General Assembly Session 61 meeting 11

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Congo.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Republic of the Congo, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Nguesso (Congo)

Madam, your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-first session is the sign of a favourable turn of events in the world. I congratulate you and I welcome you not only as an experienced diplomat, with established skills and qualifications, but also as a great advocate of human rights. I wish also to commend, through you, your country, the State of Bahrain, for its tremendous contribution to the promotion of the values of peace, freedom and equality.

I should like also to express our deepest gratitude to Mr. Jan Eliasson for the wisdom and competence with which he guided the previous session. He deserves plaudits for having led to a successful outcome the difficult negotiations on the establishment of the Human Rights Council and of the Peacebuilding Commission. I would also like to congratulate a great son of Africa, a friend and brother, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his work as Secretary-General. His outstanding work was recognized at the seventh session of the Conference of the African Union held last July at Banjul and was given a moving and memorable tribute that I would like to reiterate here. Mr. Secretary-General, the world is grateful to you; Africa is proud of you. Furthermore, I would like to welcome Montenegro as a Member State, whose admission reinforces the universal character of our Organization. We wish that country a warm welcome.

This session opens at a time when the overall situation in the world is becoming more and more complex with reasons for concern and reasons for hope. It is our responsibility to ensure through multilateralism that hope overcomes fear and that the world becomes safer for future generations. We must reaffirm our faith in multilateralism, because the many challenges of our time must be confronted collectively; no State can deal with them alone. The same is true for the environment, terrorism, drug trafficking etc. Since its creation, the United Nations has never slackened in the search for ways and means to assume its responsibilities.

But today more than ever, it is necessary to encourage the search for collective solutions for the many sorts of phenomena that weaken global peace. Today more than ever, we must join our energies to build a world in which human beings can live where they wish in dignity, safe from need and fear. That is the purpose of our joint activities.

In order to eradicate armed violence, we must work for peace through the prevention and settlement of conflicts. The situation in the Middle East continues to be a serious threat to international peace and security. It is urgent that a just, lasting and comprehensive solution be found to this conflict that is ravaging this region. We need a solution based on the agreed proposals, such as the Road Map and the relevant resolutions of our Organization. The role of the Quartet in this respect is crucial. The cessation of hostilities, after one month of pointless violence in Lebanon, must be consolidated in order to achieve a lasting ceasefire.

As for Africa, positive advances have been made in the Democratic Republic of the Congo with the holding of general elections. Every effort must be made to ensure the successful conclusion of the electoral process, namely the second round of the presidential elections. The fact that we are now speaking of peacebuilding in Burundi, Liberia and Sierra Leone is not only a reason for satisfaction but also a reason for hope for other countries still in a state of conflict. At the same time, in many other situations, such as those in Côte d'Ivoire, the Sudan or in Somalia, the search for the way to solve those conflicts is still on the agenda. We wish to develop a natural partnership between our regional organization, the African Union, and the United Nations in managing these crises in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. This is the case in Côte d'Ivoire with the creation of an international working group.

By deciding to hold the meeting of its Peace and Security Council on Darfur here in New York City, the African Union has reiterated its willingness to consider all constructive proposals regarding this conflict. The African Union's unflagging efforts to ensure peace in Darfur has never been in question. The seriousness of the situation in this region of the Sudan calls for more energetic and more effective action. We solemnly call on the Government of the Sudan to make a full assessment of the tragedy that is taking place before our eyes.

In the case of Somalia, we appeal to the international community to provide its support to efforts to re-establish peace and reconciliation in Somalia. The international community must not lose patience faced with the meagre results in the search for peace in several of the African conflicts. The international community must provide strong support for the efforts undertaken at many levels with, of course, the agreement of the countries concerned. As the current chair of the African Union, we promise to work fully to promote peace and security on the continent.

I do not wish to end my statement on this subject without recognizing the courage of peacekeepers throughout the world, especially in Africa. Our gratitude also goes out to the civil society and humanitarian organizations that work courageously and with dedication to relieve the suffering of people.

One of the major challenges that I mentioned earlier is that of development. The international community dealt especially with this question during the Millennium Summit by establishing the Millennium Development Goals to be achieved before 2015. The assessment that we conducted last year revealed serious weaknesses. It was clearly apparent that resources were lacking and that it was essential to look for new sources of financing.

Also, we must give due credit to the initial responses to the appeal launched here a few months ago during the High-Level meeting held on eradicating HIV/AIDS, within the framework of our commitment to achieve universal access to HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment and care by 2010.

We welcome the International Drug Purchase Facility (UNITAID) initiative launched by the French Government to mobilize resources derived from the taxation of airplane tickets. Congo, among other countries, has joined this initiative. This effort is in line with the Abuja Declaration and Framework for Action for the Fight Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Other Related Infectious Diseases. It is also in line with the Brazzaville Commitment, which presents the common African position. The African Union summit also declared a state of emergency in Africa with regard to those diseases.

In discussing the issue of migration and development a few days ago in this Hall, the United Nations took a look at an area of involvement that has not been sufficiently studied, specifically that of individuals and other entities -- business and economic institutions -- in bringing people together and sharing the common goods of our planet.

The African Union, meeting in Banjul, took this opportunity to declare a common position that emphasized the positive nature of the role that should be played by migration if it is correctly integrated into an approach to profitable development for the receiving countries, as it is for the countries of origin of the migrants.

Our Organization has launched a vast reform programme, of which some results are already tangible. A few moments ago, I talked about the establishment of the Human Rights Council, as well as the Peacebuilding Commission. Organizational reform seeks to adapt our Organization to changes that have occurred throughout the world over the past 60 years.

The African Union has made the reform of the Security Council and the reinvigoration of the General Assembly a major issue of concern. We must improve the representative nature of the Security Council, which is the true lynchpin of the entire institutional architecture of the United Nations.

The African proposal for an equitable enlargement of the membership of the Council constitutes a fundamental pursuit, which cannot be replaced by simple palliative measures. We also believe that the Security Council must improve its procedures and its working methods to lay the basis for consensual work. On subjects as serious as counter-terrorism or nuclear non-proliferation, seeking a consensus must continually be pursued through cooperation and dialogue. Between those who give priority to compliance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and those who, rightly or wrongly, call for effective, concomitant disarmament and the recognition of a universal right of access to technologies in all areas, there is no doubt much to be discussed, but this must be done in good faith.

We must refrain from radicalizing our attitudes by turning the discussion into a conflict of values or civilizations, because, most often, the problem is really only due to a lack of dialogue and communication.

All these problems and challenges prove, if even there was a need to do so, the importance of the United Nations. The United Nations is necessary because it is the instrument of international relations; it is the enzyme that can give us global peace and security; it is, really, the conscience of mankind. The world would not be what it is, without the United Nations.

Still, our Organization has not succeeded, in spite of this confident affirmation of its role, in changing with times to fulfil the deepest aspirations of nations and peoples. We know that the United Nations can achieve that goal if the nations that created it, nations throughout the world, from the most powerful to the most humble, were to give to the United Nations, without hindrance or hypocrisy, the means that it needs to serve humanity.

Africa, I can assure you, is prepared to do its part in this highly anticipated debate.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Congo for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the United Mexican States.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Vicente Fox, President of the United Mexican States, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Fox (Mexico)

Twenty-one years ago, on a day like today, a terrible earthquake battered my country. We remember the victims, and we express our ongoing solidarity with their family members.

Madam President, on behalf of Mexico, let me congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-first session. We wish you every success.

The Mexican people thank Mr. Jan Eliasson for his leadership during the Assembly's sixtieth session and for his contribution to the United Nations reform process.

Mexico warmly welcomes the people of Montenegro to this Organization of free and juridically equal nations. We welcome all nations that today have joined the free and democratic nations, through genuine representation of their peoples, and are united in the struggle against terrorism and in favour of human rights.

A few days ago, we commemorated the fifth anniversary of a terrorist act that plunged many families of this and other countries into mourning. We offer our sympathy to those who have suffered the violence and cruelty of terrorism. Mexico strongly condemns that terrible evil, as it condemns all acts of aggression or violence. We repudiate any action that undermines peace or conflicts with the noble principles and purposes of our Organization.

Throughout the past six decades, the peoples of the United Nations have seen that the use of force does not solve problems; on the contrary, it often aggravates them. Peace and development are the fruit of mutual respect and the cooperation to which such respect gives rise.

The peoples of the United Nations are well aware that the deterioration of peace and security is the result of insufficient international dialogue and cooperation. We know, too, that many of the setbacks -- such as those in the field of disarmament and those that take the form of aggression against other people or the environment -- are caused by a lack of respect among nations.

These are very challenging times. Our peoples today face such situations as the persistence of long-standing international conflicts or the emergence of new tensions and threats to international peace. They also must tackle problems ranging from poverty, disease and illiteracy to inequality of opportunity and the urgent need for more inclusive dialogue aimed at increasing mutual understanding.

Humanity is desperately seeking respect, understanding, and cooperation among nations. There will be no peace without respect among nations, no development without cooperation among them.

These are challenging times, but also times of hope. I believe that hope and goodness alone can give us the necessary strength and drive to achieve our goals and fulfil our dreams.

This house, the foremost of the international forums established by mankind, is built upon the principles and values shared by all peoples, the product of their common essence. Here, we summon up what is best in us. Here, we show that what unites us is not force and animosity, but hope and solidarity. Here, we are united by our ideals and our will to preserve future generations from the scourge of war. Here, we work together to foster the dignity and worth of the human person, and, shoulder to shoulder, we promote the economic and social progress of all of our peoples. Here, we make firm commitments, such as the Millennium Development Goals, and we work enthusiastically in order to go forward and achieve those goals. This is no small task. There are many challenges, because the goals are ambitious. The magnitude of the challenges cannot and should not overshadow the scope of our common will.

Mexico's message is one of hope and of faith in what we are capable of achieving together. It is a message of confidence in the work done by our United Nations. This is the message of Mexico, whose people conquered democracy in 2000 and in so doing inspired hope for a new future of prosperity and justice.

Mexico is a country with well-established institutions which guide and lead our nation. It is currently experiencing unprecedented freedoms. My people live and work in peace, enjoy stability and have their eyes set on new horizons of well-being and justice.

The democratic Mexico is firmly committed to protecting human rights. We are very proud to be a founding member of the Human Rights Council and to occupy its first presidency. We will continue working with enthusiasm and determination in order to make the Council an organ that responds effectively to the challenges posed by human rights.

Mexico is a country that cherishes its roots and traditions and treasures its heritage as a land of many and diverse cultures. We prize the legacy of our indigenous peoples and are proud of our indigenous present. We are actively engaged in the recognition and promotion of the rights of indigenous peoples at the international level.

In May, a Rarámuri woman from the state of Chihuahua named Isabel said to me, "Mr. President, it is certainly true that all human beings are different from one another, that we see the world through different lenses and that we do not all share the same beliefs. Nevertheless, all human beings are equal in dignity and stature". She asked me to pass on that message. I promised her that I would do so, and today I am keeping my word by bringing Isabel's voice and those of our other indigenous sisters and brothers to this forum. Isabel's voice is the voice of all Mexican women and men who are fighting discrimination.

Thanks to the commitment of the members of the Human Rights Council, the General Assembly will have before it for consideration a draft United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. On behalf of the indigenous peoples of Mexico and of the rest of the world, I call upon each and every State Member of this Organization to adopt that draft Declaration and to endow it with the means necessary for it to promote respect for the rights of indigenous peoples.

Five years ago, in a spirit of great enthusiasm and in the quest for a more just and human-centred world for millions of people with disabilities, my country, Mexico, presented the General Assembly with a proposal for a draft United Nations convention on the protection and promotion of the rights and dignity of persons with disabilities. We now have a draft text that will prompt Governments and society to pay more attention to people with disabilities. I urge all nations to sign and ratify that legal instrument -- proposed by my country and already endorsed by many of the nations represented here -- with a view to creating a world of greater justice, humanity and dignity for all.

Mexico believes in the United Nations -- in its present and in its future. We have always worked here in a constructive manner, promoting consensus and harmony and putting forward initiatives to address the greatest challenges of our times.

I would like to thank and pay tribute to the heads of State of Algeria, Australia, Canada, Colombia, Chile, Germany, Japan, Kenya, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Singapore, Spain and Sweden for their support for the Mexican initiative to establish the Group of Friends for United Nations Reform. Together, we presented proposals that were taken up in the Secretary-General's report of March 2005 (A/59/2005).

I am certain that our commitment to reform of the United Nations will result in a stronger Organization that is capable of accomplishing the lofty objectives for which it was created. Mexico is convinced of the need to promote a reform of the Security Council that can guarantee the Council's representativeness, efficacy and transparency, as well as ensure accountability. That objective will not be reached by creating new permanent seats.

We are an Organization based on the principle of the juridical equality of States. The reform of the Security Council should ensure more frequent participation by all Member States in the activities of that body. That is why Mexico proposes an increase in the number of non-permanent seats, with the possibility of immediate re-election.

As this is the last time that I will speaking in the Assembly in my capacity as President of Mexico, I would like to express my gratitude to all Member States for their support for all of our efforts and initiatives over the past six years.

I would like to express my deep appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, a good friend of Mexico. He will be remembered for his efforts to reform and strengthen this Organization and for his passion for peace and harmony among nations.

I would like to reaffirm my country's unconditional commitment to the objectives of the San Francisco Charter, to the reform process currently under way and to our common quest for a world free from poverty, fear and despair -- a world of mutual respect, peace and harmony.

From this rostrum I appeal, on behalf of Mexico, for respect and peace among nations. In particular, I call on the United Nations to continue to promote an effective peace process in the Middle East.

There is no greater enemy or obstacle than hopelessness, unkindness and lack of solidarity. Let us build a future based on the strength of our ideals and values, confident that our United Nations can achieve great things.

In the same spirit that made our peoples free, sovereign, democratic and human-centred nations, I invite the Assembly today to set its sights on a future of greater freedom, justice, brotherhood and solidarity among human beings.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the United Mexican States for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Liberia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Mrs. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, President of the Republic of Liberia, and to invite her to address the Assembly.

President Johnson-Sirleaf (Liberia)

It is a great honour for me to address the General Assembly at its sixty-first session on behalf of the people of Liberia, not just in my capacity as a leader, but as the first democratically elected woman President in Liberia and in Africa.

Let me congratulate you, Madam, on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. We are proud of you, as the first Arab Muslim woman and the third woman to occupy this noble position. One of your women predecessors, Angie Brooks, hailed from Liberia. I was pleased to honour her last Friday in a moving ceremony here in New York for her dedicated services to our country.

Let me also seize this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson of Sweden, for his insightful knowledge and enlightened leadership in steering the affairs of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session.

I wish also to welcome and congratulate the Republic of Montenegro for its admission as the one hundred ninety-second Member of the Organization and to assure its delegation of Liberia's friendship, solidarity and support.

Let me now pay special tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan, the outgoing Secretary-General. I had the privilege of working with him as a former senior staff member of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and I am personally aware of his dedication and commitment to the Organization, particularly the reform of the United Nations and the strengthening of its institutions. As I said to him during an honouring ceremony in Monrovia in July, we are proud of his record of enhancing the responsibility of the United Nations: the responsibility to protect the poor from the rich; the weak from the strong; and the humble from the arrogant. The Liberian people, and indeed all the people of Africa, are proud of him and his accomplishments.

Sixty-one years ago, when countries gathered in San Francisco to address issues related to the scourge of, and the scars left by, the Second World War, and the need for peace in a post-conflict world, Liberia was there and was a signatory to the Charter of the United Nations. The purposes and principles of the Charter have proved to be of durable value over the years.

Times have changed, and the world, too, has changed, beyond what we could have imagined when the Organization was established. Today we are truly a global village, interconnected physically and electronically, increasingly bound by a shared commitment to confront and overcome the challenges that threaten global peace, stability and the well-being of our human family.

Yet the original aims and objectives of the United Nations remain today as relevant as they were when the Charter of the Organization was signed 61 years ago. The need to maintain international peace and security, to cultivate friendly relations among nations, to achieve international cooperation in solving global economic, cultural, social and humanitarian problems, and to promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms constitute, and still remain, the cardinal objectives of the Organization.

Thus the main focus of this year's deliberations -- the implementation of a global partnership for development -- serves to remind us that at this session the General Assembly must vigorously consider how to bring equity to the present international financial, trade and development structures; how to do more to create the conditions that will improve the standard of living of humankind everywhere; how to be sensitive to the needs of developing countries and assure them the dividends of globalization.

In the new millennium, the United Nations should not operate on the basis of structures designed 61 years ago. We must therefore review the issue of the inequitable representation of the world's peoples, as reflected by the present structure of the Security Council. It is in that regard that reform of the United Nations is urgent, especially with respect to the decision-making process in a Security Council which is undemocratic and hegemonic. The apparent continued violations of the United Nations Charter by some Member States on account of national interests represent a disguised threat to world peace and security.

Hence we must now find an acceptable solution under which nations large and small will receive equal treatment, in consonance with the Charter. The United Nations was conceived to promote world peace, democracy and equity for all.

I strongly support women and gender equality, and I look forward with interest to the report of the High-level Panel on System-wide Coherence, appointed by the Secretary-General earlier this year. It is expected to submit its final recommendations on United Nations reform. It is my hope that the establishment of a new, independent United Nations fund or programme for the empowerment of women and gender equality will be fully supported by Member States, and that such a fund will have sufficient resources to support targeted programmes for the empowerment of women.

Three years ago, representatives of contending warring factions, political parties and civil society in Liberia gathered in Accra under the auspices of international partners and signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Under provisions of that Agreement, a National Transitional Government was installed in October, 2003, with a mandate to disarm combatants and prepare our country for elections. In October and November, 2005, legislative and presidential elections were held, leading to our historic and landmark election by the Liberian people. The United Nations played a pivotal role in that national transformation. For and on behalf of the Liberian people, I wish to thank the United Nations and other international partners for the mammoth role they played in securing peace and bringing sanity to Liberia.

I wish also to express the deep appreciation and gratitude of the people of Liberia and their friends everywhere to the men and women of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) for their active role in securing and enhancing peace and security in our country. I am proud to say that the leadership, commanders, men and women of the various contingents of UNMIL have largely comported themselves well and performed their mission with diligence and dedication. They have sacrificed greatly and persevered in a very challenging peacekeeping environment. The Special Representative of the Secretary-General deserves particular commendation for his foresight and support of our country's reconstruction efforts. I thank them all sincerely on behalf of the Liberian people.

There are others to whom we owe a huge debt of gratitude. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union, the United States of America, the European Union and the People's Republic of China have been selfless and generous in their material, financial and moral support of our cause. I would be remiss if I did not single out the sacrifices made by our West African brothers and sisters to bring peace and sensibility to a suffering people. We thank them.

While we are enjoying a semblance of peace, we are particularly concerned about conflicts in other parts of the world. Of notable concern is the protracted crisis in the Middle East, which continues to create a state of restlessness and threatens world peace and security. From our experience, we have learned that no matter how protracted a conflict, the parties must sit around the table to iron out their differences and make peace. Both the Israeli and the Palestinian authorities owe their respective peoples, and the rest of us in the world, an obligation to break out of their cocoon of pride to resolve their differences harmoniously. We call for the active engagement of the United Nations in the peaceful and amicable resolution of the Middle East crisis.

Elsewhere in Africa, and especially in neighbouring Côte d'Ivoire, the standoff in the peace process is troubling. We call on the parties in Côte d'Ivoire to save their people from further punishment by resolving their differences. We call upon the United Nations to continue strong and decisive intervention to prevent it from becoming a wider subregional and regional crisis.

The situation in Darfur and the slow pace with which it is being addressed require urgent attention. The continued stalemate over whether an African Union or a United Nations force should be deployed or maintained in the region exposes weaknesses in international cooperation and collaboration and demonstrates a lack of international will to address the sufferings and yearnings of the citizens and residents of Darfur, who plead everyday for international intervention. Darfur represents a potential humanitarian catastrophe. The world must not allow a second Rwanda to happen. In the new millennium, civilized nations must not be indifferent to any conflict, internal or external, regardless of the factors that fuel it.

The United Nations obligation to protect the helpless and innocent must remain paramount in that regard. My Government therefore calls on this General Assembly and the Security Council to exercise Chapter VII authority to restore peace, security and stability to Darfur.

On the other hand, my delegation is pleased with the successful holding of peaceful democratic elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo for the first time in 40 years. We look forward to seeing a peaceful conclusion of the final stage of that process and the ushering-in of a Government elected by the people of that country. It is our hope that the democratic gains made in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will be sustained to enable the new Government to employ the vast national resources of that country for the benefit and welfare of its people.

Globalization has significantly altered the world and economic transactions among States. Africa will remain on the periphery of the global village unless we, as leaders, awaken to the imperatives of the ever-changing requirements. The first step towards that process of awakening is the promotion of democracy, free enterprise, good governance, human rights and social justice in our countries and across our continent.

There is increasing evidence that shows a direct correlation between the material and moral well-being of a people and their country, and the quality of their democratic environment. My Government is keenly aware of that reality. We have therefore promulgated policies that support openness, transparency, accountability and the equitable distribution of our meagre resources, while endeavouring to address the development and reconstruction challenges of the country.

Five years ago on 11 September, 2001, a few miles from this very Hall, terror of unimaginable proportions struck, shocked the world and claimed close to 3,000 precious and innocent lives. As the people of the United States and the families of the innocent dead remember their tragic and irreparable loss this month, the people of Liberia join me in affirming our identification with their loss. We mourned with them then and we mourn with them now. We also resolve, as all civilized nations should, to join the global effort to fight terrorism anywhere in the world, recognizing that it is today the most signal challenge to world peace and collective freedom.

The world has witnessed a significant achievement in science and technology, leading to rapid industrialization and the improvement of the standards of living of humankind. Although the gains have led to the development of new medicines and other scientific knowledge, they also pose a threat to the environment and human survival.

Rapid industrialization and scientific discoveries can have a damaging impact on the environment. Unless there is a modification in our activities, the pleasure derived from successes in scientific achievement could, sadly, lead to tragedy and doom.

Thus, in the race for modernization and development, we cannot ignore the potency of the threats posed to our survival by environmental degradation. Saving the planet is required for the continued existence of its more than 5 billion inhabitants.

It is in that regard that my delegation supports the efforts of the Commission on Sustainable Development, the Kyoto Protocol and the decision reached on Agenda 21 during the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, intended to raise international awareness about the degradation of the environment and the need to reverse the negative trend. We trust that environmental issues will remain a priority on the global agenda.

Among the many impediments to social and economic development in Africa are poverty, poor health delivery systems, intraregional wars and civil conflicts. The devastating impact of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases has contributed significantly to the slowing of progress on the African continent. While countries in the developed world are leaping ahead in science and technology, we are still groping to find the means to combat curable diseases and to join in the search to address incurable ones.

The twenty-fifth anniversary of the emergence of HIV/AIDS brought into focus the recognition that that deadly virus has eluded the sophistication of science and technology, thereby posing one of the greatest challenges to our development effort. The political will of Africa is challenged to act speedily to eradicate the virus and combat this health crisis.

The Government of Liberia welcomes the partial lifting of the arms embargo and the ban on timber imposed by Security Council resolution 1521 (2003). We also look forward to the lifting of the ban on diamonds as we seek to meet the requirements of Council resolution 1343 (2001). My Government pledges its fullest cooperation in the attainment of the objectives set out in those resolutions. We remain grateful to the international community for the continuous assistance and support provided to our country in its search for peace, security and post-war reconstruction and development.

Today, I stand here in testimony to the rebirth of my country -- to our re-emergence to assume once more our enviable and critical role as one of the first independent African republics. We are aware that we face awesome challenges: the challenge of rebuilding our infrastructure, including education, health and other institutions; the challenge of addressing generations of gender imbalance, especially as it relates to the education of the girl child; and the challenge of promoting democracy, participation and fundamental freedoms and rights in an environment of equal opportunity.

We have made important beginnings, and we remain encouraged by the bilateral support provided by our bilateral and multilateral international partners. The recent visit of the Secretary-General and other similarly important visits by leaders of our continent and of international financial institutions clearly underscore the commitment of the United Nations and the rest of the international community to working with our Government to nurture and strengthen peace and to foster development.

In closing, let me say that today, as in the past, Liberia wishes to reaffirm its commitment to the United Nations, this timeworn but irreplaceable machinery and indispensable framework for international peace and international relations. We must all join our steadfast forces to make this institution work for the good of humankind.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Liberia for the statement she has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Majesty King Abdullah Bin Al Hussein, King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

King Abdullah Bin Al Hussein (Jordan)

May I extend the warmest congratulations to you, Sheikha Haya, on your election as President of the General Assembly. Allow me also to say a word of gratitude and admiration to Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Jordan applauds the progress achieved in United Nations reform under Secretary-General Annan's tenure. In particular, we welcome the recent creation of the Human Rights Council and of the Peacebuilding Commission.

I come before the Assembly today with a deep sense of urgency. Never has it been more important for the world community to act decisively for peace in my region. The recent crisis in the Middle East is a crisis for all nations. There can be no just global order when aggression and occupation are permitted to take the place of international law. When these occur in a region as strategic as the Middle East, the shockwaves run worldwide. Our young people are asking, where is the justice, where is the will, of the global community? We must answer them by establishing a lasting peace based on the international legality that we have pledged to uphold.

That means a new focus on the core problem. The region's contemporary crises are outgrowths of a central grievance felt throughout the Middle East and, indeed, the world. That grievance, plain and simple, is Israeli occupation and the denial, over decades, of Palestinian rights. Until we end that wrong, conflict will breed more conflict, year after year.

The Middle East conflict has repeatedly come before this institution. And the United Nations position has been repeatedly articulated in resolutions condemning aggression and occupation, affirming Palestinian self-determination and supporting a process for peace. Yet, each year without progress has brought us another crisis, more suffering and more division. It is time to take a better path.

We must, of course, respond immediately to help those who suffer the terrible destruction of conflict. In Lebanon we must ensure that the Government can extend its sovereignty and control over all Lebanese territory. The Arab world and the international community must make every effort and must support reconstruction and development. Those are vital measures; but in the Middle East they are only partial measures.

We can solve the Arab-Israeli conflict only by addressing the issue at its core: the restoration of internationally recognized Palestinian rights. In 2002, the 22 Arab States -- agreeing unanimously -- led the way with a breakthrough peace proposal. Our vision and our commitment is a viable and independent Palestinian State living side by side with a secure Israel. Under the Arab peace initiative, Israel's security would be guaranteed and the occupation of Palestine would end, in accordance with United Nations resolutions.

Events show clearly that there can be no unilateral solution to the conflict. There must be a genuine partnership among all parties, in the context of international legality and justice.

Such a global partnership for peace is directly connected to the global partnership for development. Around the world, nations at peace are moving forward with economic growth and development: investing in education, building communities and helping to shape the future of the world. But no nation succeeds in isolation. All nations and all people -- especially our young people -- must be able to share in a promising future.

We must make peace a priority. We must do so now. No session of this great institution could make a greater contribution to a future of justice and hope.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Ghana.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. John Agyekum Kufuor, President of the Republic of Ghana, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Kufuor (Ghana)

Ghana, like many other nations here, is delighted and feels proud that a distinguished lady endowed with excellent diplomatic skills has been elected to the presidency of this body. We have no doubt that she will continue the skilful stewardship of her predecessor, Mr. Jan Eliasson, the Foreign Minister of Sweden, who presided over the sixtieth session of the General Assembly.

Ghana would also like to welcome the Republic of Montenegro as the 192nd Member of the United Nations, and looks forward to the day when the Organization will attain full global and universal membership.

A year ago, we met at this historic venue to adopt the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document (resolution 60/1), in which we acknowledged that peace and security and development and human rights were the pillars of the United Nations system and the foundations of our collective well-being. We also recognized that those pillars were interlinked and mutually reinforcing and that, while each country had the primary responsibility for its own development, individual efforts should be complemented by supportive global programmes, measures and policies aimed at expanding development opportunities, especially for developing countries.

Ghana therefore attaches the utmost importance to the Summit's decision that developing countries should adopt and begin to implement by 2006 such requisite national strategies as would enable them to achieve the goals and objectives that have been agreed upon, including the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Ghana has therefore been working relentlessly towards that end, in the firm belief that our development partners, both bilateral and multilateral, will support us in our efforts to improve the living conditions of our people. For effective implementation, all concerned must show commitment and dispatch.

Ghana recognizes good governance as crucial to sustainable development. We have therefore worked assiduously at establishing a robust culture of democracy, sound economic management and adherence to the rule of law. The free and fair elections that have been held successfully in Ghana over the past 15 years bear eloquent testimony to the determination of Ghanaians to create an equitable, free and stable society in which each individual can develop his or her full potential. The media, freed from intimidating legislation, have blossomed into a vibrant watchdog for the probity and accountability expected of the governors and the responsibility expected of the citizens.

It is against that background that Ghana readily submitted itself to the African Peer Review Mechanism under the New Partnership for Africa's Development to have an objective assessment of its institutional structures and their functioning for the improvement of its governance.

But our collective objective within this Organization to alleviate the economic plight of the majority of mankind may continue to elude us unless the pursuit of international peace and security is effectively and satisfactorily addressed. Ghana therefore views with grave concern the continuing spread and persistence of terrorist activities. The international community must rally to contain and effectively eradicate that menace to mankind.

In that regard, the Secretary-General's proposal for a Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy is welcome. Indeed, it is the view of Ghana that there must be a quick conclusion of the deliberations on the proposed comprehensive convention on international terrorism.

Yet another scourge to the security of the world are the snail-paced talks on the elimination of nuclear weapons and the added threat of the proliferation of those weapons. Ghana shares the concerns of the majority of Member States that this body must continue with and intensify its pressure for the total elimination of those weapons, for as long as 27,000 nuclear weapons continue to exist, as they do now, our world will remain vulnerable to the threat of mass destruction.

We make this appeal not unaware of the positive uses of nuclear energy, but so long as those nations which already possess these weapons and those on the verge of breaking into the mastery of the technology do not show transparency with their know-how, the world will feel insecure. So Ghana appeals to such nations to show candour and transparency in their cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency by their compliance with the terms of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

The spread of small arms and light weapons is yet another scourge, especially for Africa. This Organization's collective efforts to rein in that menace since 2001 have indeed yielded significant results. However, we are still far from achieving the desired target. That was borne out by the outcome of the recent Review Conference of the United Nations Programme of Action. Ghana therefore welcomes the current momentum within the international community to move closer to the ultimate goal of drastically removing the menace.

Without a doubt, the United Nations responsibility for maintaining international peace and security has been tremendously facilitated by peacekeeping operations in many troubled spots around the world. Ghana has been a dedicated and regular contributor to those operations. It is thus committed because of its conviction that the lack of peace and stability in any country can have far-reaching negative repercussions beyond its immediate borders. We therefore commend moves to enhance the United Nations peacekeeping activities that bring hope to victims of conflict.

African nations are more and more demonstrating their proactive commitment to the management and resolution of conflicts on their continent. That is why Ghana commends and supports the Secretary-General's determination to take the necessary measures to effect the envisaged close partnership between the Organization and the African Union in that sphere, with particular reference to Darfur, in order to save the many lives threatened by the looming crisis there. Deepening Africa's peacekeeping capacity to meet that challenging mission through training, logistical and financial support is crucial to the success of that goal. The decision taken at the 2005 World Summit in that regard must therefore be expeditiously implemented.

A monumental product of the Summit was the birth of the Peacebuilding Commission, of which Ghana is a member. Our expectation is that the 30-member Commission will discharge its functions diligently. Another significant milestone achieved by this Organization was the establishment of the Human Rights Council. I must express appreciation to this Assembly for electing Ghana with the highest number of votes to the Council.

The many resolutions and the launching of various Commissions clearly indicate the determination of our Organization to make the world a better and safer place for mankind. The truth is, however, that if this desire is to be actualized, the United Nations must undergo more radical reforms and be better equipped to effectively implement its decisions. Such a streamlined Organization will create the critical mass for tackling effectively the many challenges that threaten international peace and security. Thus, the debate to reform the Security Council based on the principles of democracy, the sovereign equality of States and equitable geographical representation, among others, is very much in order and must be supported.

Permit me at this stage to try to discharge an honourable duty that I feel uniquely placed to undertake. That is to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who is my compatriot and my friend, at the end of his exemplary tenure. He has brought much honour and distinction to our nation, Ghana, by his excellent stewardship of the United Nations over the past 10 years. Indeed, his entire adult career over the past 40 years has been at the exclusive service of this Organization, through the ranks of which he rose until he attained the pinnacle 10 years ago. His dedicated and illustrious service during the first 30 years led to his historic election as the first-ever career officer to become Secretary-General.

Destiny also marked him out as the Secretary-General to see out the last century and also usher the Organization into the twenty-first century. It cannot be disputed that these 10 years of his tenure have witnessed the phenomenal acceleration of the world in the process towards globalization. He can also claim some credit for having succeeded in shepherding our Organization deftly through the complicated and transformational challenges that the times confronted it with. He has been able to provide this masterful leadership not only through competent administration, but also in ideas as well as lofty humanistic ideals. His vision for a more proactive Organization, able to respond to the challenges of the twenty-first century, has been lucidly published in his report "In larger freedom: towards development, security and human rights for all".

He is a much decorated personality all over the world, and his winning the Nobel Peace Prize especially attests to the quality of the human being he is. There is no doubt that he retires with an enviable legacy of contributing immensely to shaping the destiny of this Organization and the affairs of the world. Ghana is proud of him and looks forward to receiving him heroically at home. I say to him in our language "Ayekoo", meaning "well done!"

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Ghana for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Moritz Leuenberger, President of the Swiss Confederation.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Moritz Leuenberger, President of the Swiss Confederation, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Leuenberger (Switzerland)

We recently celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Albert Einstein. He recommended the construction of the atomic bomb to President Roosevelt, yet always described himself as a militant pacifist. He shared his qualms of conscience with Sigmund Freud. In the course of their correspondence, the two men agreed in particular that, if all peoples were to live in peace on this planet, the world needed an international organization with which all people could identify. Empathy towards that organization could provide it with the authority to counter war. It was in that conviction and with the same emotion that the men and women of my country voted in favour of Switzerland's accession to the United Nations almost five years ago.

Today, I affirm that we are glad to have taken that step.

Switzerland may not have experienced war within its own borders for a number of centuries, but that is not enough to satisfy us, for war is not only there where bombs fall, killing men, women and children. We are all involved in the conflicts that ravage our planet. So long as these wars continue, no one can talk convincingly of peace. We can overcome that feeling of powerlessness in the face of armed conflict by joining together to work towards peace. The country that I have the honour to represent is convinced that the United Nations is the most important means of pursuing that vision. The United Nations embodies our hopes for peace, solidarity and justice throughout the world.

Only through a common alliance of all nations do we have that opportunity. No country is capable of meeting the challenges of globalization alone. War, terrorism, drug trafficking, the offshoring of jobs and environmental and climate-related disasters are all global threats. They know no borders, not even those of powerful nations. No State, not even the strongest, is the master of its own fate. Only through an inclusive network with universally applicable norms can might and violence be replaced by justice. The United Nations has been the world's most successful effort to achieve that end.

Every nation and every community is guided by its own historical and cultural experiences in dealing with conflicts. Nations behave and organize themselves accordingly. In Switzerland, our values are based on the three pillars of democracy, the rule of law and social equilibrium. That influences our view of how the international community could address conflicts worldwide by helping the victims of violence or disaster, establishing a legal system and enforcing it, and examining the deeper causes of violence and seeking to redress them.

The first reaction of a human being towards a suffering victim is to help that person. The United Nations has stood by victims of natural disasters with humanitarian assistance, be it after a tsunami or in a drought. It also assists people affected by war. In so doing, it has succeeded in building up positive empathy and in strengthening trust in it worldwide.

Should the United Nations fail in its humanitarian task, however, desperation and the tendency towards violence increase and intensify conflicts. That can be seen with brutal clarity in the Middle East and in Darfur.

Why should the international community not establish norms just like a State does? I refer here to the Millennium Development Goals, human rights, the climate change Protocol and international law. States have adopted penal codes to prosecute criminals, bring them before a court, sentence them and have their sentence enforced. Doing justice to victims prevents acts of vengeance and a never-ending spiral of further violence. It also serves as a deterrent to potential criminals.

What is good for a State should also be good for the international community. It must treat war criminals according to the same rules. The international community has to fight terrorism. There is no alternative to absolute respect for the rule of law, human rights and international law. The Geneva Conventions are no hindrance to that; on the contrary, if the appropriate instruments are lacking, new ones can be created, such as the convention on terrorism. Above all, however, we must not betray our principles and our values. Torture or any other illegal procedure has no place in our struggle and represents the radical negation of the rule of law. Recourse to such means strips the fight against terrorism of all its legitimacy.

The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was a key date in the history of humanity. It is in this Court that war criminals are tried, found guilty and sentenced. Unfortunately, the process can sometimes take a long time, as we have seen in the case of Liberia, and sometimes it can take far too much time, as in the case of the Balkans. War criminals must be extradited so that justice can be done. All war criminals, including those from the Darfur conflict, must be made aware of the consequences of their crimes and know that they will not go unpunished.

Respect for the law implies that all States, from the smallest to the largest, become parties to the ICC Statute. Public international law, while it is of fundamental importance for small countries which are unable to defend themselves on their own, also serves the interests of large States, and even super-Powers, if they do not want to find themselves accused of arbitrary acts of imperialism.

We all know that no State can function purely on the basis of laws and ordinances. Laws and ordinances must have the full support of the public. The same is true for the United Nations. That is why the Human Rights Council in Geneva will search for solutions through dialogue partnerships rather than by issuing threats. That will take time, a great deal of time. The existence of the Peacebuilding Commission at the United Nations clearly shows that the United Nations peacekeepers cannot bring about or enforce peace by themselves. There need to be blueprints for peace and expert evaluations, together with a long-term "variable-geometry" commitment on the part of the international community, in order to prevent conflicts.

Critics who believed that the United Nations was incapable of reform now have before them proof to the contrary. By establishing a Human Rights Council and a Peacebuilding Commission, the United Nations has demonstrated that it wanted to give new life to values such as the protection of human rights and that it could develop new peacekeeping instruments.

Just as a democracy strives to involve all its citizens in political decisions, regardless of their background or financial standing, the United Nations must not allow small groups of States or individual States to impose their law on others. A broad consensus must prevail. That is why we would like to see the reform and enlargement of the Security Council, which would undoubtedly strengthen its legitimacy. Given that we have still a long way to go before that point is reached, let us, rather, remain pragmatic and content ourselves with short-term improvements to the Council's working methods, in particular, the right of veto.

Every State will try to find the underlying causes of threats to its cohesion and endeavour to overcome them, and so it is with a community of States.

Environmental disasters give rise to mass migration and legions of refugees. The signatories of the Kyoto Protocol want to cut off this evil at the root. But, here again, all States, without exception, must set for themselves the same goals as were set at Kyoto and, above all, take appropriate measures.

Every military conflict and every terrorist attack stems from economic inequalities and social injustices. That is why we must do our utmost to fight poverty, lack of future prospects and political impotence.

Religious conflicts are also born of economic and social inequalities. In reality, the East-West divide is perhaps more a North-South divide. If we want to promote religious tolerance, we must pay the price, which is greater social and economic justice. By adopting the Millennium Development Goals, the world has set itself the task of reducing extreme poverty by half by 2015. Let us give ourselves and the United Nations the means for keeping that promise.

It is through dialogue that it is possible to address the conflict in the Middle East, the stabilization of Iraq and the nuclear crisis with Iran, and all the parties concerned should do everything they can to avoid fanning the flames of discord. Respect for the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations is just as essential. In other words, no State is entitled to deny the right of another to exist. Lastly, we cannot disappoint those who aspire to self-determination if they have the law on their side.

When there is a clash of cultures, the response must be dialogue between cultures and between religions. We have no other choice. Humiliation and lack of respect for other cultures undoubtedly serve as breeding grounds for terrorism. Since all States are represented here, the United Nations is a forum unlike any other. We are looking forward to the issuance of the report on the alliance of civilizations by the High-level Group appointed by the Secretary-General. Switzerland will be very active in this endeavour.

Switzerland is a neutral country. Our neutrality has never authorized us to look upon the world with indifference or to stand on the sidelines. It has always meant that we have the obligation to work to establish peace. We have never wanted to be, and have never been, neutral towards victims of oppression and violence or the rules of the international community and of international law. The only legitimate ally of a neutral country is public international law. Neutrality means refusing all forms of hegemony and championing the peaceful coexistence of all countries, which all enjoy equal rights. That is how Switzerland understands neutrality and how it intends to exercise it here.

As I said at the outset, Albert Einstein concluded that the empathy that people would come to feel for community institutions could become the means to prevent war. But how is such empathy brought about? It develops thanks to people who, in word and deed, commit themselves in these institutions and thereby generate optimism about justice and peace.

Secretary-General Kofi Annan is one of these people. He has given the United Nations the face it has today, thank to his commitment in all areas of United Nations activity, sometimes in the most delicate of situations. We are greatly indebted to him, and we ask him to accept our very sincere thanks. Switzerland is particularly grateful for his personal involvement in support of our country's joining the United Nations. And yes, I confirm once again today, we are glad that we took that step.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Swiss Confederation for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Honduras.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, President of the Republic of Honduras, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Zelaya Rosales (Honduras)

I feel very honoured to be the emissary of the Honduran people, who send to all at this General Assembly brotherly, warm and effusive greetings on the occasion of the sixty-first session of the Assembly.

We come here today before the representatives of the nations of the world to merge the larger part of our dreams and hopes in order, together, to achieve the greatest goals for world peace. Our high aspirations, along with the worthiness of the members of the Assembly, are part of humanity's common purpose of attaining international law and justice.

But we also have to recognize that there are things that are difficult to understand in an environment that is supposed to be conducive to peace and development: the contrast we see among different latitudes of the Earth; the immense needs of peoples; the contrast of poverty; drums of war that resound everywhere; nuclear threats; cruel situations for nations and peoples.

Rather than narrowing, social divides have grown wider in recent decades. Morality is not being combined with economy or science. Morality is moving away from the principles and values of a just and true God. That is why our presence in this important Assembly is needed to focus clearly on the fact that humanity needs to seek its objectives according to healthy principles that will dignify our peoples.

When the last half of the twentieth century came to an end, we sincerely believed that we had put an end to political, ideological and religious tyrannies. But today we see them cropping up again, together with the tyrannies of trade, which are often more cruel than the others. Today, they want to sell us a free-market policy, but ultimately that is a ruthless, insensitive economic policy that is protectionist for many sectors. Instead of opening the door to a social approach to the market, where freedom is for people, we only have freedom for investment, and we forget about individuals and citizens and the rights of women and children, the most vulnerable groups who, although lacking in power, yearn for a better life.

Certainly, we need to have protection, but not just protection for investments and big capital. We also need protection for the vulnerable of the world: for children and young people, for farmers who sow their small plots; for those businesspeople who cannot get a foothold on the ladder of international trade; for the owners of microenterprises who are reaching out in search for the well-being and dignity they deserve.

All of us, of course, want a free market, but an ethical one. We want to live in a globalized world -- but one in which respect for identity, patriotism and the dignity and sovereignty of peoples are also global. So we are here to denounce hypocrisy, double-talk and moral double standards on the part of those who proclaim and promote a solution to our problems through democracy and free trade, but who seize and hold hostage the concepts of internal and external spaces and promote a system of privileges, oligopolies and monopolies, half-truths and flawed markets that they hold captive. They are insensitive to the demands of the majority, very often tortured by hunger, unemployment, indifference and exclusion.

We have come to this Assembly to wish everyone the best, but also to point the finger at those who preach false free trade that only deepens poverty and seek to seduce us with the erratic mirage of remittances that we so easily accept but which in fact are the fruit of a labour force that we have exported; the result of the cruel fate of our emigrants; the inexorable and evil tragedy of people caught between freedom, marginalization and slavery.

My Government and the people of Honduras condemn the monopolistic controls, the privileges and the absurd exceptions that prevent us from building true freedom with democracy and market access, the paradigm that we all want to move towards without the protectionism we all condemn.

The Governments of the world must be led by men and women who long for peace and not by multinational corporations that promote war. Here, civil society organizations could play a major role in correcting this situation and denouncing it.

I represent Honduras, a country of the Isthmus of Central America, and, like our Central American brothers and sisters, we continue to face the innumerable paradoxes that arise between civilization and barbarism. We have been the historical theatre of absurd wars, ambitions and sterile battles, very often exported, and the horrors of death and pillage. Yet the peoples of Central America are in the vanguard of those looking for joint solutions. We have the creative capacity that keeps us from losing faith or hope in a better world.

America has been inspired throughout history by great men and women of renown. Here in North America, Lincoln was a splendid guide for democracy. In the South, it was Sucre, San Martín and Bolívar; José Martí in the Caribbean; Villa and Zapata in Mexico. And in Central America, we have Jerez, Mora, Valle, Darío, Turcios, Omar Torrijos and the pro-union martyr Francisco Morazán, among others. The Chilean poet, Pablo Neruda, Nobel laureate for literature, said it well:

"Deep in the night Morazán is watchful. Is it today? Yesterday? Tomorrow? You know the answer, Central ribbon, slender America, ... Raised up on emerald sea-feathers: Territory, unity, slim goddess Born in the water-foam battle.

They destroy your sons, and worms Spread their pestilence over you. ... Now comes the axe-brandishing tiger. They come to devour your entrails. They come, fragrant little America, To nail you to the cross, to flay you, To cast down the metal blazoned on your banner.

Invaders fill your dwelling-place And toss you aside like lifeless fruit, ... And others plunder your ports ...

Is it today? Yesterday? Tomorrow? You know the answer.

Brothers, awaken. And Morazán is watchful."

We, the Central American peoples, stand tall, ready to take the opportunities offered by development and genuine free trade, seeking our common destiny, seeking it today -- which is not the end of history, but the beginning of a new era for humanity, if we shoulder our responsibility and commitment. We have not lost our desire for liberty or our longing for hope. We continue to fight for food security, for energy independence, for the social morality that we all deserve and for an economy that is at the service of markets, yes, but also at the service of people. We form a common front against poverty and against the corruption which today is invading our culture at many levels. Unless we overcome this, we cannot win genuine sovereignty.

Central America opens itself to the world so that the world can open itself to Central America. We are prepared for investment in tourism and in various areas of our economy and society. We are ready in Central America -- El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Belize and now the Dominican Republic. We represent this central waistband of America, this bridge of trade and markets -- a bridge to a free world, a better world.

Time limitations prevent me from addressing all the other important topics. Allow me to conclude this brief statement by expressing wishes for true peace and opportunity for everyone, in the conviction that the peoples of the world can exist only when in the heart of man there is fear of the wisdom of God.

Let us all say yes to the loving God, to that God that considers man a brother to man and not an enemy of man -- to that God of non-violence. That is the God we hymn and glorify, and we in Central America and Honduras join together in a song of hope:

"Is it today? Yesterday? Tomorrow? You know the answer.

Brothers, awaken. And Morazán is watchful."

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Honduras for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Cyprus.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Tassos Papadopoulos, President of the Republic of Cyprus, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Papadopoulos (Cyprus)

Before proceeding with my remarks, I wish to indicate that Cyprus, as a member of the European Union, is represented by the Union and fully subscribes to the statement delivered this morning by the President of Finland on behalf of the European Union. I should also like to express my sincere congratulations to Ms. Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa on her election as President of this session of the General Assembly, and my gratitude to Mr. Jan Eliasson, President during the sixtieth session, for his tireless efforts during a historic year for the United Nations. I also wish to thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive report on the work of the Organization (A/61/1), highlighting the problems, the concerns and the achievements of the United Nations and providing guidance on the way forward. I would like moreover to warmly welcome the Republic of Montenegro as the 192nd Member of the United Nations.

During the session that followed the 2005 World Summit, implementation of the Summit Outcome Document (resolution 60/1), and the reform process more generally, absorbed an important part of the work of the Organization. The establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission and the Human Rights Council, alongside other important achievements, constitutes an important building block towards a consolidated international system based on effective multilateralism. We should, however, not lose sight of the fact that the legitimacy and the relevance of the reform achieved will be judged by its impact on the lives of our peoples. In that respect, let me underline that as a country whose priority lies with upholding the integrity of international law and full respect for human rights, we have a strong interest in seeing a Human Rights Council that fulfils its mandate and leads to human rights improvements on the ground.

There are also aspects of reform that continue to elude us, such as Security Council reform and a comprehensive convention against terrorism; aspects that remain in progress, such as management reform, mandate review and system-wide coherence; and challenges that are increasingly more difficult to tackle, such as disarmament and non-proliferation.

In that regard, I would like to commend the President of the General Assembly for choosing the achievement of the development goals as the theme of her presidency in recognition of their enduring importance. My Government believes that concerted, innovative multilateral action to eradicate the scourges deriving from poverty and underdevelopment can yield substantial results. In that connection, Cyprus has joined France, Brazil, Chile, Norway, the United Kingdom and other countries in deciding to introduce a special levy on air tickets, the proceeds of which will fund improved access to medication in developing countries.

Regrettably, the urgent need to achieve a comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East manifested itself in a very dramatic manner once again this summer. For almost four weeks, the international community witnessed a violent crisis in Lebanon that caused indescribable suffering, devastation and a deplorably high number of casualties among civilians. We offer our sympathy and concern to the Governments of Lebanon and Israel and to the families of all those affected.

Firmly convinced that there is no military solution to such crises, Cyprus, from the very first moment of the outbreak of violence, supported the calls for an immediate ceasefire and joined in the effort to provide assistance both to the Lebanese people and to the evacuees. Unfortunately, it took almost a month for the Security Council to discharge its responsibilities effectively towards the peoples of the region, causing disappointment and frustration. In our search for United Nations-centred, effective multilateralism, the lessons learned from that crisis should be a strong guiding force. We hope that the expanded United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, to whose deployment, operations and support Cyprus has undertaken to contribute, will be effective in preventing future eruptions of violence.

In parallel to the Lebanese crisis, the world continues to witness the deterioration of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories, with a heavy civilian toll and worsening humanitarian conditions. A year after the positive prospects created by Israeli disengagement from Gaza, the current crises serve as a reminder of the urgent need for a new strategy that would lead to a comprehensive and lasting settlement of all facets of the Middle East question on the basis of relevant United Nations resolutions. In that respect, it is imperative to urgently revert to the implementation of international agreements, including the road map, providing for the creation of a viable Palestinian State that will peacefully coexist side by side with Israel within agreed borders.

Let me now turn to the Cyprus problem -- a problem of the invasion and continuing occupation by Turkish military forces of 37 per cent of the territory of my country for more than 32 years now. Mistaken by some for a protracted conflict, the Cyprus problem essentially epitomizes the inability of the international community to redress this set of massive violations of international legality. The status quo remains unchanged and the humanitarian and human rights consequences of the forcible division of the island and its people persist. The efforts to establish a separate political and legal entity within the occupied area of Cyprus by the occupying Power remain undiminished. Only with respect to investigating the fate of persons missing since the invasion and establishing the circumstances of their disappearance have we recently witnessed some encouraging developments.

In the political field, we have continued to exert efforts on two key axes, coming closer to a negotiating process that would guarantee a peaceful settlement, alleviate the consequences of the invasion and bring about the reunification of Cyprus, its territory, people, society, economy and institutions in a bizonal, bicommunal federation.

The political agenda of projecting a separate political entity in Cyprus has been pursued in recent years under the pretext of a campaign to lift the so-called isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. However, with the annual per capita income in the occupied areas of Cyprus currently standing at approximately $11,000, it is evident that the argument for economic development is being exploited for political reasons and is a manifestly unsubstantiated allegation. A recent example of that pattern of behaviour is the refusal of the Turkish side to consider our proposal to increase trading activity by reopening the port of Famagusta for exports to other States members of the European Union, in cooperation with the European Commission, following the return of the now fenced-off and derelict city of Famagusta to its lawful inhabitants under the control of the Cyprus Government.

The Greek Cypriots remain committed to reunification through a functional bizonal, bicommunal federation. The failure of the most recent initiative did not alter our commitment or our willingness to work resolutely towards the reunification of our country. The proposed plan was not accepted precisely because it did not provide for the reunification of our divided country or address core issues and key concerns in a satisfactory manner. The search for a settlement firmly remains for us in the United Nations framework, within the context of the good offices mission mandated to the Secretary-General by the Security Council.

I would now like to turn briefly to developments of a political nature that have taken place over the past few months and to our attempts during that time to create the right conditions for the resumption of meaningful negotiations in the framework of the good offices mission of the Secretary-General for a viable settlement of the Cyprus problem. To that end, I wish to emphasize our concurrence with the opinion of the Secretary-General that good and careful preparation of any negotiating process is necessary before full-fledged negotiations can take place. It was thus agreed that bicommunal discussions at the technical level would commence to address substantive aspects of the Cyprus problem, as well as issues that affect the everyday life of all Cypriots as long as the status quo persists -- a process that could be complemented by parallel confidence-building. This expert-level process is a sine qua non for the preparation of issues and their presentation to the leaders of the two communities for the purpose of meaningful negotiation. The method of initiating these technical discussions was agreed to by the two communities during the recent visit to Cyprus of Under-Secretary-General Gambari. Here, I wish to express my sincere gratitude and appreciation for the good offices of Mr. Gambari, as well as for the continuing efforts of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Mr. Michael Møller.

Addressing these core issues -- which must be settled satisfactorily if there is to be a feasible solution -- should facilitate the attainment of the broader objectives of a settlement, which should be based on international law, the relevant United Nations resolutions, the high-level agreements, the European Union acquis and the relevant decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. That entails establishing a bicommunal and bizonal federal State of Cyprus with a single sovereignty and international personality and with a single citizenship. It must also guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, without any foreign troops on its soil and without the possibility of foreign intervention. A settlement must aim, through a rational approach and a common vision of the future, to preserve and uphold the character of the State as a working democracy and to ensure the reunification of society and the convergence of allegiances to common institutions. Ethnic origin, political equality as defined in the relevant United Nations resolutions, and cultural and religious diversity should be safeguarded, but not at the expense of the fundamental rights of citizens and the functionality and efficiency of State institutions.

We had hoped that by now, Turkey's course of accession to the European Union would have had a catalytic effect, producing the necessary political will on the part of Turkey and changing its perception of Cyprus from that of an adversary to that of a partner, a valuable neighbour and a potential ally in the European Union. Such a change in attitude would render completely anachronistic those considerations that have led the country to maintain its occupation army in Cyprus and that fuel its confrontational approach.

We continue to expect Turkey to at least proceed with the implementation of its legally binding obligations vis-à-vis the European Union. This is a unique opportunity for Turkey to prove its willingness to turn the page by meeting obligations that it undertook years ago. Unfortunately, it has so far persistently refused to comply with them. Instead, our generous attitude towards Turkey's accession to the European Union has met with a blockade against my country in its bid to join several international and regional organizations and with Turkey's refusal to open its ports and airports to Cypriot vessels, as required.

We still believe that in our relations with Turkey, there is only one way forward: creating a future of peace and cooperation, building bridges and mutual understanding, normalizing our relations and working hand in hand to achieve the goals of the European Union in our region. That would also enable us to address all outstanding issues to the benefit of all -- especially the Turkish Cypriot community, which would have major opportunities to thrive and flourish if Turkey were to accept and acknowledge that it has no vested interests in Cyprus and must therefore relinquish all forms of interference in my country's affairs. Once again, I invite Turkey to recognize that there is no room for military doctrines with regard to Cyprus and to join us in seeking a lasting solution for the benefit of all Cypriots -- Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike -- of Turkey and of our entire region.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Cyprus for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Costa Rica.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Óscar Arias Sánchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica)

On behalf of the people of Costa Rica, I convey my greetings to the President of the General Assembly and wish her every success. I also greet the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, Nobel Peace laureate and tireless defender of dialogue and understanding among the peoples of the Earth.

I come before the Assembly overwhelmed by the same emotion and the same sense of urgency as I felt when I did so for the first time, 20 years ago. Then, I came burdened with the deepest distress of my people. I came to remind the world that, in the "waist of America", five small nations were engaged in a struggle between life and death, between freedom and oppression, between war and peace. I came to ask the international community not to let violence turn Central America into a barren land where the seeds of the most beautiful human dreams could not grow.

The world has changed since then. The finest children of Central America no longer inherit war as their birthright, and our countries have ceased to be pawns in the immense global chess game of the cold war.

For Central Americans, it is impossible to think that the old days were better. I am convinced that humanity has reasons to be optimistic and that, as William Faulkner said, man will prevail. But I also know that the progress made towards human freedom, dignity and well-being are no more than small victories in a long and epic battle. We have just set out on the road towards the full realization of human beings, and it is strewn with obstacles.

If we are to continue on the road towards human emancipation from misery, if we are to transform development and human rights into something more than the utopian dream that they are today for hundreds of millions of people throughout the world, we will need more than good intentions. We will need courage to call things what they are, to correct mistakes and to make urgent decisions.

With optimism and vehemence, I propose to the Assembly that we now take three courses of action that could have powerful effects on the well-being of all humanity.

First, we must denounce increases in military spending, the arms race and the weapons trade as offences to the human condition.

Secondly, we must make a reality, through free trade, of the promise that the globalized economy holds for humanity and in particular for the world's poorest peoples.

Thirdly, we must defend, with all our strength and eloquence, international law and the United Nations, proposing reforms that will enable us successfully to adapt to the tremendous changes that the world is undergoing.

For quite some time I have argued that the struggle for human development is linked to the struggle for disarmament and demilitarization. It is no badge of honour for our species that global military spending exceeded $1 trillion in 2005 -- the same level of spending, in real terms, as at the end of the cold war. That represents eight times the annual investment necessary to achieve, in the span of a decade, all the Millennium Development Goals, in every country.

The investment that the most industrialized nations make in their military -- they are responsible for 83 per cent of global military spending -- is 10 times greater than the amount of resources that they dedicate to official development assistance. The United States, the richest country on the planet, spends, at the very least, 25 times more on the military than it gives in aid. Is this not a clear example of twisted priorities, not to mention profoundly irrational?

Indeed, at the end of the day, rationality is what counts. Since the tragic events of 11 September 2001, global military spending has increased by a little more than $200 billion. There is not a single indicator that suggests that that colossal increase has made the world more secure and human rights more widely enjoyed. On the contrary, we feel increasingly vulnerable and fragile.

Perhaps it is time to think of other ways to deploy those resources. Perhaps it is time to realize that, with a sum much smaller than that one, we could guarantee access to potable water and primary education for every person in the world. Perhaps there would be enough left over, as Gabriel García Marquez once suggested, "to perfume Niagara Falls with sandalwood on an autumn day". Perhaps it is time to understand that this is what would probably make us happier and certainly more secure.

Every weapon is a visible sign of the delay in meeting the needs of the poor. I am not the only one to have said so. The same thing was said, memorably, by a man of arms, President Eisenhower, nearly half a century ago:

"Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children."

While it is sad that the richest nations, through military spending, are denying development opportunities to the poorest, it is sadder still that the poor are complicit in destroying their own future. Indeed, it is tragic that the Governments of some of the most underdeveloped countries continue to supply their troops with tanks, warplanes and missiles, supposedly to protect a population afflicted by hunger and ignorance.

My region of the world has not escaped that phenomenon. In 2005, the countries of Latin America spent almost $24 billion on weapons and troops -- an amount that has risen 25 per cent in real terms over the last decade and increased substantially in the past year. Latin America has begun a new arms race, even though it has never been more democratic and there have been very few military conflicts between countries in the past century.

In that respect, I believe Costa Ricans have reason to be very proud. Since 1948, thanks to the vision of our former President, José Figueres, a very wise man, Costa Rica abolished its army and declared peace on the world, and we bettered our life.

As I did 20 years ago in my first message to the General Assembly, I can say today with satisfaction that I come from a country without weapons, that our children have never seen a tank, an attack helicopter, a warship or a cannon. As I did 20 years ago, I can say that in my country, fathers and grandfathers explain to the young people the curious architecture of some of our schools, which is due to the fact that, long ago, those schools were military barracks. I can say that in my homeland, none of our citizens, man or woman, knows oppression, and that not a single Costa Rican lives in exile. I can say today that mine is a nation of liberty.

This is a path that neither my country nor I are willing to abandon. Not only that: It is a path that we wish all humanity to follow. Today I would like to propose an idea. I propose that we all give life to the Costa Rican consensus, through which we create mechanisms to forgive debt and provide international financial support to developing nations that invest more and more in education, health and housing, and less and less in soldiers and weapons. It is time that the international financial community reward not only those whose spending is orderly, as it has done to date, but also those whose spending is ethical.

I propose to the Assembly as well that we approve, as soon as possible, an arms trade treaty prohibiting countries from transferring weapons to States, groups or individuals if there is reason to believe that such arms will be used to violate human rights or international law, or if there are clear indications that they will be used to hinder the process of sustainable development.

I hope that the United Nations, at this session of the General Assembly, will approve the formation of a governmental group of experts that will draft the text of a binding treaty on the subject of international arms transfers.

It is time to close the door on the arms trade and on the endless trail of death it leaves in its wake. It is time also to open the door to other forms of commerce -- the legitimate and licit trade of goods and services -- on which the prosperity of the peoples of the world depends.

I know that in the Assembly there exists a wide range of opinions about the best way to promote global trade so as to provide genuine opportunities for all countries. In a globalized world, the challenge facing developing nations is simple: if we cannot export more goods and services, we will end up exporting more people.

The strongest argument in favour of opening up economies is, quite simply, that it helps to reduce poverty. I sometimes marvel that some continue to insist that globalization is a negative force that is increasing global poverty. On the contrary: according to the World Bank, the number of people living in poverty has fallen by almost 200 million over the past two decades, largely owing to the advances of India and China -- two countries that have embraced globalization and have opened up their markets with particular enthusiasm.

Trade liberalization can thus be defended on the basis of the benefits that it brings for the poorest people. If we truly want to meet the ethical challenge of reducing global poverty, wisdom and caution must prevail so that the Doha round can be successful. But I want to stress that the defence of free trade must be honest and consistent. We should seek commercial exchanges that are equally free for all countries. The practice among developed nations of pressing for the elimination of commercial barriers only in the sectors in which they have a clear comparative advantage is ethically indefensible. Furthermore, developing countries need and demand free trade in agriculture. Until we make progress on this issue, we will have to continue paraphrasing George Orwell's famous words, and say that in free trade everyone is equal, but some are more equal than others.

Developing countries need development assistance and solidarity from industrialized countries, but what we need from them above all is consistency. If they extol the virtues of a free market, then let that market actually be free. If in their countries they promote admirable forms of social justice through the welfare state, then let them put that principle into practice on an international scale. If their credo of democracy prevails within their borders, then let them support a more just balance of power within all international organizations.

The third major challenge to which I want to refer today is the strengthening of global governance and the reform of its institutions. This task begins with the defence of multilateralism and the strict adherence of all countries to international law and the fundamental principles of the Charter, the most elemental safeguard against anarchy in the world. Costa Rica, since it lacks an army, is perhaps the country most in need of an effective international system to guarantee its security.

It is essential that the most powerful nations on Earth understand that the survival of international law and of the United Nations is fundamental for their own security; that the mere existence of this forum is one of the great achievements of our species; and that the United Nations represents the triumph of hope over fear, of tolerance over fanaticism and of reason over force.

As I stand here today, I would so much like to hear once more the powerful voice of John F. Kennedy, telling the world, as he did in 1961,

"To that world assembly of sovereign States, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run."

This is the globalization that can transform the lives of all human beings for the better -- a globalization in which all countries are, as we are here, equal in rights; a globalization in which each people can make its voice heard and hear the voices of others and in which the exercise of the tolerance that we practise every day in this Hall is the norm, not the exception.

The great British writer Aldous Huxley once wondered whether this world was not another planet's hell. I do not think it is. It is just a marvellous and complex place, inhabited by a species that is barely in its infancy and that, like an infant, has scarcely begun to understand its immense power to create and to destroy.

For good or for ill, our species writes its history in draft form, never cleanly, always debating with itself -- like each one of us -- in a perpetual conflict between the good and bad angels of our nature. In this conflict, the victories of the human spirit, as certain as they may seem, are always incomplete, gradual and tentative, and setbacks are always possible. The Earth is not hell. It is a place where there is no perfection -- and never will be; just goodness and greatness punctuated by misfortunes, errors and suffering.

The indisputable achievements of the past 20 years tell us that, in spite of our sorrows, human beings continue the march of progress. But now is the time to correct costly mistakes, to right our course and to abandon the destructive behaviour that will make our march of progress infinitely more difficult and tortuous than it should be.

If today we do not confront the rise in military spending and the arms trade; if we do not encourage the poorest countries to invest their scarce resources in life and not in death; if we do not conquer the fear and hypocrisy that impede truly free trade throughout the world; and if we do not strengthen the institutions and the international norms that can protect us against global anarchy, we will be condemned to walk on the edge of a precipice and to engage in futile actions, having to start all over again, like Sisyphus, after every achievement.

I believe that we must supplement optimism with courage and the will to change. I believe that it is time for humanity to build the brightest future that we could possibly dream of.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Costa Rica for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Latvia.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Mrs. Vaira Vike-Freiberga, President of the Republic of Latvia, and to invite her to address the Assembly.

President Vike-Freiberga (Latvia)

I would like to begin by congratulating the Republic of Montenegro on its recent accession to the United Nations Organization. We fully understand the challenges that country faces and wish it every success in the establishment of a secure and prosperous State.

I wish to express our highest appreciation to the President of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session, Mr. Jan Eliasson, for his enthusiastic dedication and skilful leadership during the past year. We now sincerely look forward to working with the President of the General Assembly at this session, Sheikha Haya Rashed Al-Khalifa, and I pledge her Latvia's full support. I also congratulate her on being only the third woman ever to preside over the General Assembly.

A year ago, we marked the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations by setting out a far-reaching reform plan to bring the Organization closer to the needs of the twenty-first century. While the United Nations spectrum of peacekeeping, humanitarian and human rights operations has increased significantly in recent years, the United Nations must continue to step up its activities if it is to meet the urgent needs of millions of people throughout the world.

The current situation presents us with great challenges at the global level that require us to act with urgency and coordination. We will be able to attain the Millennium Development Goals and reduce the crushing poverty that is debilitating the lives of billions of people across this planet only if we pool our resources and redouble our efforts. We need to pursue our campaign against well-known scourges that include contagious disease and the destruction of the global environment.

President Vike-Freiberga (Latvia)

We can take satisfaction in noting that a number of serious and meaningful measures have already been taken to alleviate the plight of the world's poor. Those important steps must be followed up by continued measures to help the world's poorest nations become more self-sufficient. At the same time, the developing countries must do their utmost to implement the practices of good governance, strengthen their institutions and abide by the rule of law.

It is worth emphasizing that the United Nations has been an effective instrument in those countries where the political will has existed to cooperate fully with the United Nations programmes and proposals for alleviating the plight of the poor. At the same time, the efficiency of United Nations operations has also been called into question, and not without reason. More innovative approaches need to be deployed for alleviating poverty and reaching set development objectives. Among those, we should look more to the effective use of information, communication and modern technologies.

I well remember the excitement at the Millennium Summit in 2000, when we adopted the Millennium Declaration. Progress towards reaching the Millennium Development Goals, alas, is still unacceptably slow. The statistics on infant mortality and maternal health, among others, remain particularly distressing. Millions of our fellow human beings have no access to clean drinking water, let alone more sophisticated comforts. We cannot remain indifferent when so much needs to be done.

In many parts of the world, the misery brought on by poverty is compounded by such debilitating and mortal diseases as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. While much has already been achieved to control the spread of those afflictions, further partnerships need to be developed with other stakeholders, including those in the private sector.

Only a few days ago, the States Members of the United Nations concluded a High-level Dialogue on International Migration and Development. The dramatic increase of illegal migration in recent years has placed great stress on the international system for protecting refugees and asylum-seekers. The activities of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on migration issues should be coordinated with regional cooperation efforts in order to become more effective.

We have had the great misfortune to see terrorism continue as a threat to international peace and security. I welcome, therefore, the recent agreement on a Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and urge the United Nations Member States to intensify their efforts to reach a consensus on a comprehensive anti-terrorism convention.

We have failed to make any substantial progress over the past year in the area of disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. That is a fundamental issue for global peace and security and I encourage all United Nations Member States to demonstrate their willingness to move forward at a faster pace.

The United Nations also needs to provide a prompt and effective response when armed conflicts arise. We must strive to make United Nations peacekeeping a more effective and accepted instrument of collective security. Too often in the past, the United Nations has been unable to prevent genocide and lasting bloodshed -- in the Congo, in Rwanda, in the former Yugoslavia and now in the Darfur region of the Sudan. During the past 10 years, the operational activity of the United Nations in peacekeeping has quadrupled, but that may still not be enough. The demand for rapid action cannot be met through United Nations mechanisms alone, but requires a more effective partnership between the United Nations and regional organizations.

The most recent example of the need for a concerted peacekeeping effort is the tragic sequence of events in Israel and Lebanon this past summer. Peacekeeping can facilitate solutions, but not impose them. In Iraq and in Afghanistan, as well as in the continuing conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians, there will be no durable peace until all parties renounce the use of violence to achieve political aims. A long-lasting settlement requires the political will of all parties in the region to negotiate a viable compromise in good faith, where a secure State of Israel coexists side by side with an independent State of Palestine.

Currently, the United Nations is uniquely positioned to take a leading role in peacebuilding. We expect the recently established Peacebuilding Commission to help those countries that are emerging from conflict not to be drawn back into it, and hope that the Commission will serve to promote the post-conflict reconstruction and long-term development of regions that have suffered from warfare.

Along with the promotion of peace and security and the alleviation of poverty, the protection of human rights is one of the main missions of the United Nations. The recent creation of the Human Rights Council will hopefully enable the United Nations to respond more promptly and effectively in situations where human rights come under threat. The Council needs to provide real leadership to restore trust in the United Nations as a guardian, defender and promoter of that universal value.

However, the effectiveness of the Human Rights Council depends entirely on the political will and condu