calls upon all Member States to do likewise.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Ahmad Allam-Mi, Minister for Foreign Affairs and African Integration of the Republic of Chad.

Mr. Allam-Mi (Chad)

Please accept our warm congratulations, Sir, on your well-deserved election to the presidency of our Assembly. We are convinced that you possess all the necessary qualities for the sound direction of our work. My country assures you of its support as you carry out your important task.

We also wish to convey our gratitude to your predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for the efficiency with which she guided the work of our sixty-first session. I also wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, who has been constantly playing a significant role since his election in advancing the ideals of our Organization.

One important event has caught the attention of Chad. On 25 September, the Security Council adopted unanimously resolution 1778 (2007) authorizing an international operation on the eastern border of Chad and the north-east border of the Central African Republic. That operation -- and we should stress the defensive nature of its mandate: the protection of refugees, displaced persons, civilian populations and humanitarian workers -- is something that in Chad we are very satisfied to see since it will lighten the heavy burden borne thus far by the Chadian local police since the beginning of the crisis in Darfur.

Chad also wishes to thank the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the friendly countries who have supported the local Chadian police. At this point, I wish also to pay tribute to their courage and dedication because they did their best in order to accomplish their sensitive and dangerous mission.

The new operation will be able to rely on the availability and cooperation of Chadian authorities. We venture to hope that it will stabilize and create conditions for the reconstruction of the eastern part of our country, which has been destroyed by incursions of the Janjaweed militias from the Sudan and other armed groups from Darfur. It will also especially require that the Chadian displaced persons, who have so far been neglected by the international community, be reinstalled in their original localities.

Above and beyond our hopes of stabilization and reconstruction in the eastern part of our country, we have the legitimate hope that the Darfur crisis will end. More than any country, Chad would gain by that, especially since our populations in the eastern part of Chad have been the victims of the crisis as often if not more than our sister populations of the Sudan in Darfur. For that reason, our country has tirelessly endeavoured to restore peace and security to Darfur. In that regard, no one can ignore the extremely important role played by the President of the Republic, His Excellency Mr. Idriss Deby Itmo, in supporting the peacekeeping measures taken by the international community.

The Republic of Chad has no intention of departing from that course. For that reason we will make the fullest possible contribution to the success of the resumed inter-Sudanese peace talks on Darfur that are scheduled for Tripoli on 27 October. We have also contributed to the preparation of the peace talks through our participation in meetings bringing together the non-signatory movements of the Abuja Peace Agreement, including meetings at Abeche in Chad, at Asmara in Eritrea, at Tripoli in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and at Arusha in Tanzania, as well as the last Seminar of N'Djaména in Chad -- all of which has taken place under the auspices of the joint mediation of the United Nations and the African Union.

We have just underscored our resolve to work for peace in Darfur in particular, and of course, in the Sudan in general, because that work is in the interest of peace and security in the subregion of Central Africa in general and of Chad in particular. We all need peace among our neighbours in order to fend off any risk to the stabilization of our countries and to continue, guided by the inspiration of His Excellency Mr. Idriss Deby Itmo, President of the Republic and Head of State, to build upon the democratic process that our country has been committed to since 1990, as well as to ensure the peace, security and social well-being of the Chadian people.

In that regard, we should highlight that, since last year, Chadian political life has witnessed some positive developments. A number of military and political high officials of the Chadian rebellion have had their legal rights restored, individually or in small groups or with their entire organization.

On 4 March 2007, a new Government was formed under the leadership of one of the well known figures of the political opposition to the presidential majority -- Prime Minister Sem Nouradine Delwa Kassire Koumakoye. Moreover, the new Government has responded to the expectations of the opposition by deciding to postpone the legislative and communal elections in order to wait for the conclusions of a political dialogue begun under the auspices of the European Union. That dialogue is aimed at strengthening the rule of law and the democratic process by organizing the elections under conditions that are acceptable to all actors in our political life, or at least by the greater majority, which is devoted to the peaceful settlement of political conflicts and has renounced recourse to weapons and anti-constitutional changes.

That political dialogue led to the signing of a political agreement on 13 August 2007. The signing of that important agreement by the parties of the governmental majority and the democratic opposition clearly stems from the constant resolve of the President of the Republic, His Excellency Mr. Idriss Deby Itmo, to establish a peaceful political life in the country.

Furthermore, we wish also to warmly thank our development partners, in particular the European Union, whose valuable assistance enabled us to produce the agreement that we consider historic. That new fact in Chad's political life has enabled us to note with great satisfaction that a number of political exiles have returned or intend to return without delay to the country. We owe that situation to the facilitation of the heads of State who are friends of Chad and we mention in particular His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba of Gabon and His Excellency Mr. Boni Yayi of Benin. In addition to the notable progress with the democratic opposition and the Chadian political exiles we note that we are looking forward -- with the support of the guide to the Libyan revolution and the mediator of the Community of Sahelo-Saharan States (CEN-SAD), our brother Muammar Al-Qadhafi -- to continuing with the useful discussions taking place in Tripoli with the armed movements aimed at reaching agreements with those organizations that have not yet rejoined the great Chadian family. We hope that those movements will renounce any recourse to weapons and express their expectations within the peaceful framework set by the historic political agreement of 13 August 2007 and with respect for the institutions of the Republic.

It is our view that all political initiatives having to do with national reconciliation should fall within the framework of the political agreement of 13 August and should contribute to strengthening the State apparatus for the benefit of the general interest. For we should not forget that since its independence, Chad has known only conflict or post-conflict situations, often, indeed, internal, but including in particular those fuelled from the outside to weaken the State or to topple the country's institutions. This is why we count on the international community to unreservedly condemn all attempts to destabilize the Chadian State, and also all who use unconstitutional means, notably force, to seize power. The Chadian people, victims of insecurity due to the interminable armed struggles for power, condemn these sterile struggles and rely on the democratic political actors and on the international community to block the path to violence.

If we must extend a hand to the rebels, whose causes sometimes seem to be from the world of a revolutionary utopia, this should not be done to the detriment of the highest interest of the rule of law and of democracy. Unhappiness is at the heart of rebellions. We find mercenaries in the pay of someone from the exterior, and adventurers who use it as a source of commerce to gain unwarranted material advantages or to satisfy personal ambitions in exchange for their return to legality, in disdain of the authority of the State apparatus, of the law and of the country's regulations.

After this brief overview of Chadian political questions, allow me to raise some other issues regarding today's challenges: globalization with its hopes and anguishes, poverty, inequitable international trade, terrorism, the AIDS pandemic, and so forth. A number of international meetings have been held on these topics and on others. Resolutions and recommendations have been adopted. However, no decisive advances have been made in these areas. We can only hope that the international community will honour its commitments and that the richest will keep their promises vis-à-vis the poorest.

We cannot simply ignore another important event, the High-level Event on Climate Change and its consequences, which was held right here. We hope that the international community will learn lessons with a view to acting instead of indulging in fine statements, as was the case after the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Kyoto.

Yes, we need to act, and for us the most tragic case deserving the attention of the international community is that of the shrinking of Lake Chad, whose surface has been reduced in a few decades from 25,000 square kilometres to 2,500 square kilometres. Saving Lake Chad would not only contribute to the struggle against disastrous climate change on a planetary level, but would also meet the needs of 25 million people in the countries adjacent to the Lake.

Another issue is just as worrisome, and that is the conflict situations in Africa and on other continents. How can we not take a stand? We applaud the efforts of the African Union (AU) and the United Nations to find lasting solutions to the conflicts in Africa or elsewhere in the world.

This prompts us to underscore the importance of another event that has caught our attention. That is the Security Council meeting held at the level of heads of State on 25 September on the question of peace and security in Africa. We are mindful of the Council's steadily growing interest in Africa, and that meeting seems to pave the way for the strengthening of cooperation between the United Nations and the AU, especially with a view to building the capacities of the AU so that it can accomplish its peace missions in the best possible conditions. This is the moment to condemn the recent barbarous attacks on the African forces in Darfur and to express our condolences to the families of the missing.

We have great hope for the settlement of all crises in the framework of the rebirth of multilateralism and collective security, which our Secretary-General has very strongly endorsed: hopes for peace in Côte d'Ivoire, in Western Sahara, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the Horn of Africa, in the Middle East and so forth.

Before I conclude, I would like to recall that we have constantly condemned before this Assembly all forms of violence and intolerance, especially their most extreme form -- terrorism. We reaffirm our condemnation and our commitment to fighting these phenomena. We would like to reaffirm our commitment to strive to eliminate all sources of conflicts and all the threats that jeopardize peace and security around the world.

In this regard, I wish to recall the need to respect the principles of peaceful coexistence, which are respect for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States. This, of course, prompts us to reaffirm our devotion to respect for internationally recognized historical borders. We cite as an example our attachment to the policy of a single China and our opposition to Taiwan's attempts to bring about a kind of accession to the United Nations, under whatever name they might choose.

This also prompts us to express respect for the sovereign right of States to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. And we welcome the good arrangements to find solutions to the question of nuclear energy through negotiations and to find a peaceful solution to the problem of the dissemination of weapons of mass destruction.

This last prompts us once again to launch a pressing appeal to our Assembly, especially to the permanent members of the Security Council, to redress the injustice of the African continent being the only continent that does not have a permanent member seat on the Council, when the bulk of the Council's agenda is comprised of African situations.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Dermot Ahern, T.D., Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland.

Mr. Ahern (Ireland)

First of all, Mr. President, may I congratulate you on your election and wish you well in the months ahead.

Upon its formation earlier this year, the Irish Government set itself the goal of becoming a model Member State of the this great Organization. We have set out an ambitious programme to be a world leader in development assistance, rapid response to humanitarian disasters and conflict resolution.

This is because our own history shows that there is a path from famine to plenty and from conflict to peace. And from that history has grown a determination, in ordinary Irish men and women, to stand in the vanguard of the fight against conflict, hunger and the denial of human rights, a fight best fought by a strong and equally determined United Nations -- a fight we cannot afford to lose.

It is also because after six decades, the core goal of the United Nations -- universal peace and security -- unfortunately still eludes us. Today, in spite of all our efforts, violent conflict remains all too common.

The causes of conflict are many. But very often, it is in the persistence of poverty and in the denial of human rights that we find the causes of conflict, the enduring results of conflict and the seeds of future conflict. In making peace, we must be as creative and as determined as those waging war.

The range of instruments now available strengthens our collective capacity to resolve conflict. We must use that full array with determination now. We must ensure that the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission and Peacebuilding Fund are organized and resourced to fulfil their important mandate. We must maintain our support for United Nations-mandated peacekeeping operations, which today are at an all-time high in terms of their size, scope and complexity. We must also support strengthened United Nations efforts in the fields of conflict prevention and resolution. We in Ireland will play our part.

My Government has decided to significantly increase its commitment to conflict resolution, including through the establishment of a designated unit in the Foreign Ministry, the creation of an academic Centre for Conflict Resolution, a system of roving ambassadors to affected regions and an annual fund of 25 million to assist conflict resolution in the developing world.

In the years ahead, we will also work to strengthen the capacity of the African Union and subregional organizations to make and build peace for themselves. We will focus our efforts on peacemaking during conflict and peacebuilding after conflict. We will also work on identifying, distilling and sharing the lessons of conflict resolution. We will be particularly active in Africa, including through working with our partner Governments under our Irish Aid programme. We will explore the links between climate change and conflict, because climate change directly threatens not only the most vulnerable but all of our shared goals of progress, peace and development.

The focus of our foreign policy on rights, development and now conflict resolution underlines once again Ireland's commitment to the global agenda of the United Nations. But this convergence is also underscored by our own national experience of peacemaking. Speaking here in New York in April 1969, before the appalling escalation of violence in Northern Ireland, one of my distinguished predecessors, Frank Aiken, said "I think there is sufficient wisdom if it can only be energized in our section of the world, in these islands off the North West of Europe, to settle the problem." For far too long that sufficient wisdom eluded us.

For almost 40 years it has been my duty and that of my predecessors as Minister for Foreign Affairs to brief this Assembly on the search for peace on the island of Ireland. I am particularly delighted to report that perhaps, save for general updates on progress, this will no longer be necessary.

The conflict in Northern Ireland lasted for more than three decades and was made apparently insoluble by issues of national, cultural and religious identity, contested historical narratives and claims of sovereignty, all hardened by the direct experiences of division, inequality and violence.

Since the ceasefires of the mid-1990s and the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, there has been much better news to report. But the final steps to the full implementation of that Agreement were not completed until earlier this year. With the formation of the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive, bringing together historic opponents from across the political divide, we have opened an extraordinary new chapter in the history of the island of Ireland.

Legacies of separation and distrust remain, and the inevitable challenges and difficulties of normal politics will need wise and sensitive management. But there is an overwhelming consensus that this new beginning can be nurtured and sustained.

The task is no longer to find peace, but to maintain and build on the peace we have found. I do not believe our success offers a universal, transferable formula, but I do believe that our experience of failure and then success over 40 years provides insights and lessons worth sharing. One of the specific tasks of our conflict resolution initiative is to codify those insights and lessons. But today I will offer just a few.

First, in the end, those who are part of the problem must be part of the solution -- not because we approve of their actions or beliefs, but because without them it is all too easy for an agreement among others to be destroyed.

Secondly, inclusive dialogue must, however, take place on the basis of clear and guaranteed principles. In Ireland, these were consent, non-violence and parity of esteem.

Thirdly, partnerships between Governments and involving sympathetic third parties -- in our case the United States and the European Union -- can develop comprehensive frameworks within which enduring settlements can be reached.

Fourthly, it is often necessary to take risks for peace -- but those risks must be carefully calibrated. Timing is of the essence and so is patience, and there are times when contacts must be private and at arm's length.

Fifthly, our experience demonstrates the need to address all issues, all of the causes of conflict, comprehensively, no matter how difficult and intractable they may be, and even if they have to be resolved in different time frames.

Sixth, popular endorsement of an agreement through the ballot box makes it immensely more legitimate and durable.

Finally, without effective and faithful implementation, again often with external assistance, an agreement's viability and credibility can quickly ebb away.

On a more practical and operational level, we have devised and implemented innovative arrangements for dealing with many of the issues that dominate peacemaking and peacebuilding in our case: constitutional change, power sharing, cross-border cooperation, transitional justice, policing and security reform, equality and human rights, conflict over symbols, arms decommissioning and prisoner release.

In our own process, we have learned much from others, particularly from the instance of South Africa. Together, I hope we can, in Frank Aiken's term, develop both sufficient wisdom and sufficient will to resolve enduring and complex conflicts.

Working with a strengthened United Nations and sharing lessons with one another, I passionately hope we can advance the day when political leaders from other regions of the world blighted by conflict can announce in this forum that peace has come to them too.

Northern Ireland has been added to the list of conflicts resolved. But the road to universal peace is still blocked by conflicts old, new and threatened.

Today, across the world we stand with the people of Burma. The courage of the Buddhist monks and nuns and their supporters has won universal admiration. The efforts of its regime to conceal its brutality behind a wall of silence have failed. It has been rightly condemned for its violent response. I call on its leaders at long last to respond constructively to the wishes of the people, to stop their violence and to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners. The process of national reconciliation and democratization must begin in earnest, and we hope that the Secretary-General's Special Envoy will be able to report progress on his return here in a few days.

We look to the Security Council to respond effectively to the compelling calls of the international community. It is neither acceptable nor true to argue, as some of its members have, that the situation in Burma is not a question of international peace and security. The potential regional consequences of the crisis are evident to all. This places a particular onus on the Governments of China, India and of the countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). I welcome the encouraging recent signs of positive and concerned engagement and urge them to redouble their efforts.

Within the European Union, Ireland has long taken a strong and principled position on Burma. We are looking urgently at how to increase the pressure on the regime, including through further European Union restrictive measures, without harming the ordinary people, whose suffering is already so great.

As it is for people across the world, Darfur is a matter of grave concern in Ireland. We have made it a priority for our diplomacy and our Irish Aid programme. We must solve the humanitarian and security crisis while simultaneously establishing the foundations for longer-term peace and development. We urge the full, effective and speedy deployment of the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur. Khartoum must actively cooperate and at last desist from all obstruction. Rebel groups must also play their part. The recent attack on peacekeepers in Darfur was an outrage and was rightly condemned here. I would like to express my sympathies and those of the Irish Government to the families of those killed.

In keeping with our proud tradition of peacekeeping, Ireland expects to make a substantial contribution to the United Nations-mandated mission to Chad and the Central African Republic to help aid refugees and address the regional dimension of the Darfur crisis.

All those who are party to the conflict must commit to the political talks in Libya next month. I welcome the Secretary-General's establishment of a trust fund to support these talks, and I pledge Ireland's support in that respect. If commitments are not fulfilled and progress does not materialize, Ireland will support further sanctions against non-cooperating parties.

I am particularly and gravely concerned at the increasingly serious humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe. The current Southern African Development Community initiative, led by President Mbeki, offers the best hope for progress and I would encourage all those involved to redouble their efforts to agree on a new political dispensation offering real political reform and economic recovery for all Zimbabweans.

The situation in the Middle East is always high on our agenda. There has been a collective international failure to establish a credible political process leading to a two-State solution. But today there are possibilities for change. The outlines of a viable settlement are clear to everyone, even if it will require difficult and painful compromises. Ireland strongly supports the dialogue between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas. We are also encouraged by the determination of the Arab States to pursue the historic Arab Peace Initiative. We share the hope that the international meeting now in preparation under Secretary Rice's leadership will indeed be serious and substantive and set in train a transformation of the political landscape and the lives of its people.

Ireland's historic commitment to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation continues. We are also active in seeking a comprehensive response to the curse of cluster munitions, the appalling effects of which are all too evident in Lebanon and elsewhere. As a contribution to the collaborative effort launched in Oslo last February, Ireland will host a diplomatic conference in May 2008, which we hope will finalize the first-ever international agreement on cluster munitions.

The establishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) spurred our efforts to tackle poverty and its consequences. I greatly welcome the Secretary-General's establishment of the MDG Africa Steering Group to lead a determined push to achieve our targets for 2015.

Ireland is doing its part. We are currently spending more than 0.5 per cent of our gross national product on overseas development aid and will reach 0.7 per cent by 2012. We have substantially increased our support to humanitarian relief operations and to tackling HIV/AIDS.

But we know that more needs to be done. The donor community is failing the test set by the MDGs. Overseas aid has fallen by 5 per cent in real terms. It is not acceptable in today's world that there are still 980 million people living in abject poverty, that half of the developing world has no access to basic sanitation or that half a million women will die in pregnancy or childbirth each year. Perhaps the most damning fact is that one in seven people on this Earth today do not get enough food to eat to have a healthy and productive life. That figure jumps to one in four in sub-Saharan Africa.

Mr. Ahern (Ireland)

To help meet that most basic of challenges, Ireland has established a Hunger Task Force to examine the root causes of that enduring source of misery, disease and death. It will help us contribute to the MDG goal of halving hunger and poverty. I am delighted that the experts on the Hunger Task Force include Jeffrey Sachs, the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the MDGs.

Ireland will maintain and increase its commitment to the work of the United Nations in the fields of peace and security, development and human rights. There is no mystery to the challenges facing us, even if they are formidable. Our generation is uniquely equipped to know what it will take to deal with them. We have the scientific knowledge, the experience, the resources and, through this Organization, the mechanism for cooperation to rise to these challenges. We must summon sufficient wisdom and will to do so.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Patrick Pillary, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Seychelles.

Mr. Pillary (Seychelles)

Allow me to first extend to all of you the fraternal greetings and best wishes of President Michel of the Republic of Seychelles, the Government and the people of Seychelles on the convening of the sixty-second session of the General Assembly. Seychelles is proud to be here today, as a partner and an ally, to further our international efforts, to address the challenges that are central to the future of all humanity and that pose a threat to global political and economic stability and security.

I join previous speakers in congratulating Mr. Srgjan Kerim on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. His election to the helm of this Assembly is a testimony to the high esteem in which the international community holds him and his country, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I take this opportunity, too, to express my country's sincere appreciation to his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of Bahrain, for her outstanding stewardship of the work of the General Assembly at its sixty-first session.

Allow me to commend and to renew Seychelles' strong support to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the determination and strong will he has shown since the beginning of his tenure in office, in strengthening the role of the United Nations.

Seychelles remains unwavering in its support of the United Nations. Our commitment has not changed since we joined this Organization 31 years ago. More than ever, we believe that the world needs strong and effective multilateralism. Indeed, we are convinced that the most effective means of advancing our collective interests is through the United Nations.

Seychelles is pleased that the overarching theme of this year's session is responding to climate change, as the General Assembly of the United Nations is the forum for concerted and comprehensive action in addressing a defining issue of our time.

Fifteen years ago, in 1992, Seychelles, a small island developing State, was the second country to accede to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). We were convinced then, as we are now, that the Convention's primary objective of reducing the dangerous levels of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the earth's atmosphere must be realized in order to protect the environment and avoid serious socio-economic disruptions. Six years later, in 1998, Seychelles reiterated its commitment to the ideals of the UNFCCC by adopting the Kyoto Protocol. However, the attempts of the international community to act on those international agreements have been modest at best.

The challenge of development has never been higher on the international agenda. However, the adverse impacts of climate change are a major barrier for the achievement of sustainable development goals in many countries, especially small island developing States, which are recognized as being most vulnerable to climate change.

We must emphasize again that for the majority of small island developing States, agriculture, fisheries and tourism have for a long time been the mainstay of survival and economic development. Let us not forget that small island developing States are home to a sizeable proportion of the world's biodiversity and that the majority of the species are endemic and increasingly under threat because of climate change.

In Seychelles, the fisheries sector is a key pillar of our economy. It is expected that changes in climate may cause migratory shifts in tuna aggregations to other locations, thus depriving our country of one of its main sources of income. Moreover, inshore and traditional fishing, the mainstay of local fishermen and a major source of food, is also highly threatened. Food security on islands is at stake.

The impacts of climate change on the tourism sector are also expected to be significant, and that is why we believe that support for economic diversification towards other revenue-generating sectors in small island States is more than necessary.

Climate change is also a security issue. But it is not merely a matter of narrow national security -- it has a new dimension. It is a question of our collective security and responsibility in a fragile and increasingly interdependent world, where the notion of borders has undergone a powerful symbolic transformation.

It is now up to politicians, businessmen and civil society to continue the work accomplished by scientists. The peoples of the world are increasingly looking to their leaders to take action, and the time is now. A week ago, at a meeting of the Global Island Partnership in Rome, our President, James Michel, launched the Sea Level Rise Foundation, as an attempt to ensure that island nations have the capacity to adapt to climate change. Together we are mobilizing leadership, gathering resources and sharing skills, knowledge, technologies and innovation in a cost-effective and sustainable way that will catalyse action for conservation and sustainable livelihoods on islands and low-lying areas in the face of climate change.

We count on the valuable support of the international community for ensuring the success of this noble and important endeavour. We call on the developed countries to take a strong lead and commitment in combating climate change. Aspirational global emissions reduction goals are not sufficient. We believe that the Kyoto Protocol paves the way forward for Annex I countries to fulfil their commitments under UNFCCC. We urge those parties to commit to their legally binding targets and to translate them into concrete actions for the reduction of their gas emissions.

We believe that a United Nations-based multilateral approach that builds on the Kyoto Protocol framework is the only decisive way of moving forward. There cannot be any doubt as to the major importance of the first steps taken at Kyoto and of the quantum improvements brought about by the provisions of the Protocol. The size and urgency of the problem requires that we take bold initiatives and compromises.

However, as the globe suffers because of climate change, it is essential that the international community as a whole be formally and unequivocally reminded that neither the efforts made thus far in implementing UNFCCC, nor the emissions reduction targets, set on average at 5.2 per cent, adopted in Kyoto represent an adequate effort to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at safe levels. We know that we need to do much more. In that regard, we would like to take this opportunity to praise the recent work accomplished by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in urging the need for deeper cuts in greenhouse gasses of 25 per cent to 40 per cent below 1990 levels by 2020. Moreover, we would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation for the determination shown by our Secretary-General in facilitating the international dialogue to address the problem.

It is now up to us to build the political momentum needed in order to ensure that a comprehensive agreement is met at the world summit on climate change in Bali, Indonesia. There is an urgent need to ensure that developing nations, including small island developing States, can continue to develop and prosper in an equitable manner. Small island developing States need to be equipped financially, technically and technologically to adapt to global climate change and sea level rise without redirecting their limited resources from sustainable development.

Allow me to now turn briefly to other issues that are of particular importance to Seychelles.

First of all, Seychelles recognizes that globalization has the potential to advance human development throughout the world. But it is not automatic, for globalization has also increased our vulnerability, insecurity and the possibility of marginalization.

It is internationally recognized that trade can be an important source of financing for development. In this particular context, Seychelles strongly believes that more emphasis should be placed on the development dimension of small island developing States in multilateral trade negotiations, in recognition of their specificities and structural handicaps. Moreover, in our view, ownership of development orientations by recipient countries is the precondition for the emergence of a true partnership in development cooperation.

Furthermore, it is extremely important that the whole issue of development policies and cooperation be monitored closely within the international system. Decisions affecting development are being taken in different arenas, forums and agencies. Increasingly, there is the need to ensure coherence in policies and programmes. The international system currently does not have an effective mechanism for conducting such an exercise. We reiterate our belief that one of the urgent tasks of the moment is to create a mechanism within the international architecture that will focus on trade, finance, technology and development policy in an integrated manner.

Seychelles remains determined to build its economy based on our assertion of the principle of responsibility for our own development. Our efforts at economic re-engineering have been very dynamic. The Seychelles Strategy 2017 commits the Government of the Republic of Seychelles to doubling the gross domestic product in the next 10 years. The reforms being undertaken will not only ensure that our economy continues to grow but also will facilitate the participation of every Seychellois in wealth creation. That is the commitment of the Government of Seychelles. However, owing to our inherent vulnerabilities, we need the support of the international community in guaranteeing that the considerable successes achieved so far in the economic and social sectors are not lost.

I have spoken thus far on climate and development issues, which are both closely related to other critical areas of the international agenda. One such area concerns peace and security. It is tragic and painful to witness the continued cycle of violence around the world. Peace accords and ceasefire agreements do not, unfortunately, entail a cessation of hostilities.

We support the strong will shown by the United Nations, working alongside the African Union, in ensuring that peace and security are brought to the people in the Darfur region of the Sudan. Seychelles associates itself with all those calling and working for peace in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and elsewhere.

Against the backdrop of increased violence from war and terrorism, it is clear to us that violence and the use of force cannot be the answer. We must embrace multilateralism and insist that international relations be guided by the rule of law as the basis for our collective security.

The United Nations remains a significant partner and interlocutor of the modern development and progress of Seychelles. It is with complete faith, as a small island developing State, that we renew our trust in the principles of the Charter. We cannot stop emphasizing the compelling urgency of altering the design and function of the Security Council, if it is to fulfil the mandate conferred by the Charter of 1945 in the realities of the world today.

With regard to the General Assembly, what is needed is a resuscitation and use of the powers of the General Assembly and the assertion of its role as the principal organ of the United Nations. The Assembly is a forum of equals. Its pronouncements and policy decisions must carry the stamp of legitimacy as the voice of the international community. However, we must emphasize that, irrespective of whatever institutional arrangements we may devise, in the final analysis, it is the commitment and political will among Member States alone that can make the system work.

Mr. Pillary (Seychelles)

In the demanding context of globalization, regions are players with which the multilateral organizations, donors and international investors devote increasingly sustained attention. The regional approach is also the best bastion when it comes to mounting defences against terrorism, insecurity, banditry, trafficking, pandemics, or to providing an efficient response to disasters in real time. A region is, ultimately, for the countries that comprise it, the strongest legal space in which those countries can obtain the natural resources and raw materials that they share.

That is, therefore, the aim of the Indian Ocean Commission, which strives to defend the interests of all countries of the Indian Ocean in all areas. What it represents today and the place that it occupies in the landscape of regional cooperation organizations is due, in large part, to the specialized agencies of the United Nations. I would very much wish for that support to be strengthened in the coming months, so that the Commission truly has the means to achieve its ambitions. The observer status that the Commission obtained in the General Assembly on 4 December 2006 enabled our regional organization to acquire additional legitimacy to work with the specialized agencies of the United Nations. We welcome those new prospects and paths of cooperation.

Mr. Pillary (Seychelles)

The future of generations to come rests not so much on the vigour of our debate and the declarations we make in this Assembly at its sixty-second session, but on the action we take. Our people are demanding that, collectively, we emerge with a clear vision, that we display the courage and unrelenting commitment to build a world of peace, justice and equity that we can inhabit together in true harmony. Let us here resolve to build one world where every man, woman and child can realize the true purpose and fulfilment of life.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Yeshey Dorgi, chairman of the delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan.

Mr. Dorji (Bhutan)

I offer my delegation's congratulations to the President for his election as the President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session and assure him of our support and cooperation. My delegation would also like to convey our appreciation to his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, for the able manner in which she guided the work of the Assembly at the sixty-first session. We also convey our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the excellent leadership he provides to our Organization.

We are gratified that climate change and the Millennium Development Goals are among the top priorities of this session's presidency. The irony of climate change is that its worst impact will be on the developing world, particularly small and island developing countries, who are least responsible for the problem. As complex as the issue is, climate change is inextricably linked to development and the debate engenders issues of equity, fairness and the right of countries to grow economically. The challenges of climate change must, therefore, be addressed within the framework of sustainable development bearing in mind the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.

Bhutan has two major concerns about climate change. First is the potential adverse impact on agriculture, which is the mainstay of 79 per cent of our population. Second, more serious and immediate, is the rate at which Himalayan glaciers are receding. Bhutan has approximately 3,000 glacial lakes, of which 24 have been identified as potentially dangerous. Floods caused by glacial lake outbursts have caused devastation in the past, and future outbursts will be far worse. Our capacity to carry out research, monitor developments, forecast outbursts and take mitigation measures is severely constrained by a lack of scientific, technical and financial resources.

In the Millennium Declaration of 2000, world leaders undertook to channel the fruits of globalization to benefit all people and lift one sixth of humanity from extreme poverty. At the midpoint between the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the target date of 2015, reports, including the 2007 Millennium Development Goals Report, provide a mixed picture at best. The Secretary-General has rightly said that the world does not need new promises to achieve the MDGs. What is needed is urgent and concerted action by political leaders and stakeholders to meet, in their entirety, the commitments made in the Millennium Declaration and in the Monterrey Consensus adopted at the 2002 International Conference on Financing for Development and at the 2005 World Summit.

The 2006 midterm comprehensive global review of the implementation of the Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2001-2010 revealed that the least developed countries were unlikely to achieve all the goals and objectives of the Programme of Action, and therefore the MDGs, if trends continued. It is the moral and political imperative of the international community to help the least developed countries through strong supportive global programmes, measures and policies. However, one year later, the situation remains largely unchanged.

Geographical constraints present enormous challenges to landlocked developing countries. Bhutan is working closely with the group of landlocked developing countries to address those challenges through the cooperation of transit countries and the international community. The needs of the landlocked countries are well-documented and there is a road map for global partnership set out in the Almaty Programme of Action.

Bhutan has made tremendous socio-economic progress during the past 45 years. However, there are many hurdles to overcome before we can stand on our own feet and be self-reliant. We are determined to achieve the cherished goal of self-reliance at the earliest time possible. Until then, we will have to rely on external assistance and support. Here, I would like to record my country's appreciation to bilateral and multilateral donors.

We hope that under the leadership of the President the Assembly will undertake results-oriented intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform in order to bring that issue to its logical conclusion. As we have stated before, Bhutan supports India, Japan and their G4 group partners for permanent membership. We also support Africa's claim for permanent seats.

My country has as much interest in the work of the Security Council as others and would like to see it adapt to current demands and realities. Since becoming a Member in 1971, my country has served in a number of important bodies of the United Nations, but not in the Security Council. We are confident of our capacity to contribute directly to the work of the Council. Bhutan therefore announced in 1999 its candidature for a non-permanent seat for the period 2013-2014. If realized, Bhutan would gain entry into the Council after four decades in the United Nations. It is our sincere hope that the General Assembly will support Bhutan's candidacy during the elections in 2012.

Terrorism strikes at the very foundation of humanism and cannot be justified under any circumstances. This evil must be countered through cooperation at the bilateral, regional and global levels. At the global level, greater efforts must be made to implement the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and conclude a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. Within our region, the leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, at their 14th summit meeting, held in New Delhi in April 2007, reaffirmed their commitment to collectively fight terrorism. That is a positive development, but more needs to be done to rid the region of this menace.

Allow me to briefly apprise this body of developments in my country. The development model pursued by Bhutan is based on the philosophy of "Gross National Happiness", a concept conceived by our fourth King, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, in the early 1970s. Gross National Happiness is premised on the belief that, if happiness is the ultimate desire of every individual, then it is the responsibility and purpose of the State to create conditions that enable citizens to realize this desire. We are glad that the concept of Gross National Happiness is drawing increasing global attention and we stand ready to share our experiences in this regard.

Bhutan is now set on the irreversible path to a full-fledged democratic constitutional monarchy. The people of Bhutan are looking forward to 2008, when parliamentary democracy will be introduced. Next year, Bhutan will also celebrate the formal coronation of His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and the centenary of the Wangchuck dynasty. As we stand at the threshold of these momentous developments, the people of Bhutan look to our friends and well-wishers and the global community for support and inspiration.

Before I conclude, allow me to refer to the comments made yesterday by the honourable Foreign Minister of Nepal regarding the problem of the people in camps in Nepal. As her comments were less than objective, it is important that misperceptions be clarified. It is disingenuous on her part to blame Bhutan for the lack of progress in our bilateral talks when it is widely known that disruptions to the bilateral process resulted from the political instability in her country, which were accompanied by frequent changes of Government and positions on the issue. Bhutan for its part has always been committed to the bilateral process and has not deviated from the understandings and agreements reached between the two countries.

The issue is a highly complex one that does not lend itself to conventional solutions. The genesis of the problem lies in illegal immigration. The camps were established without any screening procedures when only 304 people, claiming to be refugees from Bhutan, arrived in eastern Nepal. Screening procedures were put in place by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees only after two and a half years, and by then the number had reached its present proportion. In view of the complexity of the issue, the two Governments had agreed that the bilateral process was the only way to find a solution. In this regard, we appreciate the offer of the United States of America and other countries for third country resettlement, as it would help address that humanitarian problem.

While the Royal Government remains committed to the bilateral process, it has serious security concerns with Maoist infiltration of the camps and the formation of several radical groups, who have publicly stated their objective of destabilizing Bhutan and disrupting the country's first parliamentary elections next year.

In conclusion, I would like to once again convey my delegation's full support to the President and wish the General Assembly every success at it sixty-second session. Tashi delek.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Elvin Nimrod, Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Trade, Legal Affairs, Carriacou and Petite Martinique Affairs of Grenada.

Mr. Nimrod (Grenada)

I am honoured to join previous delegations in congratulating the President on his election as President of this Assembly at its sixty-second session. Let me assure him of Grenada's unconditional support as he guides our important and crucial deliberations towards a fruitful and tangible conclusion.

I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to Mrs. Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, who laboured tirelessly during her presidency of the Assembly at its sixty-first session, and to her timely and productive initiatives. In addition, my delegation would like to renew its support to the Secretary-General in his endeavour to advance the agenda of the United Nations and to make it more effective.

In his opening remarks to this General Assembly the President identified five areas as our priorities: climate change, economic development, the Millennium Development Goals, terrorism and United Nations reform. Grenada salutes that vision in recognizing the critical issues facing our world today, and it is through this lens that I would like to project the views of my country.

On the question of climate change, we applaud the Secretary-General for convening the recently concluded High-level Event on Climate Change, and we are satisfied that this will provide the stimulus and momentum required for the forthcoming negotiations in Bali. Indeed, for this sixty-second session, my delegation welcomes the tremendous emphasis being placed on climate change and, based on the statements made thus far, we are heartened to note the overwhelming commitment to preparing a better world for our future generations.

The recently concluded event was not our first attempt. Climate change was also addressed in Rio de Janeiro, Barbados and Mauritius. It seems that we are blessed with a penchant for songs of praise in this multilateral temple of commitment and sacrifice. The chorus of our voices reverberates loudly in these halls of wisdom, only to sound a hollow note as we exit the archways of these chambers and backslide into reality. As in all of these conferences, the real challenge that we face is to convert what seems like a religious fervour into good deeds in the neighbourhood of our global village. As we preach, so too must we become converts. Let us move from resolutions to results.

As we head towards Bali, we must craft a negotiating table that extends well beyond the dimensions of the intergovernmental process. That table must have seats for the unborn generations, as well as seats for this generation wishing to taste the social and economic prosperity of a new world order.

Because of sea-level rise, we in the small island States face the spectre of environmental refugees and our people are already being displaced. For example, the Maldives with its 1,900 islands, that country has undertaken significant expenditure building sea defences and in creating safe zone resettlements for its people.

The low-lying islands and countries of the world deserve a far more robust and accountable response from the international community. In that regard, we welcome the investigation in the Maldives of the human dimensions of climate change.

As Grenada knows so well, the effects of climate change represent the most dangerous threat to the economic development, peace and security and territorial existence of small island States. We therefore welcome the efforts of the British Mission here in New York, which has worked ceaselessly to raise awareness and understanding of the threat posed by climate change, echoing the very concerns that many small States and low-lying coastal nations have raised over the last 15 years.

In fact, one thing that has become painfully clear to Grenada is how easily -- in the blink of an eye -- an entire country can be flattened. In our case, it was the eye of Hurricane Ivan. Hurricanes and cyclones are appearing in unusual latitudes and with greater ferocity. They are appearing further south in the Atlantic, affecting islands like Grenada, and they are appearing further north in the Indian Ocean and hit the Seychelles for the first time in 50 years. Just this summer we have seen two category five hurricanes, Dean and Felix, make landfall in the Caribbean within two weeks of each other, causing loss of lives and hundreds of millions of dollars in damages.

In Grenada's case, the destruction was twice its gross domestic product. However, with the help of God, the resilience of the Grenadian people, the help from our Caribbean and international friends including the United States of America, and with the leadership of my Prime Minister, we continue our aspirations to build back better. In that regard, I would like to pay special tribute to the People's Republic of China, whose generous assistance and commitment to our development have been greatly appreciated by the Government and the people of Grenada. Because of their help, Grenada was able to host Cricket World Cup 2007 at our new stadium, which was financed and constructed by the People's Republic of China.

Despite all concerted efforts, climate change has led to a downward assessment of our sovereign credit rating and Grenada is now under the guidance of the International Monetary Fund. Grenada cannot borrow money on the international market to replant its nutmeg, to mend its coastal infrastructure, or to upgrade its tourism industry. As a result, we have imposed a reconstruction levy on our people, at a time when global energy and food prices are increasing. The economic burden of global warming is hitting the pockets of ordinary women and men in the streets of Grenada, the poor farmer, the hardworking teacher and the waiters and waitresses in our hotels. Those ordinary island citizens are paying the price for the lifestyles of the major emitters.

A new paradigm is needed within the United Nations system and the Bretton Woods institutions. Within that paradigm must lie an understanding that small island developing States have an environmental and economic vulnerability that warrants a new set of metrics, a new set of rules and a new level of support.

As we head towards a post-2012 agreement, we need aggressive mitigation targets. Those targets are critical for us, because sea temperature rise is already causing bleaching of the coastal reefs. Loss of those ecosystems has a harmful impact on fish stocks, one of our main sources of protein and foreign exchange.

The Caribbean Community Climate Change Centre has said that a further one degree temperature rise will lead to significant loss of tuna and dolphin stocks. And to compound the matter, in Mauritius and the Seychelles, tuna stocks are diving deeper seeking cooler waters. In recent years, the fish catch has dwindled and revenues have diminished. To alleviate those problems, more investment is now needed in new studies, as well as in fishing technologies, equipment and practices.

As we approach the Bali meeting, Grenada reiterates its position, articulated by the Alliance of Small Island States, that the viability and adaptability of the most vulnerable, such as small island developing States, must be the fundamental benchmark against which all negotiations are framed. In the efforts to mitigate climate change, no nation must be left behind. Let that be our guiding principle, if we are to make meaningful progress in Bali.

While these negotiations are ongoing, my country and many other islands and low-lying countries are taking all necessary steps to cushion the fallouts and dislocations. Adaptation funding and funding for economic development are almost indivisible.

Grenada calls for the urgent completion of the institutional arrangements for the Adaptation Fund, in a manner that guarantees that priority should be given to the needs of the small island developing States. On the question of the Global Environmental Facility, we welcome the energy, enthusiasm and flexibility of its new Chief Executive Officer. We are, however, disappointed with the implications of the Resource Allocation Framework. Nonetheless, we look forward to strengthening the working relationship with the Facility following reforms that make it more responsive to the needs of small island States.

Climate change, energy, economic development and the Millennium Development Goals are so tightly interwoven that over the long term, we cannot tease out any one thread without weakening the fabric of our common aspirations for prosperity and peace.

It is well known that women are the most affected by poverty and suffer the highest levels of marginalization. As the United Nations continues its study of the issue of gender architecture and the general advancement of women, Grenada sees the empowerment of women as being critical for our own development. We therefore urge other States to contribute to the many bodies of the United Nations that promote and seek to secure avenues for women in the development process. Let us contribute to their budgets and not to their demise; for even if only a few benefit, that sets the stage for others to follow. In our view, the advancement of women represents a most powerful force for social and economic progress. Investment in gender mainstreaming is an investment in social justice, economic diversity and political stability.

The United Nations must lead by example. Guided by the tenets of the Millennium Development Goals, Grenada is working assiduously to improve the status of women. Several years ago only a few women held high political or other public offices in Grenada, but today we are proud to report that approximately 50 per cent of the Cabinet of our executive branch is made up of women and that many others hold top positions within the public service.

The challenge facing the vulnerable States of the world can be resolved only if we ourselves transform our thinking and reform our methodologies. For that reason, we support the revitalization of the General Assembly. My delegation joins the call for the expansion of the membership of the Security Council in both categories to allow for a Council more representative of the 192 States and five regions which it represents. That way we can achieve much in assembling a stronger and more powerful Council which will be better able to fulfil its mandate in a fair, just and transparent manner.

Grenada, as small as it is, has the honour to highlight its humble but valuable contribution to the securing of stability in Haiti. This year Grenada has increased its deployment of police personnel to the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. We encourage others to give whatever support they can, no matter how minute, to the efforts of international peacekeeping initiatives. We are, however, hopeful that very soon our unit and others like it will no longer be needed.

In closing, I must indicate that despite the challenges I have outlined relating to our economic viability and territorial integrity, we still have to pay close attention to terrorism and other threats to world peace and security. Grenada therefore remains steadfast in its commitment to the international community to fight terrorism in all its forms and to ensure that the seeds of that poisonous weed never take root on our shores. Grenada is convinced that a free and democratic world is our best hope and therefore pledges its full support towards the betterment of lives worldwide. I call on all nations, big and small, rich and poor, to contribute even more to that noble task.

We are all obviously singing from the same song sheet. Let us harmonize the sound of our voices to amplify action for the citizens of our world. It must echo triumphantly across the generations, so that when it is replayed with fidelity to our children and our grandchildren they will listen with dignity, and not with disdain.

The Acting President

I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Lisa Shoman, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Belize.

Ms. Shoman (Belize)

For more than 20 years we have been talking about rising atmospheric temperatures, the depletion of the ozone layer, rising sea levels and the impending inundation of low-lying coastal areas. Now that the climate change debate has finally become the rage, those of us who see the change and worry about the inevitable must unfortunately still contend with entrenched special interests who, despite the overwhelming evidence now available, continue to argue otherwise.

We are focusing our general debate on climate change, and it is the hope of my delegation that this will lead to more decisive action by all Member States so that we can begin to make the changes we believe are necessary for us to reverse the trends which so far continue to lead us down a destructive path.

We already agree that negotiations on action to tackle climate change should be conducted within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We subscribe to the principle that each of us has a role to play. Those who are the largest polluters must reverse these trends. Those who are not among the largest polluters must take the necessary measures aimed at mitigation, as well as adaptation methods, to help in reversing those trends.

Developed countries must recognize the special needs of the most vulnerable, in order to support our efforts towards sustainable development and to assist us to make our communities more adaptable to change. We must develop the capacity to take action. We must adopt more sustainable practices. For that to occur we must take specific action to limit greenhouse gas emissions. It is not enough to say that we will reduce harmful emissions. We have been saying that since Rio; we must do it.

The European Union commitment on climate change is important politically, but we need to move beyond symbolism to action. Other developed countries and regions, as well as emerging economies, must take substantial steps towards mitigation and develop and share the technologies which result in low-carbon or no-carbon economies.

In Belize, the symbiosis between our ecology and our economy is evident. Agricultural production, fishing, mineral extraction and hydrocarbon exploration as well as tourism are all subject to the caprices of the climate. Must we also be subjected to an uneven playing field in the arena of international trade, which is fast reaching the crisis level? To mix metaphors, sometimes a rising tide can swamp vulnerable boats.

The international community must keep development in perspective in the current climate change debate, since, as has been said before, economic development better enables countries to tackle climate change. Our focus on the urgency of the current situation should not, however, detract from the equally urgent if not dire situation of the development agenda, resulting from complex factors including climate change and the failure of the international economic system to reinvent itself.

At the heart of the crisis is a fundamental distrust, and no place is this more evident than in the Doha Development Round. Doha doled out harsh consequences for developing countries, particularly those that are commodity and preference dependent. We ask the question: Is there is a serious commitment to the survival of the multilateral trading system? If the answer is no, we can expect to see even more bilateral and regional arrangements, resulting in a movement away from the idea that together we are better at solving our common problems.

The discussions on climate change and the larger development debate exhibit the need for an effective, legitimate multilateral system that is fair and balanced and that operates in a transparent and inclusive manner. Responsible leadership that adheres to the basic principles of justice and the rule of law is even more critical to achieving that system and maintaining its integrity.

It is in this spirit of respect for law and justice and of the desire for equity and for the preservation of human rights that we continue to struggle with the decision of this body to exclude any true debate over the inclusion of the right of the 23 million people of Taiwan to representation in this institution. The desire of the people of Taiwan is not only to take part in the deliberations of this institution but, indeed, to be engaged on the critical issues facing the international community. We remain steadfast in our support for their aspirations and will continue to advocate for their representation, as well as that of the Saharawi people, who lack a voice in our United Nations.

We continue to monitor the situation in the Middle East with great concern. The question of Palestine remains the crux of the conflicts in the region. In that regard, it is high time that we realized the vision of two States, Palestine and Israel, living side by side in peace and security. We join those who expect that the international meeting to be held in the near future will yield results substantial enough to translate that vision into reality.

The United Nations remains the key institution to facilitate cooperation and build global solidarity to solve our pressing economic, social and political problems. Its effectiveness has been challenged. The United Nations and its Member States have responded to this challenge by embarking on a comprehensive reform process to overhaul the system and to ensure that it is better equipped to meet contemporary global demands.

We applaud reform that has been achieved in peacebuilding, human rights and humanitarian assistance and encourage the United Nations to monitor these developments for their effectiveness and their compliance with their mandates and with the Charter of the United Nations. Belize continues to support comprehensive reform of the Security Council. In particular, we agree with other Member States which have called for a more results-oriented debate during the sixty-second session.

Building trust requires a return to basics. To advance development, we must return to the basic principle of equity. In international peace and security, we must return to the basic principles of the United Nations Charter and the rule of law.

In the matter of climate change, that greatest challenge to our civilization, we must look to science to make those arguments which will diminish the sceptics. And we must return to the basic principles enshrined in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Let us give meaning to the moment. Let us get to work.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Ednan Karabaev, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kyrgyz Republic.

Mr. Karabaev (Kyrgyzstan)

At the outset, let me join others in congratulating Mr. Srgjan Kerim on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I assure him that the delegation of Kyrgyzstan stands ready to cooperate with him. On behalf of my delegation I wish him every success in fulfilling his responsibilities.

I wish to pay tribute to Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa for her outstanding stewardship during the previous session of the General Assembly.

I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, on his election to his high and responsible post and to wish him every success in his important work. I am confident that his vast experience and diplomatic skill will enable him to achieve all the goals of the United Nations.

It would no doubt be difficult to come to a common agreement about the date on which the new millennium began -- whether it started with the tragedy of 2001 or harks back to 1991, when the structure of the world order changed. I believe that the proponents of either theory would agree that a new period has emerged: a time when the interdependence of States has become a vivid reality leading to greater vulnerability. Problems have become global, whereas globalization has become localized.

In the face of all these dilemmas, the United Nations unswervingly maintains its status as an organization whose core value is to promote the moral principles of solidarity. The formation of a global civil society and the recognition of universally accepted rights and freedoms under the auspices of the United Nations play a significant role in furthering the process of consolidation.

This clearly shows that society is capable of refraining from war and solving its problems by using its peacekeeping potential. Thoughtfully building the future is not possible without reviewing and continuing strategic planning of socio-economic development. Fifteen years ago, one of the most noteworthy of United Nations conferences took place at Rio de Janeiro. There, the concept of sustainable development was defined as a new tenet for humankind. The main purpose was to create a new mechanism enabling us to resolve existing social tensions and to prevent future ones through cooperation among States and the formation of a global civil society.

The relationship between the State and the society develops differently in each country. The Kyrgyz Republic has come a long way in affirming democratic value