General Assembly Session 62 meeting 13

The President

I now call on His Excellency The Honourable George Andre Wells, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu.

Mr. Wells (Vanuatu)

I bring to this Assembly warm greetings from the people of Vanuatu.

Today is an important day in the histories of four of our Members of the United Nations family, and my Government and the people of Vanuatu congratulate the people of Tuvalu, Nigeria and Cyprus on their independence anniversaries, and the people of the People's Republic of China on the anniversary of the founding of that great nation.

Let me also join others in extending our felicitations to you, Sir. You take up your high position at a time when the United Nations is confronted by some enormous challenges. The uncertainty shrouding the horizon will severely test our common resolve to address global problems.

Mr. Wells (Vanuatu)

The escalating tension and animosity in the world today are an affront to the principles and values of the Organization and ultimately challenge international order. What the world needs right now is a hand of friendship to rebuild trust and faith among and between Members. The resounding war of words must not be accepted with complacency.

As one of the smallest members of the United Nations family of nations, Vanuatu would like to reaffirm its commitment to building global peace and security. We will also continue to participate in United Nations peacekeeping missions.

May I also take this opportunity to acknowledge the anniversary of the abolition of the slave trade some 200 years ago. My country also suffered tremendously from those horrendous acts executed by the great champions of deception and iniquity, who were responsible for enslaving thousands of men, women and children and shipping them to foreign shores under inhumane conditions using malicious torture. The days of blackbirding are long gone, but the bitter memories and injurious social consequences are entrenched in the history of my country and people. I honour all the descendants of slaves for their courage and their determination to live on. They deserve a special place in the countries in which their forefathers were forced to live. There also remains a huge debt owed to the countries that suffered large human losses from those heinous crimes against humanity. We cannot exonerate the past, but we can all hope for a just and better future. All countries must work together to prevent other insidious contemporary forms of slavery that have established themselves in our societies.

I welcome and support the decision to make climate change the theme of this session of the General Assembly. In the same vein, my Government highly commends the Secretary-General for convening last week's high-level meeting, which should provide an important catalyst for the conference to be held later this year in Bali.

I should now like to take this opportunity to recognize and commend the work done under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to address the effects of climate change and to promote mitigation and adaptation strategies. But the point must be made that rapidly reducing the emission of greenhouse gases by all major emitters must be ensured within the next 10 to 15 years.

We followed with great interest the recent debate about the criteria and rules that the United Nations uses to decide whether a country should or should not be removed from its list of least developed countries. Graduation is desirable and fair if, and only if, it is the culmination of a process of structural progress over time -- that is to say, progress based on irreversible improvements in the structure of the economy or in the basic indicators of development. It is only fair and logical, therefore, that the criteria used as a basis for identifying a country for graduation should be structural criteria.

The United Nations currently uses three criteria to identify cases for graduation. Admittedly, only two of the three are structural in nature. One relates to human capital -- essentially as regards health and education -- and the other to economic vulnerability. The proponents of reform of the graduation rule rightly postulate that those two criteria together should form the basis for identifying a country for graduation. The current graduation rule allows the United Nations to declare a country ready for graduation even if only one of those two paramount thresholds has been met. We consider the current practice to be conceptually flawed and fraught with serious implications. We believe this anomaly can easily be remedied.

My Government is of the view that the General Assembly should invite the Economic and Social Council to revisit the graduation rule in the light of the ongoing debate, and that the experts who advise the Council should be mandated to explore reform of the rule with a view to making human assets and economic vulnerability paramount. Such a reform would do justice to countries that have not achieved the implied structural progress. The Government of Vanuatu will do its utmost to cooperate with the relevant United Nations bodies and other like-minded nations and friends in forging consensus on this matter. I am convinced that such consensus implicitly exists, and needs only to be formalized.

Experts and members of the Committee for Development Policy should also be encouraged to undertake in-country consultations and to experience first-hand the development conditions of countries that are on the verge of graduation. We are talking about the livelihoods of peoples who may be seriously affected by decisions that are made at the United Nations.

We must continue to work together in shaping the architecture of the United Nations so that it is more resourceful and relevant to our times and to the peoples whom we represent.

I would like to commend the United Nations for increasing its presence in the Pacific region though its country-based offices. We will encourage more decentralization of functions to regional offices, which are better suited to responding to the needs of Members.

The situation in the Middle East is of grave concern to all peace-loving Members of the United Nations. We earnestly pray and hope for an early end to the conflict and to the suffering of all innocent children, women and men. Both Israel and Palestine have the right to live in peaceful coexistence as independent and sovereign States. The international community must be realistic about the future. Let us allow justice, security and long-lasting peace to prevail for both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples.

My Government very much welcomes the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It is our hope that the Declaration will provide a framework for addressing the grievances of indigenous peoples, who remain suppressed, alienated and disadvantaged in the land of their forefathers. We can only hope that this instrument will provide an enabling mechanism to allow indigenous peoples the freedom to fully participate, without fear of reprisals, in the affairs and development of their countries. The Declaration should also serve to restore dignity to those who have remained second-class citizens in the land of their fathers. We cannot turn back the clock, but we can create a better future for them.

The Charter of the United Nations espouses the principles that continue to guide the Organization's efforts in the process of self-determination. The Charter calls for recognition of, and respect for, the fundamental and inalienable rights of people and territories still under colonial rule to determine their own future. We cannot champion democracy while turning a blind eye to those who have cried out for peace and freedom for many years, as have our brothers in West Papua. It is the moral responsibility of the Organization to act with diligence and to work towards promoting better conditions in larger freedom.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support of Vanuatu's major development partners -- in particular Australia, New Zealand, France, Japan, the People's Republic of China, the United States of America and the European Union. I would also like to express my Government's gratitude to India, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Turkey and various United Nations agencies for their ongoing contributions to the development of Vanuatu.

In conclusion, the world we live in today can only become a better place if all countries -- big and small, powerful and weak -- recognize, understand, value and respect each other as equals. The pride of the human person is the essence of building equality between all persons. Respect also means accepting the national sovereignty of each individual country and refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of any State. If we are to work towards building a future that will provide security, peace, hope and prosperity for all future generations, those important values must be upheld at all times.

May I remind the Assembly that our personal aims should not be paramount. We must work with all the diligence and wisdom that God the Almighty has given us to serve His people.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency The Honourable Archibald Lesao Lehohla, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs and Public Safety of Lesotho.

Mr. Lehohla (Lesotho)

My delegation associates itself with the compliments extended to Mr. Srgjan Kerim on his election to preside over the General Assembly at this session and to his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of Bahrain. I also wish to take this opportunity to welcome His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon and to assure him of my country's unconditional support during his tenure as Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Lesotho congratulates the presidency on having invited Member States to comment on the theme "Responding to Climate Change" during this session. In 1992, the first Earth Summit, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, was held in Rio de Janeiro. It was at that conference that we committed ourselves to achieving sustainable development in the twenty-first century. We reaffirmed our commitments in Johannesburg at the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development. It would seem that, for far too long thereafter, we agreed to disagree until we were confronted by the glaring and compelling scientific evidence that the link between global warming and human activities was unequivocal. We waited for the adverse effects of climate change to begin to be felt all over the globe before we could acknowledge that consensus was essential for concerted action on climate change.

Sadly, natural disasters have begun to strike. As is usually the case, it is the poorest nations and the most vulnerable countries that are being worst affected. My country is one of these. Unfavourable climatic conditions that are attributable to climate change have led to severe drought, which has resulted in acute food shortages. In order to address that crisis, my Government has declared a state of emergency on food security.

As the world prepares for the United Nations climate change conference, which will take place in Bali, Indonesia, in December 2007, we need to be reminded of the urgent need to build a solid and sustainable consensus on a global response to climate change for the period following the expiry of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol in the year 2012. My delegation calls upon the international community to endeavour to reach consensus on, among other things, steps that must be taken to reach the 60 to 80 per cent emission cuts that are required to stabilize the atmosphere. In that regard, the industrialized countries must assume the major responsibility, because scientific evidence has confirmed that it is the greenhouse gas emissions from those countries that are making natural disasters worse. The international community must also reaffirm its commitment to assisting the regions, such as Africa, that are the most vulnerable to climate change. In addition, my delegation calls upon developed countries to assist developing countries in strengthening their capacity to adapt to climate change.

Allow us further to share our thoughts on what we consider to be the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first century. Our thoughts cover three areas: democracy, conflicts and development.

The United Nations was formed against the backdrop of colonialism, particularly on the African continent. As colonial rule slowly but surely ended, it left behind a legacy of undemocratic Governments. African countries were characterized by coups d'état day in, day out. Very few African countries have not had the "pleasure" of military rule.

Faced with that disturbing reality, some regional organizations adopted instruments to deal with unconstitutional changes of Government by carrying out sanctions. Here, mention should be made of the Organization of African Unity; its successor, the African Union; and the Commonwealth group of nations. Significantly, however, our Organization, the United Nations, has not adopted any instrument to carry out sanctions against defaulting Member States. That is what the United Nations must now do.

Today, the overwhelming majority of the world's countries adhere to the principles of democracy. Those countries hold periodic elections. However, the broadest common denominator of developing countries is the non-acceptance of election results; it has become a tradition for losing political parties to dispute them. Regrettably, that is done through unlawful means more often than not, despite the fact that there are always lawful mechanisms for challenging election results. This is one area in which we see a role for the United Nations, as the universal institution with the capacity necessary to assist requesting Member States in reversing these trends.

Just as the United Nations plays a critical role in world economic development, it should see as part of its role aggressively inculcating the culture of democracy in all nations. In particular, the Organization must help developing countries fight the culture of impunity. The common understanding must be a simple one: "When the people have spoken, respect their voice". Victors must learn to accept victory with humility and magnanimity, and losers to accept defeat with grace. In that way, the post-election period can be devoted to development, with all sides joining hands in a collective national effort. We must hasten to acknowledge the role that the United Nations is now playing in democratization processes, but we feel that it can do more.

That brings us to the second area: conflicts. Conflicts always feature prominently in our addresses before the Assembly. We must acknowledge that inter-State conflicts are on the decline across the globe. The same, however, cannot be said about internal conflicts. It cannot be denied that intra-State conflicts occur where there is little or no regard for democratic governance. If a country is not accustomed to holding elections or to accepting election results, conflicts arise. Other causes, which are also attributable to lack of democratic governance, include a lack of judicious sharing of a country's wealth, rampant poverty and ethnic strife.

In all such conflicts, small arms and light weapons have become weapons of choice. We therefore still consider it regrettable that in the year 2005, Member States were not able to adopt a legally binding international instrument on the marking and tracing of small arms and light weapons. We share the view that such an instrument could curtail the production, transfer and civilian possession of illicit small arms and light weapons. It is the urgent responsibility of the United Nations to facilitate the adoption of an effective international instrument for curbing the illicit trade in conventional weapons, which would make it harder for such weapons to end up in the hands of criminals. We hope that the arms trade treaty that is being proposed can be concluded expeditiously.

We must recall that in the year 2005, the Assembly solemnly proclaimed that the role of the entire international community, acting through the United Nations, was to protect populations from genocide, war crimes and other crimes against humanity. Unfortunately, that is not what is happening on the ground. We still notice inaction on the part of the Security Council, or its reaction coming too late. The harrowing experiences of Rwanda and now Darfur are living testimony to that. We attribute such inaction to the skewed composition and powers of the Council, especially the right of veto, which we are now convinced, more than ever before, is extremely subjective and exercised according to the interests of the concerned permanent member. That has, in some instances, caused a breaking of the ranks among the big five.

We continue to witness unilateral economic and financial blockades being imposed against other countries, and the denial to peoples of their right to self-determination, while others are still subject to occupation. Cuba, Palestine and the Western Sahara are here cases in point. We submit that it must remain the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first century to proactively preserve international peace and security. Our call is therefore that, where peace and security are threatened, the United Nations, through the Security Council, must act swiftly and decisively at all times.

But the United Nations can do so only if its structures are reformed to make them democratic and representative. Our basic premise would continue to be that the United Nations in the twenty-first century should inculcate democracy not only in Member countries, but also within itself.

It is a hard fact that the reform of the United Nations will not be complete without the reform of the Security Council. Members of this body have on several occasions reiterated the fact that the Security Council in its current form does not reflect the realities of today's world, and yet, for more than a decade now, the Assembly has remained stagnant on that issue. The presentation per se of various positions by major stakeholders, as well as various attempts to bridge major differences in those positions, have thus far failed to produce tangible results. Hence, my delegation shares the view that it is now time to move forward and begin intergovernmental negotiations. However, we wish to underline that, while the reform of the Security Council is possible, all Member States need to garner the necessary political will to attain that goal. The credibility of the Council is at stake.

Sustainable world peace and stability create the necessary space to deal with the development challenges of our countries and peoples. The world has acknowledged that the HIV and AIDS pandemic represents the top most challenge. The untold miseries brought about by that scourge are common cause. To the extent that no cure is available, HIV/AIDS will continue to be a threat to human existence. That threat, particularly in Africa, is compounded by worsening poverty and famine levels brought about, in most cases, by unfavourable weather conditions, compliments -- in large measure, of climate change.

It is our view that, in a country enjoying political stability, the potential for all sectors of that nation to address those challenges is greatly enhanced. Moreover, no economic development can take place without democracy, peace and stability. Of course, the support of the developed countries will always be called for; hence, the need for them to fulfil their promise on official development assistance, which plays such a critical role in the economic development of the developing countries.

My delegation congratulates the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, on his commitment to the strengthening of the Organization. For this Organization to acquit itself successfully in the twenty-first century, the role of its Secretary-General must remain sacrosanct. He must remain immune to influence by the interests of any groups or Powers. He must be faithful to the interests of all in the service of our family of nations. Above all, he must help, through the United Nations, to create a world at peace with itself.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Come Zoumara, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Regional Integration and la Francophonie of the Central African Republic.

Mr. Zoumara (Central African Republic)

On behalf of the delegation of the Central African Republic, and in the name of our Head of State, President of the Republic François Bozizé, I extend warm and heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Kerim on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. We are also gratified to assert that his distinctive skills will guarantee the success of our work.

I also wish to pay a warm tribute to his predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa of the Kingdom of Bahrain. Five decades after the presidency of Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit of India, she wisely led the work of the sixty-first session of the General Assembly, to the great satisfaction of all.

Finally, on behalf of President of the Republic and Head of State François Bozizé, allow me to address our sincere congratulations to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on his dynamism and the efficiency with which he has undertaken his work in the context of current important international issues, including the maintenance of international peace and security, climate change, human rights, and combating drugs and terrorism in all its forms, which remain pressing issues that no country in the world can address in isolation.

The conflicts afflicting the innocent civilian populations in the Middle East, the Great Lakes region and the Sudan, a neighbour of the Central African Republic, with their hosts of refugees and displaced persons, are causes of grave concern. The conflict in Darfur and the presence of rebels, armed groups and road-blockers cause the proliferation and unlawful circulation of small arms in that subregion, thus provoking widespread and continuous insecurity.

The consequences for the Central African Republic often take the shape of recurrent crises that chronically undermine the economic fabric and aggravate the poverty of our people by creating hazardous and precarious living conditions. All of this leads to the breakdown of the social fabric, the loss of civic spirit and, ultimately, the failure of confidence in their institutions and, especially, in justice.

We applaud the adoption of Security Council resolution 1778 (2007) on the deployment of the hybrid multidimensional force to the borders of the Central African Republic, Chad and the Sudan. We should like to see it accompanied, however, by genuine support for the reinforcement of institutional capacities in the Central African Republic. In that regard, we thank and praise France for its courageous decision and effective participation in that peacekeeping force.

During the fifteenth session of the Commission on Sustainable Development, held in New York from 30 April to 11 May 2007, whose chosen theme was turning commitments into action and working together in partnership, participants highlighted the correlation and interdependence among the four areas of the thematic cluster: energy for sustainable development, industrial development, air pollution and climate change. The Commission's fifteenth session also demonstrated that much significant progress remains to be achieved: advances in those sectors are minimal and still far from the objectives the international community set for itself in Rio in 1992 and in Johannesburg in 2002.

In order to meet these challenges of the environment in particular and sustainable development in general, a partnership endeavour, supported by sufficient resources, is absolutely essential in order to allow developing countries, in particular in Africa, the Caribbean and the South Pacific, to implement these commitments, especially since those regions, and particularly Africa, while bearing but little responsibility for the advent of this phenomenon, are more vulnerable to the risks associated with climate change.

By choosing climate change as a central topic of this General Assembly session and organizing the high-level dialogue "The future in our hands: Addressing the leadership challenge of climate change", the Assembly President has pinpointed the growing concern associated with global warming for a country such as ours, the Central African Republic. Indeed, the problems associated with climate change now lie at the core of international debates. The moment has thus arrived to transform good intentions into concrete actions.

For its part, the Central African Republic hopes that during the Bali Climate Change Conference this December the wealthy countries will at last honour their commitments in the area of technology transfer and will provide assistance to strengthening the national and regional structures required for effective action to combat climate change. I would like to pay a warm tribute to the Secretary-General for the interest he has shown in these problems and for his initiative of appointing three special envoys in the area of climate change.

Allow me to present the specific case of my country, the Central African Republic, which spans three climatic zones, with great diversity in its ecosystem, from dense humid forest in the south, to the pre-Sahelian area in the north.

This central position at the crossroads of different African ecosystems -- from the Sudan-Sahelian areas in the north to the dense humid forest in the south -- gives it great ecological potential. It has many assets: rich and fertile soil, mineral and forest wealth, diversified fauna and varied agriculture, with the latter being the country's economic base.

The Central African Republic understands the wealth of its natural resources, but also the threats involved. That is why we have built environmental concerns into the constitution of our country, notably in its preamble and its article 9 where the collective consciousness is called upon to respect the principle of good environmental governance.

Despite these resources, the economic reality of the country shows that the Central African Republic is among the least developed countries, where the population lives on less than a dollar a day. In recent years, the rate of economic growth has fallen below the average predictions. Structurally, the country comes up against many obstacles in its development efforts. For instance, its domestic market is tiny, and it is isolated domestically and externally because of its distance from maritime ports. The economic situation may be summed up as follows: lack of individual income, limited State resources, inequality between men and women and the rate of illiteracy.

Our economy is largely dependent on environmental resources. Aware of the difficulties it faces, the Government has opted for regional and international cooperation by participating in many initiatives concerning the environment and sustainable forestry management, such as the Central African Forest Commission, the Network of Protected Areas of Central Africa, the Sangha Tri-National Landscape and the Congo Basin Forest Partnership.

Generally speaking, the implementation of most of these initiatives has not met expectations: the initiatives were ambitious, but the capacities for implementation and the financial resources were inadequate. The enterprises exploiting these resources impose binding environmental rules on us while the population does not reap any benefit.

We need to halt and eliminate poverty with the participation of all. Poverty creates injustice. Here I wish to cite President Sarkozy, the printed text of whose recent statement observed that justice meant the same chances for success for each poor child in the world as for each rich one. In this very Hall, President Sarkozy said:

"Justice means that a developing country on which we wish to impose environmental rules, even though its inhabitants have barely enough to eat, can be helped to put such rules in place. Justice means that we cannot tap a country's resources without paying a fair price for them.

"...

"I solemnly appeal to the United Nations to concern itself with the issue of fairer distribution of wealth and of the income derived from commodities and technology" (A/62/PV.4).

The Central African Republic is ready to open its borders to developed nations and to public and private investors in order to increase its resources. The Central African Republic applauds the great nations -- France, the United States, China, Japan, Germany, Britain and Russia and certain emerging countries of the South -- for their willingness to cooperate in order to slow the deterioration of the environment.

We thank the European Union and the African Development Bank for their assistance and, in particular, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for having allowed the Central African Republic to reach the decision point under the enhanced Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. We praise the actions of those international financial institutions, and we ask them to open a new chapter on the environment and the economies of poor countries.

We call on all for a continuing effort to reduce inequality between men and women, because in Africa, women are very often heads of families in the most remote regions. They play a very important role. In that way, the support of the international community in eliminating inequality will provide a solution in terms of sustainable development.

We cannot achieve a healthy environment without wiping out illiteracy. We hope that the developed countries of the South and the North will help poor countries to create the right conditions in terms of informing and training their populations in order to show them that they have an interest in preserving the environment.

Our country is rich. It wishes to exploit the wealth of its subsoil in order to protect its environment. With assistance, we can hope to bring ourselves closer to the Millennium Development Goals by 2015.

In his opening statement, the President stated, "Keep your mind level. If the mind is level, the whole world will be level" (A/62/PV.4).

The President of the Central African Republic, Mr. François Bozizé, often teaches us about the mind -- the spirit:

"Infinite spirit is all. All is one. All is all. And all is the Universe. The Universe is calm. If we have understood this, let the world follow the example of the wise by avoiding the errors of the semi-wise who perish because of their foolishness".

I would like to hope that this message will be favourably received by our partners, both bilateral and multilateral.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Sam Kutesa, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uganda.

Mr. Kutesa (Uganda)

Allow me at the outset to extend our congratulations to Mr. Kerim on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I wish to thank most sincerely his predecessor, Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Khalifa of Bahrain, for the able manner in which she handled the vital business of the sixty-first session. I also wish to express my gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his leadership of our Organization, and most especially for his untiring efforts in favour of conflict resolution and peace on the African continent and elsewhere.

Sixty-two years ago, the founding fathers of the United Nations came together, determined, in the words of the Charter, "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples". The Organization they created was to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common goals. Today humankind is faced with a common threat in the form of climate change. The General Assembly's choice of responding to climate change as the theme for this session is timely. It will help draw attention to the global challenge for which no single country has a solution. It is only through concerted and sustained international cooperation that action to combat the effects and further escalation of climate change can be taken.

There is no doubt that climate change is the biggest danger facing humankind, especially the poor. The threat of extreme conditions, including floods and drought, is a major concern. It has many implications for development, particularly for agrarian communities with fewer resources to cope with additional stresses and shocks brought about by this phenomenon. The increasing frequency and severity of prolonged drought threaten water supplies to millions of people in poor countries, as well as agriculture which is overwhelmingly subsistence and rain-fed and, therefore, vulnerable to climate variability and change.

The vulnerability of the health sector has also been evident as frequent floods result in outbreaks of waterborne diseases, such as cholera, typhoid, dysentery and the increased incidence of malaria.

Indeed, climate change today constitutes a danger to human security, considering the effects of climate change on the very existence of some small island States and coastal cities, as well as the devastation by hurricanes and typhoons.

Several years ago, the world was alerted to the danger of climate change. Under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, a number of actions were agreed upon. We all agreed to undertake a three-pronged approach, including development, access to appropriate technology, mitigation and adaptation. It is unfortunate that, so far, no meaningful actions have been undertaken to implement these agreed interventions.

My delegation believes that the time is now to implement these high-priority activities. We should, however, recognize that responding to climate change will require political leadership at all levels, starting from the centre and extending to the grassroots. Increasing collaborative action on adaptation is urgently needed, so that vulnerable countries and communities can cope with the unavoidable impact of climate change. Reforestation efforts and control of greenhouse gas emissions are urgent actions that we can undertake together. However, reforestation on its own will not produce the desired results without adequate investment in renewable energy sources as a measure against the massive depletion of forests for fuel. Developed countries should encourage companies to invest in hydro-electric power generation and other clean energy sources in developing countries. For such projects to be undertaken, measures such as a successful fifteenth International Development Association replenishment is critical. We all must learn to safeguard and use available resources sparingly for the sake of future generations.

Uganda considers the United Nations Climate Change Conference, to be held in Bali, Indonesia, this December, to be critical in the development of a long-term response to climate change. It is an opportunity to begin concrete negotiations on a global strategy that is acceptable to all and implementable. Prior to Bali, however, this Assembly should agree on guiding principles that can help bring together all relevant aspects of the problem. The industrialized countries should take the lead in cutting emissions, while developing countries will have to pursue low-emission development strategies and benefit from incentives for assistance for adaptation and for limiting emissions. We must commit ourselves to an approach that balances adaptation and mitigation, underpinned by adequate financing arrangements and investments in new and innovative technologies.

As Members of the United Nations, our countries share a vision of a better standard of life, in larger freedom, as enshrined in our Charter. We are, however, challenged by a persistence of poverty in many of our countries. Recent statistics indicate that, worldwide, 1.2 billion people live on one dollar a day, while 2.8 billion survive on less than two dollars. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen, both within States and among States.

The World Bank reported in 2003 that average income in the wealthiest 20 countries is 37 times that of the poorest 20, which is twice the ratio of what it was in 1970. Many countries, especially those in sub-Saharan Africa, ended the last decade with lower per capita incomes than at its beginning. Poverty is one of the biggest threats to international peace, security and the environment.

At the Millennium Summit, world leaders expressed their determination to halve world poverty by the year 2015. The midpoint progress report on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that was released in July this year indicates that countries in Africa and elsewhere are proving that large-scale progress in achieving the MDGs is possible under conditions of adequate financing, much of which should flow from a strengthened global partnership for development. It is critical that the Monterrey targets be met.

As we respond to climate change, the fight against poverty remains an integral part of the effort. Unless we address poverty in developing countries, the poor will continue to destroy the environment by cutting trees for firewood and employing poor agricultural practices.

There are time-tested ways to bring people out of poverty. Trade liberalization and export-led growth have the potential to lift millions out of poverty. However, to benefit from trade, developing countries must add value to their raw materials and sell them as finished products, taking advantage of appropriate value chains. That will not only increase earnings but create jobs, thus ending the mass migrations to the developed countries. They should develop their human resources through education and better health services. Education is a critical factor in transforming society. An educated middle class with adequate income to spend is critical for industrialization and the transition of societies. That has happened in some countries of South-East Asia; it can happen elsewhere in the developing world. As a priority, agriculture needs to be commercialized. Related to that is the urgent need for regional integration so as to enlarge markets.

Under heavy pressure, many developing countries have removed trade barriers, while the developed countries have not reciprocated in such key areas as agriculture and textiles, where the former have a comparative advantage. Is it not absurd that a cow in the European Union gets a daily subsidy of $2.2, while 40 per cent of the world's population lives on less than $2 a day? The World Bank estimates that protectionism by the developed world costs developing countries $100 billion annually. A fair system will require appropriate measures to deal with the unfair trade privileges of developed countries that hinder market access. It is vital that the stalled trade talks under the Doha Development Round be resumed and successfully concluded.

Peace and security are necessary conditions for sustainable development. The rise in inter- and intra-State conflict has been the hallmark of the post-cold-war era. Internal conflicts have spilled over borders to create regional instability. Internal displacement has taken place, and equally alarming has been the international refugee crisis that has resulted from such conflicts. In some countries, central authority has collapsed, creating havens for terrorists and drug traffickers, with the attendant threats to international peace and security. No meaningful actions against poverty and in favour of environmental protection can take place in that kind of atmosphere.

Mr. Kutesa (Uganda)

Most of Africa is now peaceful, and democracy is being consolidated through regular elections, the observance of human rights and constitutionalism. However, there are some areas that require urgent international attention. There is a need to ensure peace and stability in Darfur in accordance with the internationally agreed framework under Security Council resolution 1769 (2007). Further attention should be given to supporting the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in the South.

In Somalia, the General Assembly should support an all-inclusive peace and reconciliation process and the Africa Union Military Observer Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) with the necessary resources to facilitate the peacekeeping. Uganda has honoured its pledge of troops for peacekeeping; we call on other countries that made similar pledges to fulfil them. The international effort in Somalia should focus on capacity-building to empower the Somali people to solve their own problems. We also call on the Secretary-General to finalize plans for possible deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force to replace AMISOM, as called for in Security Council resolution 1772 (2007).

In the Great Lakes region, various efforts are under way to improve peace and security and to create an atmosphere conducive to development. Through the Tripartite Plus One Commission, bringing together the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda, we have agreed on a framework and actions to deal with negative forces that pose a threat to peace and security in the region. In that regard, we refer to Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and to provisions of Security Council resolution 1756 (2007). The Security Council should reinforce the mandate and the means of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to enable it effectively to work with Congolese armed forces to totally eradicate the threat of negative forces operating in the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

In northern Uganda, we are holding peace talks with the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). Of the five agenda items, two agreements have been concluded and signed. Those are the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement and an agreement on comprehensive solutions. However, the LRA has not met any of the terms of the very first Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities. For example, it is stipulated that LRA forces assemble at Ri-Kwangba in southern Sudan; they have, however, not done so to date. They are still camped in Garamba National park in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We urge the international community to bring adequate pressure to bear on the LRA to assemble at Ri-Kwangba and to set a time frame for the talks. Talks cannot go on forever. As we inch towards a comprehensive peace agreement, international support and understanding are required to balance the need for durable peace and stability on the one hand, and the imperative for justice on the other.

I wish to assure the General Assembly that Uganda is fully aware of its obligations under the Rome Statute and cannot undermine it. We cannot condone impunity. To that end, we are working closely with the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability under the complementarity stipulations. Uganda will be convening a Consultative Group meeting later this year to mobilize resources and coordinate actions for the post-conflict reconciliation programme in northern Uganda. The international community is invited to support that programme.

When you chose "Responding to climate change" as the theme for this session, Sir, I believe you intended to have this session consider and recommend ways of addressing that common threat. You believed, as indeed we do, that a world that pays no attention to that problem is fatally damaging the interests of future generations. Addressing climate change will involve fighting poverty, ensuring peace and security, and investing in clean energy, especially in developing countries. This session should be the turning point at which we all come together and agree on ways to save our planet.

The President

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Mrs. Kinga Göncz, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary.

Mrs. Göncz (Hungary)

Allow me first of all to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I am pleased to see you, a high-ranking official from the rather underrepresented Eastern European Group, assuming that prestigious post of the United Nations. In fulfilling your challenging tasks during this session, you may be assured of the support and cooperation of the delegation of Hungary. I would also like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa.

During the sixty-first session, Member States worked hard to come to agreement on the proposals made at the 2005 Summit meeting, but we still need to do more to ensure that the United Nations system is managed coherently and effectively. I believe that the world needs, more than ever before, effective multilateralism, which is still a key word for the future. We should make progress on management reform, mandate review and disarmament, and define further concrete steps towards a renewed Security Council.

Hungary would have preferred for the issue of Security Council reform to have seen more progress during the sixty-first session of the General Assembly. The impasse was certainly not due to the lack of effort on the part of the President of the General Assembly or to a shortage of creative ideas. We believe that the best solution would still be a balanced increase of seats to better reflect the political realities of today. The enlargement process should be combined with tangible improvement of the Council's working methods.

We welcome the adoption of the new resolution on the revitalization of the General Assembly. It is up to each Member State to make the work of the Assembly meaningful and to ensure that the Assembly takes up issues of genuine concern and takes decisions that have a real impact on the political process.

Let me now turn to Geneva, where important reforms have taken place as well. The Human Rights Council has finally started its work, in an atmosphere of high expectations. The consensus over the universal periodic review mechanism sends a clear message that all countries will have their human rights records examined at regular intervals. Thus, no country will be immune from international scrutiny. However, in order to make it truly meaningful, we have to build a credible and robust mechanism. Special procedures and contributions to the review from treaty bodies and non-governmental organizations will prove to be essential in that regard.

In order to better protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, the system of special procedures -- a unique web of protection -- has continued to provide effective action for the benefit of victims of human rights abuses. Special rapporteurs and independent experts have continued their work, giving a voice to the voiceless, even at times when the Council was focusing mainly on the task of institution-building.

We are thoroughly convinced that both thematic and country-specific mandates remain valid, given the numerous human rights violations still occurring on a daily basis. In that regard, we concur with the Secretary-General, who has emphasized the need to consider all situations of possible human rights violations on an equal footing. Not having a special rapporteur assigned to a particular country does not absolve that country from its obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other human rights instruments.

I should now like to share some thoughts about an issue dear to my country. We welcomed with great satisfaction the recent decision of the Human Rights Council to establish a forum on minority issues. I am confident that the forum will provide a useful platform for dialogue and exchange of views between minorities, Governments and other stakeholders on issues related to national or ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities.

Allow me to place special emphasis on the empowerment of women. We firmly believe in the need for the effective involvement of women in the decision-making processes at both the national and the international levels. In that regard, Hungary supports the ongoing debate on the future of the strengthened gender equality architecture. We welcome the steps taken towards achieving effective gender mainstreaming throughout the entire United Nations system.

On 30 March, we witnessed the signing ceremony of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. That new international instrument will improve the living conditions of almost 650 million persons with disabilities all over the world, ensuring equal opportunities for them in all aspects of life. As the second State party to ratify the Convention and its Optional Protocol, we hope that they will enter into force soon.

Seven years ago, our Governments made a remarkable promise to the world in adopting the Millennium Declaration (resolution 55/2). Although there has certainly been some progress in achieving its objectives, there will be regions of the world where the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will not have been met by 2015 if we do not intensify our efforts. In the meantime, we must also emphasize the central role of national policies and development strategies in achieving the Goals. The sustainability of development depends heavily on national ownership and leadership. At the global level, the United Nations has a comparative advantage in providing technical assistance in the preparation and implementation of national development plans. We fully support the recommendations of the High-level Panel on United Nations System-wide Coherence to improve the operational effectiveness, inter-agency cooperation, predictability and accountability of the United Nations system.

The Millennium Development Goals represent the global commitment to fundamental rights, which must be guaranteed if we genuinely seek to strengthen our democracies. Democracy should also mean creating the conditions for sustainable economic development that provides people with access -- through decent jobs -- to opportunities to achieve full personal development.

We are particularly pleased that Hungary can share its transitional experiences, both as a member of the Advisory Board of the United Nations Democracy Fund and through the International Centre for Democratic Transition, which is based in Budapest and which has a partnership agreement with the Democracy Fund. The United Nations has a special responsibility to address challenges related to institution-building and to promote democracy. As Amartya Sen, the Nobel Prize winning economist has said, countries need not be fit for democracy; they need to become fit through democracy.

Hungary, as an emerging donor, is determined to meet the obligations set out in the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals. We are ready to increase our official development assistance and to carry out our efforts in line with the European Consensus on development and the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. However, we are convinced that scaling up the volume of aid in itself will not necessarily lead to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. It is also important to emphasize the need for better complementarity, coordination and coherence in development cooperation.

Having been fully integrated into the European Union (EU) and NATO structures, we are committed to carrying out qualitative change in the outreach of Hungarian foreign policy. We want to make our policy and our presence more visible in all parts of the world: an active development cooperation and assistance policy coupled with an increased presence in United Nations bodies. We are resolved to attach special attention to creating more balance in the geographical scope of our cooperation policy in order to include African, Asian and Latin American countries. Stepping up our outreach efforts and developing not only assistance activities but also economic ties with Africa will mark the beginning of a new era in our relationship with that continent.

We are also ready to assume more responsibilities in various international forums. Our ambitions are best embodied in our application for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the period 2012-2013. We view our potential membership as an opportunity to engage in constructive cooperation with all our partners in order to achieve our common objectives on the basis of shared interests and values.

Let me now focus on some of the most urgent foreign policy issues of our day.

Peace and stability in the Balkan region is of paramount importance to my country, and to Europe as a whole. While the question of the future status of Kosovo has drawn international attention, we are aware that the issue of Kosovo is a challenge that needs to be primarily tackled by Europe. Nevertheless, the United Nations has played a pivotal role in the process to date. Our hope is that that will continue to be the case until a proper solution is found.

There is no doubt that there is a significant role to be played by the EU in facilitating a satisfactory solution for Kosovo. One thing is certain among all the uncertainties: the status quo is not a solution. More than ever, the region needs stability, economic development and inter-ethnic reconciliation. The European Union has invested much in the region in terms of material, political and military assistance. It has also offered the countries of the region prospects for joining the European Union.

With regard to Serbia, we are convinced that reinforcing the prospects for future membership of the EU may facilitate finding a solution to the question of Kosovo. Hungary therefore looks forward to a successful outcome to the new round of negotiations facilitated by the EU-United States-Russia Troika, which the parties should approach in a constructive and frank manner. We hope that the encouraging signs of trust and a constructive approach will prevail in the course of the entire process, and that the parties will be able to come to an agreement endorsed by the Security Council.

We are following with great attention the work of the teams set up recently by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to negotiate core issues related to a permanent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We welcome the initiative of the President of the United States to convene an international conference in November.

Hungary is firmly committed to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. As a State member of the North Atlantic alliance, we have been involved in the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force since 2003. On 1 October 2006, we took over the leadership of the Provincial Reconstruction Team in Baghlan province. I am proud of the successful work done by Hungary's military contingent and by Hungarian teams of aid workers. Moreover, I can confirm our future commitment in Afghanistan, which enjoys broad political consensus among all the parties represented in the Hungarian parliament. Nevertheless, we must not forget that the primary responsibility for the stabilization and development of Afghanistan lies with the Afghan people themselves. We are concerned about the security situation and the attacks carried out by Taliban and anti-Government forces, and we firmly condemn all hostage-taking actions. Drug production and trafficking continue to be a major source of instability, and we note the increase in opium production with grave concern. We encourage the Afghan Government, working in close cooperation with the international community and in particular with its regional partners, to take effective measures to stabilize the whole region.

The stabilization of Iraq is one of the major challenges in the Middle East. We appreciate the results that have been achieved so far in the course of the country's democratic transformation. However, the Iraqi political class needs to overcome the present state of deep division and start to walk down the path of reconciliation and cooperation in order to bring peace and stability to the country. As a precondition for a long-lasting settlement of the conflict, the international community must enable Iraqi leaders to assume ownership and govern their country in an independent way.

Hungary is very concerned about the acts of violence perpetrated by the security forces of the Burma/Myanmar Government. We are committed to respecting human rights and democracy, and we therefore strongly condemn the brutal physical attacks against peaceful demonstrators. I reiterate our previous call on the Government of Burma/Myanmar to fully respect human rights and the norms of democracy, in particular the rights to peaceful assembly and to the free expression of opinions.

Due to one of the most worrisome conflicts on the African continent -- the one raging in Darfur -- the situation in the Sudan and nearby countries is still unpredictable and explosive. Hungary welcomes the renewed momentum in the efforts to resolve the Darfur conflict, in particular the agreement reached on the deployment of the African Union-United Nations hybrid force and the subsequent adoption of Security Council resolution 1769 (2007). We consider it essential that the Hybrid Operation be launched, and that troops be fully deployed in the full number authorized, as soon as possible. I would like to commend Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on having made resolving the Darfur conflict a priority, as well as on his visit to the Sudan. It is in that context that I reaffirm our support for the peacebuilding and peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations.

Hungary welcomes the fact that the Peacebuilding Commission has started its work and has met in a country-specific format to consider the cases of Burundi and Sierra Leone. We look forward to the first report on its work. We consider the Commission to be an important instrument to enhance the capabilities of the United Nations to support countries emerging from conflict.

We are fully aware of the need to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations to mount and sustain complex and multidimensional peacekeeping operations. Hungary commends the efforts made by the Secretary-General to achieve that purpose and welcomes the General Assembly's decision to establish the Department of Field Support. My country's track record in the field of peacekeeping demonstrates that we are willing to actively support the Security Council's decisions. Hungarian military and police personnel are present in many of the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations, namely, in Cyprus, Georgia, Kosovo, Lebanon and Western Sahara.

My recent participation at the fifty-first General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and my talks with Director General Mohamed ElBaradei reaffirmed my conviction that questions relating to nuclear safety and non-proliferation should remain high on our agenda.

Hungary shares the concerns of the international community over Iran's nuclear programme. We deplore Iran's failure to take the steps required by the IAEA Board of Governors and by Security Council resolutions, steps necessary to re-establish international confidence in the peaceful nature of its nuclear programme. We welcomed the adoption of Security Council resolutions 1737 (2006) and 1747 (2007), and we fully comply with the obligations set forth therein. We hope that Iran will soon realize that a diplomatic and negotiated solution is possible and that compliance has many benefits.

Hungary continues to support the process aimed at achieving the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula in a peaceful manner and welcomes the first promising results of the Six-Party Talks. Developments related to the North Korean nuclear issue have underscored the importance of the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.

Hungary supports all multilateral, regional and bilateral efforts that contribute in an effective manner to our common goal of achieving disarmament and curbing the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Such efforts must also aim at upholding and strengthening key international treaties and export control regimes. In that context, one of the most important challenges is to ensure compliance with the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Moreover, Hungary welcomes the entry into force of the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, which we ratified in April.

An urgent issue in the field of counter-terrorism is the full and earliest possible implementation of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. In that regard, the main responsibility lies with Member States, which should all also actively participate in the upcoming implementation review. The conclusion of a comprehensive convention on international terrorism remains another high priority for Hungary.

Fifteen years after the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, the Rio Summit, it is evident that, at the current pace, our efforts will not be sufficient to halt the emerging global threats, in particular that of climate change. The European Union has a clear position in that regard, and it has proposed to speed up the drafting of a new global compact. As a member of the EU, Hungary fully agrees with the urgency of the matter. We hope that the ongoing deliberations on the future of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and of the Kyoto Protocol will lead to concrete results within two years. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the efforts made by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to raise awareness about climate change in the international community.

On behalf of my country, I would like to reiterate Hungary's commitment to upholding the rule of international law, to giving priority to effective multilateralism, to spreading the culture of cooperation and the peaceful settlement of international disputes, and to making every effort to preserve a sustainable environment for future generations.

In conclusion, Hungary is strongly committed to working with you, Mr. President, during the sixty-second session of the General Assembly to achieve the objectives set out in the 2005 World Summit Outcome.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Mourad Medelci, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria.

Mr. Medelci (Algeria)

I have the particular pleasure of conveying to you, Sir, my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. This attests to the esteem and trust enjoyed by your country. Your unanimous election to your high office is also recognition of your ability and your wealth of experience as a talented academic and diplomat, which we believe will ensure success in the work of this session. I assure you of my delegation's support and its full readiness to assist you in carrying out your lofty mission.

I should also like to thank Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa for her commendable efforts throughout the entirety of the previous session of the General Assembly. The measures she took are a further step towards modernizing the United Nations and improving its effectiveness.

I would also like to express our sincere gratitude to Mr. Ban Ki-moon and to tell him how pleased we are to see him participating in the work of the General Assembly as Secretary-General. By unanimously electing him to lead the Organization, we have demonstrated our confidence in his ability to continue the work of reforming the United Nations begun by his predecessor with a view to making the Organization an effective tool in achieving the noble objectives of promoting peace and development throughout the world. We should continue to support him in realizing that enormous and ambitious undertaking.

Gathered here at the General Assembly two years ago for the World Summit, our heads of State or Government took historic decisions for the future of the United Nations. Although we are pleased with the progress made to date, there is still a long way to go in achieving all the goals set at the Summit. Efforts must still be made to find the most appropriate response to the serious threat posed by climate change, which was the subject of discussion last week; achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); a comprehensive convention on international terrorism, which has still not been agreed; strengthening United Nations system-wide coherence; and reforming the Security Council, without which the overall reform process will remain incomplete. Algeria, which has always called for thorough and comprehensives reform of the Organization, continues to believe that decisive commitment and the widest possible endorsement by Member States are crucial to achieving the fruitful consensus to bring about a positive outcome of this ambitious reform effort.

The world today faces new types of destabilizing factors and numerous threats that jeopardize international peace and security. That is especially the case with regard to terrorism, which is by definition a threat to the basic right to life. It spares no region of the world and makes no distinction as to race, gender or religion. It therefore requires resolute international mobilization and a collective and decisive response based on solidarity from the international community. Only in that way can we ensure the effectiveness and sustainability of the effort.

My country has long suffered from heinous terrorism, which we have fought on our own and for which we paid a great price due to the indifference of the international community in the 1990s. We therefore appreciate the daily growing awareness of the dangers posed by that phenomenon and of the need to prevent and eradicate it. In that regard, Algeria supported the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, which was adopted by the General Assembly in September 2006 as resolution 60/288. We call for a commitment by Member States to implement it immediately. We would like to point out, however, that the fight against terrorism should not be waged solely through the use of force but should also entail addressing the underlying causes of the phenomenon, in particular by finding just and equitable solutions to conflicts, especially the conflict in the Middle East.

In addition to expeditious measures to thwart this devastating phenomenon, it is also urgent to conclude a comprehensive convention against international terrorism that includes a clear definition of the concept of terrorism. Such a convention should also clearly de-link terrorism from the legitimate struggle of peoples against occupation. It should also not equate terrorism with any religion, civilization or geographic region.

In a world torn by conflict and tormented by extremism and intolerance of all sorts, it is essential today that we work to calm hearts and minds in order to promote a productive dialogue among cultures and civilizations, so as to dispel misunderstanding, eliminate prejudices and stereotypes and strengthen mutual understanding. With patience, determination and solidarity, we should dispel all theories and associations that promote the dangerous discourse of a clash of civilizations.

We have great hopes for the General Assembly's forthcoming High-Level Dialogue on Interreligious and Intercultural Understanding and Cooperation for Peace. We hope that the dialogue will serve to bring rationality to debates surrounding this issue, in line with the ambitious efforts of the Alliance of Civilization. Algeria is pleased at the particular attention given to this issue, including the appointment of Mr. Jorge Sampaio as High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations. We will spare no effort to promote this approach, which is more crucial than ever, to achieve a productive dialogue among civilizations that makes it possible for us to address such common challenges as underdevelopment, ignorance, poverty, racism and extremism.

Despite the Organization's laudable efforts, the task of decolonization remains unfinished. I would like to refer in particular to Western Sahara, which is the last case of decolonization in Africa. Its people are still deprived the right to self-determination enshrined in the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The international community had harboured genuine hope for a just and lasting resolution of the conflict, especially in the wake of the Security Council's unanimous support for the peace plan proposed by Mr. James Baker, former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General -- a plan that resolution 1495 (2003) rightly referred to as an "optimum political solution" (para. 1).

We are resolutely committed to the search for a peaceful solution under international law. Algeria welcomed the adoption on 30 April 2007 of Security Council resolution 1754 (2007), which clearly emphasized the need to find a just and lasting political solution which will provide for the right of self-determination of the Saharawi people. We hope that the negotiations that began in June and resumed in August at New York will continue, in order to allow the two parties -- Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO -- to reach an agreement in line with international law that makes it possible for the people of Western Sahara to decide their own fate freely and without constraints in a referendum on self-determination.

Other tragedies are taking place in Africa: fratricidal wars, pandemics and natural disasters. This tragic situation only serves to push countries with limited resources into a precarious situation that diminishes the possibility of socio-economic development of any kind.

Although, from its inception in 2004 the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU) has been providing appropriate African solutions to conflicts on the continent, and as commendable as those have been, its efforts will not be effective without the firm commitment and considerable sustained assistance of the entire international community -- such as the tremendous efforts made recently to resolve the crisis in Darfur. Effectively addressing the multidimensional problems involving peace, security and development faced by the continent today also requires that the international community support the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), which is a viable vehicle to address Africa's socio-economic concerns.

In the Middle East, which is another especially unstable part of the world, the situation is deteriorating. This is reflected in daily violence and recurring crises. If we are not vigilant, that situation threatens to undermine any hope of establishing lasting peace in the region. The international community must once again become more involved in order to establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East that is based on the implementation of the Road Map and the Arab Peace Initiative. In that regard, Algeria welcomes the renewed attention being given to the Arab Peace Initiative, as reflected in President Bush's proposal to hold an international peace conference this fall. The international community should support that effort, which has rekindled hope for a comprehensive resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, in order to avert failure, which would have enormous consequences for international peace and security.

The situation in Iraq also continues to be of concern. That fraternal country is experiencing scenes of deadly violence on a daily basis. Sectarian and communal violence also prevails throughout the country, which undermine the values of citizenship and coexistence among the children of a single people. Those events appeal to our collective conscience and call on us to mobilize assistance to that country by making our contribution to finding a solution that preserves Iraq's national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I should also like to express my country's concern about the current impasse in the multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation process: the failure of the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) held in May 2005 and the impasse at the 2005 World Summit on this issue. This is a matter that calls on us to act, for it is of crucial importance to the future of humankind. My country continues to believe that complying with the NPT entails the comprehensive and equitable implementation of all its provisions, ensuring a balance between the rights and obligations of States parties. The three fundamental pillars of the Treaty must be inseparable and complementary. Moreover, the goal of preventing nuclear proliferation should not be a pretext for preventing developing countries from having access to nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.

On the basis of that deeply held belief, on 9 January 2007 Algeria was host to the first African high-level regional conference on the theme of nuclear energy's contribution to peace and sustainable development. The goal was to translate into action the common African concern to ensure that nuclear energy serves to promote peace and sustainable development on the continent.

The issue of development has always been at the core of the international community's concerns. In that regard, it is extremely important that it continue to be a very high priority for the Organization. In the light of the September 2000 Millennium Summit and the follow-up meetings held both under the auspices of the United Nations and outside the system, it is clear that the issue of development has become one of the major challenges -- such as peace, with which it is inextricably linked -- that the international community must address. In that connection, African heads of State, who launched NEPAD, and the leaders of the Group of Eight (G8) met last June at Heiligendamm, Germany, and took up the issue of peace and development in Africa as part of the agenda of that meeting. My country welcomes the decision taken by the G8 to provide $60 billion in assistance to combat AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other pandemics in Africa.

Implementing that decision -- and the progress made in other areas, such as in effectively liberalizing international trade -- should be important steps towards achieving the development goals set by the international community. To that end, we believe that it is essential that the entire international community -- and developed countries in particular -- becomes more involved and honour the commitments undertaken at the 2000 Millennium Summit, the 2002 Monterrey International Conference on Financing for Development, the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development and the 2005 World Summit.

In that regard, we are pleased to note that there were a number of encouraging signs during the high-level dialogue on climate change held at the United Nations last week. That illustrates that there is now a collective awareness of the reality of the threat to humankind posed by climate change and of its correlation with the issue of development. In that connection, I would like to emphasize the central role that should be played by the United Nations in carrying out negotiations in advance of the Conference of States Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which is to be held in Bali, so as to ensure that the meeting produces a global regime to replace the Kyoto Protocol upon its expiry, in 2012. That regime should include an emissions reduction strategy that is fair, effective and equitable and based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. In essence, it is a matter of safeguarding the interests of developing countries, especially African countries, which pollute the least but are the most exposed to the effects of climate change.

We are determined to continue our active participation in the international effort to protect the environment. Algeria has made its energy strategy part of its sustainable development policy by deciding to promote renewable sources of energy.

I am also pleased to note that, on 5 June 2006, Algeria had the distinct honour of hosting the festivities for World Environment Day. In addition, from 17 to 19 December 2006, we hosted the Joint International Conference on Desertification, which was held to mark the end of the International Year of Deserts and Desertification, an issue which is linked to that of climate change.

Algeria has embraced the Millennium Declaration and has spared no effort to take concrete steps through its national development policies. We are also working within the context of NEPAD to promote all efforts that will contribute to development on the African continent.

Consolidating domestic reforms by strengthening democracy and the rule of law as important elements of good governance stems from our desire to modernize our country, economy and society. In that vein, Algeria has voluntarily agreed to peer review under the African evaluation Mechanism established for that purpose. That undertaking is part of Africa's efforts to contribute concretely to strengthening good governance in every country of Africa, and in the continent as a whole.

A report was presented to heads of States members of the African Peer Review Mechanism meeting at Accra in June 2007. Among other things, the report underscored Algeria's great socio-economic progress. It also welcomed the steps that have been taken to achieve national reconciliation, which were the result of a courageous and visionary political decision taken by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika that has now been realized through a popular referendum that reaffirmed a very broad-based desire for reconciliation.

In conclusion, allow me to point out that in 2005, when we commemorated the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, we charted a course to undertake genuine reorganization in the architecture of international relations by adapting the Organization to the world we live in today. Only an Organization that is effective, just and credible will be able to meet the demands brought about by change and to rise to the challenges produced by the turbulence of today's world in order to ensure peace, security and development for future generations. That is Algeria's firm conviction, as well as that of the entire international community.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Aboubakr A. Al-Qirbi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Yemen.

Mr. Al-Qirbi (Yemen)

Allow me at the outset, Sir, to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. I am confident that, with your wisdom and experience, you will lead our work to success. I wish you every success. I also wish to commend Her Excellency Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, from the sisterly Kingdom of Bahrain, President of the General Assembly at its sixty-first session, for all her constructive and concrete efforts to ensure the success and positive results of the Assembly's work.

The sixty-second session of the General Assembly coincides with the sixtieth anniversary of my country's joining the United Nations, on 30 September 1947. The Republic of Yemen was one of the first countries to realize the importance of participating and interacting in an international forum that serves noble human objectives, the reason for which this Organization was established. We also became aware of the role of the United Nations in safeguarding international peace and security and in promoting cooperation among Member States with the aim of achieving prosperity for all societies.

On this occasion, I cannot fail to refer to the transformations that the Republic of Yemen has undergone since its inception on 22 May 1990, be it in human development, freedoms, democracy or protection of human rights. However, during the past two years in particular we have had significant success in establishing good governance and enlisting popular participation in local council elections, and we have embarked on an integrated ambitious programme for economic, political, social, judicial and administrative reform. This has come to be known as the National Reform Agenda.

The presidential and local elections held in September 2006, the transparency and fairness of which were attested to by all international observers, are evidence of the practice of democracy, freedom of expression, peaceful change of government, political pluralism, and decentralization in the management of State affairs. Yemen has also granted local councils broad authority. Several pieces of legislation to combat corruption were passed by the Yemeni Parliament, including the establishment of a Supreme Anti-Corruption Commission. They deal with procurement, tenders and bidding, and the establishment of an independent Commission, financial disclosure for public servants and basic reform in the judiciary. The Government now seeks to amend the laws that govern the press in order to remove all constraints.

Yemen has acceded to several international agreements relating to the fight against corruption, including the initiative of international transparency in the mining and extraction industry sector.

Today the world is witnessing political changes in Yemen: freedom of expression and of demonstration for its citizens, accorded to them by the constitution and by law. Even though some people have used these freedoms to cause anarchy and violence, the Government has dealt with them in consonance with the constitution and the law.

I reiterate that my country abides by the approach that it decreed for itself: democracy, political pluralism, peaceful change of authority and recourse to the ballot box as the best and only way for change. It is worth recalling here that the Government of Yemen has declared its intention to amend the constitution so as to reduce the presidential term of office from seven to five years and the term of office of Parliament members from six to four years. It also intends to amend the law pertaining to local administration, so that governors would be elected directly, and to turn local administration into local government, so that more decentralization and participation in governance can be realized.

As it moves along this path, Yemen faces several challenges in the areas of development, poverty and unemployment. These challenges compel Yemen to call on other States and on international organizations to help it overcome obstacles and to increase their development aid to Yemen, especially as the per capita assistance provided to the Yemeni individual does not meet the internationally accepted standard.

No one today questions the existence of global warming, the results of climate change that the world is experiencing, or the damage that is being inflicted on the environment. Hence, it is only natural to stress that we should all assume our common responsibility to contain the damage caused by some wrong-headed policies and practices, given that the devastating effects of such policies are evident to each and every one of us. Over the past year we have seen floods, hurricanes and global warming in many regions of the world. The future has in store more catastrophes that may affect or wipe out millions of people, especially in the third world. Consequently, the poor would continue to pay for the luxuries of the rich.

We would like to recall all the agreements relative to the environment and the resolutions that have been adopted at conferences to protect it. We should therefore seek to contain the climatic changes that result in desertification and flooding.

The tense situation in the Palestinian territories and the violence the Palestinian people are facing from the Israelis are matters that run contrary to the provisions of the United Nations Charter, international law, international agreements, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Fourth Geneva Convention. While the Arabs in the past have been criticized for not providing an Arab vision to put an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict, they were indeed surprised that, when they presented their own Arab Peace Initiative, it was totally ignored by Israel and the international community, in spite of all the elements that would secure a comprehensive and just solution to the conflict. Thus, it is our hope that the Arab follow-up committee of the Arab initiative will have created a positive atmosphere leading to an international conference to be held under international supervision to achieve peace in the Middle East. It is also our hope that the United States of America will keep its promise regarding the establishment of the Palestinian State on national soil, with Holy Jerusalem as its capital, based on the principles of total sovereignty, viability, and return of refugees; and we hope that the solution will be widened to include total Israeli withdrawal from the Golan and the Sheba'a farms. We emphasize the importance of the participation of all the parties concerned in the international conference to be held soon.

On this occasion, we call on our Palestinian brothers to return to dialogue, to unite their positions, to abide by the Arab Peace Initiative, to reorganize the Palestinian house in accordance with the constitution and Palestinian legitimacy. I refer here to the recent Yemeni initiative to bring the Palestinian factions together to serve the unity and ambitions of the Palestinian people.

The Republic of Yemen welcomes Security Council resolution 1770 (2007) on Iraq. From this rostrum it calls on the international community to stand with the elected Iraqi Government to extend its authority, to put an end to sectarian violence, to control all the armed militias and to face the terrorist elements that seek to spread anarchy and undermine legitimate resistance and efforts at national reconciliation. We emphasize the necessity for dialogue among all the national groups in Iraq in order to reach a common vision that could restore Iraq's security and stability and its pioneering role in the region. The Republic of Yemen calls on everyone to stop interfering in the internal affairs of Iraq, to respect its unity and Arab character, to put an end to the occupation of its lands and to reject any plan to divide it.

Regarding the Sudan, we welcome its Government's acceptance of an expansion of the forces and mandate of the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur. We support the efforts of the Sudanese Government to restore peace in that region in accordance with the security plan presented by the Security Council, provided that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the Sudan will never be jeopardized under any pretext.

The Republic of Yemen blesses the reconciliation agreement signed by the Somali factions in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which came about as a result of African, Arab and international efforts. Yemen calls on all international actors to provide further assistance and support to the Transitional Federal Government in a manner that would enable it to rebuild Somalia. We emphasize the importance of providing enough African peacekeeping forces to stabilize and normalize the security situation in Somalia. That would hasten the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces. As has always been the case, the Republic of Yemen will remain a partner in the reconciliation process, supporting all the parties, rejecting any foreign intervention in Somalia and emphasizing the need for reconstruction in Somalia, with a view to enabling the Transitional Federal Government to rebuild State institutions.

The Republic of Yemen emphasizes the right of countries to possess nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. It continues to support a special General Assembly declaration of the Middle East as a zone free from all nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, and resolutions demanding that Israel abide by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), in order to guarantee the stability of the region and to prevent a nuclear arms race there.

The Republic of Yemen emphasizes the importance of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), adopted in 2000. We also support the objectives set out in the Monterrey Consensus. My country is convinced that the mobilization of financial resources for development and the effective use of those resources in developing countries and countries in economic transition, are two crucial areas in which true international partnership should be encouraged. It is worth mentioning that the responsibility of creating and managing development programmes is first and foremost the responsibility of national Governments, in accordance with their priorities, needs and specificities, and in keeping with international strategies stemming from the Millennium Development Goals. This should take place in partnership with donor countries and international organizations, and in accordance with national goals and programmes devoted to human development.

The Republic of Yemen wants the human being to be the centre and goal of its development and has placed the MDGs high among the priorities of its policies and its five-year development plan for the period 2006-2010. It has strenuously sought to take the social, economic and environmental dimensions of development into consideration. It has also involved civil society organizations in implementing these strategies. In addition, my country is working with donor countries, international specialized agencies and other institutions to implement our third five-year plan, with the objective of alleviating poverty by supporting small-scale programmes, expanding technical education, enabling women, providing investment services and opportunities and strengthening good governance. This is an ambitious plan that requires international support if it is to fully achieve its objectives of bringing about a qualitative change in human development in Yemen.

There have been difficulties, however, in the implementation of this ambitious reform programme, including frequent increases in the price of food stuffs, such as wheat flour, which has affected the standard of living of Yemeni citizens, placing increasingly heavy burdens on them. Accordingly, it is incumbent on rich States to consider how to deal with inflation in international markets, so that countries' efforts to implement their reform programmes will not be jeopardized and so that those countries can strike a balance between the costs of reform on the one hand and living standards, social peace and political stability on the other.

In conclusion, allow me to express on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Yemen our deep thanks to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his sincere and strenuous efforts at the helm of the Organization. We are confident that he is capable of leading it with a view to bringing about justice and fulfilling the principles and values of the United Nations to which we all aspire. We look forward to his continued leadership, especially in the search for a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Pranab Mukherjee, Minister for External Affairs of India.

Mr. Mukherjee (India)

Kindly accept my congratulations, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-second session. My delegation assures you of its full cooperation as we address issues identified in the annual report of the Secretary-General (A/62/1) and as we responsibly and creatively move forward with pending reforms of the Organization.

At the outset I would like to express India's deep gratitude to all Member States for the recent unanimous adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 61/271, deciding to annually observe the International Day of Non-Violence, on 2 October, the anniversary of the birth of Mahatma Gandhi. I also look forward to participation by Member States in the informal plenary meeting of the General Assembly and other functions being organized tomorrow at the United Nations to mark the first International Day of Non-Violence.

A central topic for this year's debate -- responding to climate change -- is both timely and relevant. India's views on it were recently set forth at the high-level event on climate change, which took place here on 24 September. Combined with the exchange of views in the general debate, it will no doubt provide a useful backdrop to the meeting of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to be held later this year in Bali, Indonesia.

The impact of climate change and environmental degradation falls disproportionately upon developing countries. Developing countries are the most vulnerable to it, and also lack the means to tackle it. Measures to address climate change must be based on mitigation and adaptation strategies with fair burden-sharing and measures to realize sustainable patterns of consumption and production. The process of burden-sharing must also take into account where the primary responsibility for the present state of greenhouse gas concentration in the atmosphere rests and not foreclose rapid and sustained economic development for the developing world, which, in any case, is an imperative for adaptation.

Technology is the other key area that needs to be addressed. It is important that critical clean technologies be made available and affordable to developing countries. The intellectual property rights regime must balance rewards for innovators with the common good of humankind. Concerted international action to address climate change, in accordance with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, as well as national circumstances and social and economic conditions, is the need of the hour. India, for which energy security is a national imperative, has a very small individual carbon footprint, with per capita carbon dioxide emissions at just about a quarter of the world's average. Even so, we are determined that, as we pursue economic growth, our per capita greenhouse gas emissions will not increase beyond those of the industrial countries.

Poverty and underdevelopment are amongst the central challenges of our times. The overarching requirement is for sustained economic growth to eradicate poverty in developing countries. However, economic growth must also be measured against the template of social inclusion. Growth alone is not enough if it does not produce benefits that are sufficiently dispersed, not only in terms of increased income and employment, but also for improved health, nutrition and education for all.

I affirm India's resolve to achieve the internationally agreed development goals, including the Millennium Development Goals. The Government of India accords the highest priority to inclusive growth, including the political, legal, educational and economic empowerment of women, effective and affordable public health, and enhanced access to educational opportunities, especially for all those who are disadvantaged.

It is apparent that progress in the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals has been tardy. The international community, through the United Nations system, must more effectively support the efforts of developing countries to achieve the development goals. A comprehensive reform of the international financial architecture is a key ingredient in that process. The United Nations must play an important role in overseeing the reform of the international financial architecture. That should include measures to ensure a greater voice for and participation by developing countries in the Bretton Woods institutions. The process of reform must be carried to its logical conclusion if the credibility of those institutions is to be enhanced.

We must also address as a priority the regrettable inversion of global resource flows. Today, instead of the urgently needed inflow of resources to developing countries to buttress their national economic development plans, we are confronted with a net outflow from them. Official development assistance (ODA) showed a marked fall during 2006 and remains well below the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product. It is primarily being used to finance debt relief. That this is happening after so many years of liberalization and globalization highlights our collective failure. Perhaps we should be considering mechanisms, such as an international debt commission, to redress the problem of developing country debt.

The least developed countries, which are particularly hard hit by rising energy costs, find themselves in an even more difficult situation. Enhanced and predictable resource flow to developing countries remains a key objective of the global partnership for development. India will continue to do what it can to help with capacity-building in other developing countries and to assist them through ODA within the limits of its capacity. By the end of the year, imports from least developed countries into India will face a zero-tariff regime.

Early and substantive progress at the Doha Round of trade negotiations, based on the primacy of the development dimension, is another imperative. We must return to the negotiating table with a redoubled sense of urgency, while recognizing that adherence to the existing mandate remains critical. Nor can the interests of subsistence farmers be ignored or equated with those of other sectors. An illogical linkage between agriculture and non-agricultural market access will only complicate the development impact of the Round. The overarching principle of special and differential treatment for developing countries remains a categorical imperative.

As part of India's commitment to the achievement of human rights for all, and as a member of the Human Rights Council, we remain actively involved in developing the institutional framework of that body, including the universal periodic review mechanism, based on effective international cooperation as a central principle in the Council's methods of work. India will work towards developing an international normative framework for the promotion and protection of human rights. India is honoured to be one of the first signatories of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Earlier today, I also had the honour of depositing India's instrument of ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

As the largest democracy in the world, India has developed a system of local self-government with democratically elected institutions of representative Government at all levels -- the village, the district, the State and the nation. The effort to make participatory democracy more meaningful to every Indian citizen underpins what is perhaps one of the greatest social experiments in the world today, namely, the transfer of decision-making power to nearly one million elected women local Government representatives. As a result, women are not merely the beneficiaries of change in India, but are its instruments.

As the world's largest democracy, it was also natural for India to support the establishment of the United Nations Democracy Fund. We made an initial contribution of $10 million to the Fund and remain actively and constructively involved in realizing the objectives for which it was set up. As a small token of our commitment to that laudable initiative, I have the privilege of announcing a further pledge of $10 million to the United Nations Democracy Fund.

The international system cannot be reordered meaningfully without a comprehensive reform of the United Nations. If the Organization is to remain the cornerstone of the international architecture in this century, it cannot remain mired in the realities of the 1940s. Despite substantive implementation of the United Nations reform agenda that emerged from the 2005 World Summit Outcome, such reform will inevitably remain incomplete without comprehensive reform and expansion of the Security Council and revitalization of the General Assembly. Elements and ideas on the reform of the Security Council have been discussed for well over a decade in numerous reports and interminable consultations. It is now time for intergovernmental negotiations to commence in order to make the Security Council more democratic, representative and responsive.

We, together with partners from Africa, Latin America and Asia, tabled a resolution on 11 September 2007, spelling out the principles on which reform ought to be based if it is to be meaningful. These principles are expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories of membership; greater representation for developing countries and representation for developed countries that is reflective of contemporary world realities; and comprehensive improvement in the working methods of the Security Council, including ensuring greater access for island and small States. We welcome recent statements from this podium by President Bush of the United States of America and other world leaders on the need for Security Council reform in both the permanent and non-permanent categories. It is high time that we collectively bring these ideas to implementation.

Reform of the United Nations would also be incomplete without revitalization of the General Assembly. The central goal of such revitalization must be the restoration and enhancement of the role and authority of the General Assembly as originally envisaged in the Charter.

Given the significance of developmental activities for the developing world, India sees a corresponding need for the reform of United Nations operational activities in favour of development. Since these activities are aimed at supporting the work of Member States, it follows that Members must determine their direction and shape through an intergovernmental process. The litmus test for any reform proposal is whether it improves the support extended by the United Nations to the efforts of programme countries. India would therefore judge reform proposals by their impact on the ground, by the resultant improvement in the effectiveness of the system and by the impact on transaction costs for the United Nations development system.

Steps to achieve the complete elimination of nuclear weapons have also only made limited headway. Despite some progress, the world remains far from achieving the objective of total elimination of nuclear weapons. India's long-standing commitment to universal, non-discriminatory and comprehensive nuclear disarmament is embodied in the vision of late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi for a nuclear-free and non-violent world. This vision was put forward nearly two decades ago. It remains undiminished today.

Indeed, it is all the more relevant today, given the fact that peaceful uses of nuclear energy can address the inexorably growing demand for new and non-polluting sources of energy to fuel economic development. We will be bringing proposals to Member States and this Organization to see how we can refocus on general and complete disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. Disarmament is our agreed goal, and it subsumes arms control and non-proliferation.

It is well known that India has an impeccable record in preventing the proliferation of sensitive technologies. That is in keeping with our commitment to being a responsible nuclear Power. India is ready to work with the international community to develop a new international consensus on non-proliferation. The international community needs to intensify the effort to address the very real threat posed by the link between the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and related materials and technologies and the ability of non-State actors to acquire them. The risk posed by the intersection between proliferation and terrorism is real and serious. The central objective must be to ensure that our solidarity in words is translated into action.

The adoption of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy last September was a noteworthy development, signalling the will of the international community to combat this menace in a holistic and coordinated manner. Welcome as the Strategy is, there is much more that needs to be done to combat the menace that international terrorism has become. India is convinced that without the early adoption of a comprehensive convention against international terrorism, the global struggle against terrorism remains incomplete and likely to succeed only partially. We must ensure that there is zero tolerance for all forms of terrorism.

In conclusion, I would express the hope that our deliberations in the year ahead will lead us to enlightened action. With maturity and resolve we will successfully overcome the many challenges before us.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Patteson Oti, Minister for Foreign Affairs, External Trade and Immigration of Solomon Islands.

Mr. Oti (Solomon Islands)

Mr. President, I am privileged to stand before you today in the place of my Prime Minister, Mr. Manasseh Sogavare, to renew the firm commitment of the Government and the people of Solomon Islands to the principles, ideals and values that gather us together here annually for their re-examination and reaffirmation. The privilege of membership in the United Nations allows my country to sit amongst Member States and stand up for, as well as against, decisions on issues that either unite or divide us. Belonging to this Organization for almost half the time it has existed is a proud feat for a country that is barely 30 years old. The experience of nearly three decades of sovereign statehood has taught Solomon Islands many lessons that we can share with the rest of the world. In particular, we are well placed to highlight the fragility of our independence as a nation of peoples whose survival is both threatened and guaranteed by our interdependence with the international community as represented in this Assembly.

Mr. President, representing my Prime Minister and addressing this Assembly on behalf of more than the half a million people of Solomon Islands, I wish to begin by congratulating you on your recent election as President of the General Assembly at our sixty-second session. Both you and Secretary General Ban Ki-moon have been selected by fate to pledge your devotion to duty in a cause challenged by humanity's survival. We trust you to do what is right to attain the best for the rest of us. Your distinguished predecessors have paved pathways for the progress of this Organization along many routes which you must now travel to fulfil our Charter's promises to us and those whom we are fortunate to represent.

Mr. Oti (Solomon Islands)

Much has happened in Solomon Islands since my Prime Minister's address to this Assembly in September last year. Turning firstly to cataclysmic events, just six months ago, a series of earthquakes and tsunamis terrorized, devastated and swallowed up some of our islands, their inhabitants, homes, gardens, animals and worldly possessions. From that catastrophe alone, we suffered the loss of more than 50 lives and injury to countless more, the total destruction of over 3,240 homes and severe damage to another 3,000 homes. The damage bill is estimated to exceed $100 million. Thanks to the instantly televised news coverage of the devastation, the entire world was shown graphic evidence of the sinking of some of our islands, the elevation of submerged reefs 3 metres above sea level and the submersion of many coastal lands.

Not visible at the time were the immediate and future effects of nature's structural adjustments on the daily livelihoods of Solomon Islanders. Traditional fishing grounds have shifted. Agricultural activities have had to be relocated. The debris is slowly being cleared. The water supply is being restored. Roads, wharves and bridges are being rebuilt and hospitals, clinics, schools and houses are being repaired or reconstructed. Entire villages will need to be relocated and rebuilt. Life can no longer be the same for the vast majority of our people in rural areas, who depend on fishing and subsistence agriculture for their daily survival. Any slight tremor or vibration causes them to flee to higher ground in panic. The emotional and psychological effects of nature's non-negotiable terrors are what our people have to struggle with for the rest of their lives.

My snapshot of the April earthquakes and tsunamis and of their aftermath would not be complete if I did not acknowledge and place on record the eternal gratitude of Solomon Islands to all those Governments, international organizations and peoples who offered sympathy, prayers and a helping hand through the humanitarian relief that was dispatched to our affected areas. Without the assistance and involvement of all those who volunteered their time and resources and the generosity of those who donated emergency relief funds, supplies and provisions, my Government would not have progressed to the rehabilitation phase of the disaster recovery programme as fast as we have. It is at this time of suffering and need that we appreciate the true value of human compassion and sacrifice.

With the increasing incidence of disasters all over the world, we must bolster the resources of the United Nations humanitarian relief programme and its capacity to respond rapidly and effectively to such crises to alleviate human suffering. As much as we appreciate the quantum of funds pledged by sympathetic individuals, institutions and nation-States, we are left to wonder whether the filtering of donor financial assistance through national charitable organizations is calculated to whittle down its value through the consumption of largesse in its delivery and administration. Respecting the generosity and altruism of those who give and the desperation of those who need requires that we enshrine the principles of efficiency and effectiveness to guide humanitarian relief efforts across international borders. Human charity and human suffering are done a disservice when disasters create "feeding frenzies" for non-governmental charitable organizations. The recent experience of Solomon Islands mirrors what many other nations have undergone and underlines the need for concerted international action to regulate the collection and delivery of humanitarian aid.

Dealing with the effects of environmental catastrophes rather than their causes takes us only half as far as we ought to go. The proceedings of last week's High-level Event on Climate Change have emboldened small island developing States to rally together to demand the intensification of international efforts to curb global environmental recklessness.

It appears that the fragility of States such as Solomon Islands has less to do with the quality of our governance machinery and more to do with our ecological vulnerability. My Government wonders: what is so virtuous about foreign aid when billions of dollars can be spent on improving the governance structures of an economy that derives its export income from the destruction of tropical forests, when just a fraction of that expense is all that is needed to preserve our forests and finance our annual national budgets? Solomon Islands believes that the protection of our global environment is a matter of international responsibility and that it can be capably addressed through the enunciation of principles that dictate reciprocal undertakings aimed at the continued granting and receipt of foreign aid.

I now turn to the ongoing disputes concerning the future occupation of Solomon Islands by the Australian-led visiting contingent. My Government has initiated a parliamentary review of the legislative basis for the continued presence of the occupying police, military and civilian personnel from our neighbouring countries. Credit must, however, be given to the visiting forces deployed in 2003 to restore law and order in Solomon Islands following many years of ethnic rivalry and violence. The policing of the crisis for four years has contained it on the surface, without addressing the underlying socio-cultural roots of dissension. My Government is determined to delve deeper into the historical causes of the friction between our peoples and to do what is necessary to resolve the disputes that prevent their reconciliation.

The Commission of Inquiry into the April 2006 Civil Unrest in Honiara -- capital of Solomon Islands -- whose establishment was announced by the Prime Minister during his most recent address to the Assembly (see A/61/PV.17), finally became functional this year after the failure of externally orchestrated manoeuvres to derail it. The Commission of Inquiry's interim reports have exposed major flaws in our national security operations. My Government appreciates the support of and the financial assistance pledged by Papua New Guinea in staffing the Commission of Inquiry. The Commission's final report and recommendations should be available in the next few months.

Our people's gratitude to Australia and New Zealand for financing the deployment of their nationals to police our crisis with the help of a small contingent of personnel from neighbouring Pacific island nations is often expressed and is genuine. However, as our fellow Pacific island States can readily appreciate, our sovereign right to determine the terms under which the Government of Solomon Islands will permit our continued occupation by the visiting contingent cannot be undermined by any Member of the United Nations.

The long neglect of our internal problem by the United Nations, followed by the hasty conclusion of the regionally based multilateral agreement, which led to the dispatch of the initial visiting contingent of Australian, New Zealand and other Pacific island forces, have caused the ongoing controversies concerning their continued existence and eventual return to the Organization's doorstep. Viewed from the perspective of Chapter VIII of the Charter, the nature of the arrangements and activities embraced by the 2003 agreement, as well as their practical application and operation since that time, appear to transgress Article 52 of the Charter as a result of apparent inconsistencies with Articles 1 and 2.