General Assembly Session 60 meeting 8

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

We shall now turn to draft resolution A/60/L.1, entitled "2005 World Summit Outcome".

We, the leaders of the world, have for three days discussed how the United Nations can be strengthened to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The basis for our deliberations has been the draft outcome document negotiated under the able leadership of Mr. Jean Ping, former President of the General Assembly, and referred to the summit by the General Assembly earlier this week. It is a package of changes to enhance the system of collective security. Following the Millennium Declaration, it reviews progress and makes recommendations in the areas of development, peace and security, human rights and institutional reform. The Assembly has before it document A/60/L.1. It is my sincere hope that this Meeting can adopt the document entitled "2005 World Summit Outcome", thereby sending a strong political message about our collective commitment to the United Nations and its Charter.

Before proceeding further, I should like to consult the Assembly, with a view to proceeding with the consideration of draft resolution A/60/L.1, entitled "2005 World Summit Outcome". In that connection, since the draft resolution has only been circulated this morning, it would be necessary to waive the relevant provision of rule 78 of the rules of procedure. The relevant provision of rule 78 reads as follows:

"As a general rule, no proposal shall be discussed or put to the vote at any meeting of the General Assembly unless copies of it have been circulated to all delegations not later than the day preceding the meeting."

Unless I hear any objection, I shall take it that the Assembly agrees with my proposal to waive that provision of rule 78 of the rules of procedure.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

We shall now proceed to consider draft resolution A/60/L.1.

I call on the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, who wishes to speak in explanation of position before action is taken on the draft resolution.

Mr. Rodríguez Araque (Venezuela)

These have been very bright, warm days in New York. In contrast, however, the decision with regard to the outcome document, which may very possibly be endorsed in the next few minutes, will be a rather grim one. It was conceived in darkness and brought forth from the shadows to be approved here, in violation of the basic democratic processes governing the practice of sound democracy in the world.

This process did in fact begin with a wide-ranging debate that aroused the hope that, given the scope of that debate and the consultations that occurred initially, it would also be possible for there to be a broad and informed discussion that enjoyed the measured agreement of the Assembly. But then the analysis and preparation of the document was restricted to a small group of 32 persons, and subsequently to an even smaller group of 15 persons. It is my understanding that, in the end, many of the comments made from various quarters were put aside by an even smaller group.

In the reservation that I was obliged to express on behalf of the delegation of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela at the fifty-ninth session, I indicated that the procedure followed was so grotesque that it did not even allow us an opportunity to express an opinion in favour of the aspects of the draft document with which we agreed. For the delegation of Venezuela and the vast majority of delegations represented at the Assembly there was absolutely no possibility to express the opinions that had been consistently expressed during the deliberations in which we had been invited to participate as sovereign countries. As sovereign countries, we have exactly the same rights as every other country in the General Assembly.

Moreover, in view of all the document's shortcomings, we could have left it pending, rather than considering it concluded as is now being attempted, and continued the debate in order to enrich and improve it in the course of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. Instead of doing that and promoting a democratic and productive discussion, it was decided from the beginning to bring the document here. And it will now be insisted that we adopt a document that contains parts, which I will shortly enumerate, that will have serious consequences for the great majority of the nations that are Members of the Assembly. In the words of a well-known Venezuelan politician, the Assembly will now almost certainly adopt that document under duress and while holding its nose. It seems evident that the ends have been a pretext, if not a justification, for the abhorrent and anti-democratic means that have been utilized. This is a very grave precedent. Nothing good awaits the Organization if it engages in such practices.

I shall be brief, as time does not permit me to speak for as long as the situation deserves. But I should like to cite some of the omissions, as well as some of the issues included, in the document that should merit a very broad-ranging, careful and in-depth debate in the Assembly.

With regard to terrorism, the document makes no reference whatever to a fact that constantly impairs the sovereignty of weak countries, namely, State terrorism. It would seem that acts of terrorism, as condemnable as they are, are only condemnable if they are carried out by individuals or organizations. It is as though there were no real proven danger of State terrorism. The document makes no distinction between terrorist acts and the legitimate action of peoples to protect their sovereignty. This is an attempt to tie the hands of countries that cherish their sovereignty and independence and want to fight in defence of those inalienable principles.

The document establishes a Peacebuilding Commission. Who will be the members of the organizational committee charged with establishing that body? They will be the Security Council, financial institutions and the main contributors to the Organization. One can therefore already foresee the establishment of a veritable monopoly and dictatorial control over the exercise of the Commission's functions.

The document also refers to two interrelated matters, namely, the so-called responsibility to protect and the Human Rights Council. A reading of the pertinent paragraphs in the document immediately raises the question of who is in a position to "protect" under the terms of the document, as well as who is in a position to send troops many thousands of miles away. Who has the financial resources, weapons and logistics to carry out actions to protect, especially given that, as I have emphasized, the concept of responsibility to protect is related to the Human Rights Council? In that connection, I would propose for discussion that countries that have not ratified international human rights conventions should not be part of the Human Rights Council. For it is truly inconceivable that States that have not ratified such conventions should have any influence in the area of human rights.

The document also sets up the Democracy Fund. How will it be administered? How large will it be? Apart from the very generic terms used to describe it, what are to be its objectives? We in Venezuela have some experience with the promotion of democracy being used as a pretext. There has been brazen interference in the internal affairs of our country, including the financing of groups that, in the guise of operating as non-governmental organizations, have acted as political parties and have even taken part in violent acts against the State of Venezuela. That included such clearly illegal acts as the coup of April 2002, which, together with the oil coup, caused losses to Venezuela of approximately $20 billion in 2002 alone.

The document makes absolutely no reference to one of the worst threats to humankind's future or to the universal and profoundly human yearning for comprehensive and unconditional nuclear disarmament. Today the major powers possess weapons of mass destruction capable of destroying all life on the planet many times over. And yet there is not even the most tepid, faint or remote reference to that very heart-felt desire on the part of the vast majority of the world's people.

Far from contributing to the strengthening of the General Assembly, as the most basic principle and fundamental exercise of democracy would suggest, the general trend is to restrict the competence of the Assembly and to increasingly concentrate power in small groups, such as the ones to which I have just referred: the Human Rights Council, the Peacebuilding Commission and the Democracy Fund. In short, this represents an increasing and ever-more-dangerous curtailment of the exercise of democracy in the General Assembly, which is the essential precondition for the actual empowerment that the General Assembly should enjoy. And as if that were not enough, this meeting, which was convened to draw up a balance sheet of the Millennium Development Goals, will not have enabled us to leave the Assembly and return to our countries with a clear picture of the situation vis-à-vis the obligations and commitments made.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

We have heard the only statement in explanation of position before the adoption of draft resolution A/60/L.1.

We shall now proceed to consider draft resolution A/60/L.1, entitled "2005 World Summit Outcome". In that connection, I would like to draw the Assembly's attention to the statement regarding programme budget implications contained in paragraph 14 of document A/60/355, which reads as follows:

"The Fifth Committee will examine during the sixtieth session of the Assembly both a detailed statement of the programme budget implications arising from the draft resolution and the report of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions thereon. Consequently, appropriate financial provisions will be incorporated within the budget appropriations to be adopted before the close of the first part of the sixtieth session."

May I take it that the Assembly wishes to adopt draft resolution A/60/L.1, entitled "2005 World Summit Outcome", as corrected?

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

Before giving the floor to speakers in explanation of position following the adoption of the resolution, may I remind speakers that explanations of position are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats.

Mr. Bolton (United States)

The United States of America has joined the consensus on the adoption of the outcome document. We thank President Ping and President Eliasson, their staffs, facilitators and advisers for their assistance in preparing the document. They had a difficult job. We also thank other Member States for coming to agreement after two weeks of difficult negotiations.

We are pleased that Member States have agreed to denounce terrorism in all its forms, advance the cause of development, reform the management of the United Nations, establish a Peacebuilding Commission and create a Human Rights Council.

I do wish to make one point clear: the United States understands that reference to the International Conference on Population and Development, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the use of the phrase "reproductive health" in paragraphs 57 (g) and 58 (c) of the outcome document do not create any rights and cannot be interpreted to constitute support, endorsement or promotion of abortion.

The outcome document represents an important step in a long process of United Nations reform. We cannot allow the reform effort to be derailed or to run out of steam. The United States, through its representatives at the United Nations, will work tirelessly during the sixtieth session of the General Assembly and beyond to ensure that reform occurs. We can assure you that the American people, and all peoples of the world, will be watching closely as we proceed.

Mr. Pérez Roque (Cuba)

The General Assembly has just adopted draft resolution A/60/L.1, which contains the outcome document of the High-level Plenary Meeting. As the Assembly is aware, during the closing meeting of the fifty-ninth session, Cuba expressed its reservations and comments with regard to the document, which we should now like to reiterate.

The gross irregularities in the negotiating process -- which included the imposition of terms, secrecy, exclusion and discrimination -- have now been compounded by the grave omissions in this document. We did not even include references to nuclear disarmament or general and complete disarmament, which have been aspirations of the majority of the international community for the last four decades. Nor was it agreed to include concrete steps to attempt to meet the Millennium Development Goals, which, despite their inadequacies in the face of the serious problems currently confronting third-world countries, seem very unlikely to be achieved by the target dates agreed five years ago. Concerns about development, trade, the environment and other issues of fundamental interest to most Members of the Organization have suffered an unforgivable setback.

On the other hand, without even taking into account the fact that the last-minute submission of 750 amendments jeopardized the summit, the delegation of the United States and its closest allies insisted inordinately on the establishment of funds, councils, commissions and controls of all sorts that, instead of strengthening the role of the Organization, serve to dilute and distort it and to undermine the unity essential to saving the lives of the many millions of people in the world who today suffer from poverty, hunger and ill health. In addition, under enormous pressure, concepts such as the responsibility to protect and human security have been included. Those concepts run the risk of being invoked in the future as a pretext for aggression against our countries.

This has been the summit of selfishness, arrogance and lies: a summit at which some have sought to present as a great achievement the increase in official development assistance through the cancellation of given amounts of foreign debt that debtor countries could not have paid in any case. Where in the document are the concrete commitments to work towards a new international order that is more just and equitable? What we have heard in the Hall instead have been threatening and aggressive statements, including some bordering on insult. My delegation does not believe that we should congratulate ourselves on the outcome of this meeting, and much less on the content of the outcome document.

Yesterday afternoon, President Hugo Chávez of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela was very clear in pointing out the serious problems that this Organization, which was established to safeguard and promote peace, dignity, justice and development throughout the world, has, and will continue to have, in fulfilling the purposes of its Charter so long as the powerful insist on preventing those whom the Charter itself defined as "We the peoples" from guiding the future of the United Nations. Cuba fully and unreservedly supports the words of President Chávez.

Now we are facing a new stage in which we need to implement the decisions we have taken today; we believe that it will be a decisive one. In the new negotiation process that lies ahead we cannot repeat the manipulations of the past: the negotiations must be truly open, truly democratic and participatory, and without any extraneous demands whatsoever. We know that there are already delegations working to ensure that that is not the case. Our delegation hopes, Mr. President, that you will become the guarantor of justice and equity in the process that is now beginning.

Mr. Martynov (Belarus)

A few minutes ago this Hall shook with applause that resounded sadly in our ears. The statements by Venezuela and Cuba reflect that sadness; we understand the feelings articulated by those delegations.

The Charter of our Organization opens with the words "We the peoples of the United Nations", but has the document we have just adopted really brought our nations and peoples together? I am afraid the answer to that is clear to all of us. Does that document strengthen the fundamental freedoms of States to chose their path to development on the basis of United Nations principles and objectives? Does it strengthen and develop the instruments that the community of nations needs to achieve the Millennium Development Goals? Does it arm us with the weapons we need to defend the defenceless? I am afraid that the answers to those questions are equally clear.

Having adopted the outcome document, the Republic of Belarus appeals to all delegations to continue to work to bring together all States -- large and small, weak and powerful -- to achieve the purposes of the Charter and the Millennium Declaration.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

We have heard the last speaker in explanation of position.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba, President of the Gabonese Republic and Co-Chairperson of the High-level Plenary Meeting.

The Co-Chairperson (Gabon)

Our work has culminated in the adoption of the World Summit Outcome document of the High-level Plenary Meeting and that is good reason for us to be pleased. That declaration reminds us that the threats and challenges facing the world require a collective understanding and a collective response.

The United Nations is both the bedrock of and the indispensable tool for building an effective multilateral system. We must continue to pursue its reform to ensure that the Organization is managed in a more modern way, better suited to its many missions. We must also continue our efforts to revitalize the General Assembly and, of course, the Security Council. Today millions of people throughout the world are looking to us; the multilateral solidarity embodied in the United Nations offers their one and only hope. Let us find a way to make the next 60 years of the United Nations an era of prosperity, peace, and justice for all the peoples of the world.

I now give the floor to the His Excellency Mr. Göran Persson, Prime Minister of Sweden and Co-Chairperson of the High-level Plenary Meeting.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

During the debate at this world summit, leaders from around the world have reaffirmed their strong commitment to international cooperation as the tool for meeting global challenges. Indeed, our commitment to the United Nations and its Charter has been clearly illustrated by our gathering here in such great numbers.

Tonight we have adopted the World Summit Outcome, a document that takes decisive steps to strengthen the United Nations and the collective security system. It also reaffirms our commitment to achieving the Millennium Development Goals by 2015.

The Millennium Development Goals give us hope for a better future, but the political message that emerged from our debate is clear: we need to redouble our efforts. Additional resources must be mobilized and more forceful measures must be taken. We owe that to the millions of men, women and children who suffer from diseases that could be cured, from conflicts that could be prevented and from hunger that could be alleviated.

Negotiations to address future action on climate change will continue at the global level in order to reduce greenhouse gases in the atmosphere and stop human interference with the climate system.

We urgently need to conclude a comprehensive convention and agree on a strategy to counter international terrorism, one of the most serious threats to international peace and security.

We have decided to establish a Peacebuilding Commission to help countries emerging from conflict to lay the necessary foundation for lasting peace and sustainable development.

We will create a Human Rights Council to promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. And we have decided to double the regular resources allocated to strengthen the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and to further mainstream human rights throughout the United Nations system.

The prospect that weapons of mass destruction will once again be used is terrifying. We cannot afford to let that happen. Our failure to address at this summit the threat presented by those weapons leaves us with a crucial task ahead. States need to stand by their disarmament and non-proliferation commitments and, most urgently, we need to breathe new life into multilateral regimes for managing such weapons. We have taken good decisions to strengthen the efficiency, effectiveness and accountability of the United Nations Secretariat. I have heard many voices calling for a Secretariat fit for the challenges of the twenty-first century. We will follow with keen interest the implementation of the measures spelled out in the Summit Outcome.

True political leadership is about both words and deeds. Over the last few days, we have heard the words. As Co-Chairperson of this High-level Meeting, I very much appreciate what I have heard in this great Hall. On some issues, views have differed. On others, consensus has been reached. That is not surprising. Neither is it a problem. Instead, it shows that the United Nations is a relevant, vibrant body for debate on the issues that concern all of us today. That is exactly the United Nations we need and want.

Later tonight, this High-level Meeting will close, but our work is only just beginning. After the words have been spoken comes the time for deeds. The momentum created in this Hall must be maintained for the months and years ahead. I urge all political leaders to remain personally committed in order to ensure that the decisions we have taken tonight will turn into reality. This summit should be seen as a starting point for the reform process. I can assure you of my own personal commitment as well as that of Sweden and of course that of Ambassador Jan Eliasson to this cause, in his capacity as President of the General Assembly.

Let us join forces in making the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations a year of change. We owe it to our citizens. We owe it to coming generations. We owe it to ourselves.

We shall now continue with the remaining speakers for the High-level Plenary Meeting.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Amre Moussa, Secretary General of the League of Arab States, delivered on his behalf by His Excellency Mr. Yahya Mahmassani, Permanent Observer of the League of Arab States.

Mr. Mahmassani (League of Arab States)

Allow me to read out a statement on behalf of the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Mr. Amre Moussa.

"I should like first to express my appreciation to Mr. Jean Ping, President of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly, for his tireless efforts to prepare the draft summit outcome document (A/60/L.1). It is a document that awakens hopes and provides for reform in accordance with current international interests and international consensus. In any case, it is a starting point, although it does not meet all the expectations of a world yearning for stability, progress, justice and peace.

"I also want to welcome Mr. Jan Eliasson, President of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that this able Swedish diplomat will lead the deliberations of this historic session to complete success.

"This is not the first time that I am addressing the General Assembly, having already had the honour of doing so on a number of occasions, most recently at the Millennium Summit, which proposed a global plan of action for a more just and more equitable world. But this is the first time that I am addressing the Assembly as Secretary-General of the League of Arab States.

"It is very significant that our gathering today coincides with the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations and the sixtieth anniversary of the League of Arab States: 60 years of coordination and cooperation between the greatest of international organizations and the oldest regional organization; 60 years of creative interaction during which we have experienced together the same events and met the same challenges and have worked together to make this international Organization one that works towards new prospects of freedom and prosperity without exclusion or discrimination.

"The draft outcome document emphasizes the need to reach agreement on collective solutions to major issues related to stability in the world, especially in the areas of development, peace, collective security, human rights, the rule of law and the strengthening of the United Nations. This is a commitment on the part of us all, States and regional and international organizations alike.

"That is why the commitment of the League of Arab States within this framework is a legal and moral commitment which I reiterate before the Assembly. I pledge to work towards the attainment of that objective and to ensure that my regional organization truly contributes to it.

"When the Secretary-General appeals to all leaders of the world to support and implement the reform programme, as he did in this Hall, the League of Arab States, as a regional organization dedicated to promoting collective development and political action, understands the value of collective endeavour and commitments in this context.

"The content of the draft outcome document regarding the role of regional organizations and the strengthening of that role in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter opens new prospects for collective endeavour at the regional and international levels to make the reform agenda successful, thereby ushering in a better future for humankind.

"I should like to raise a few points that we hope will have an effect on our working procedures, with a view to the implementation of the contents of this historic document.

"The first point is that the reform to which we all fervently aspire must be a real practical reform -- a comprehensive reform -- that is aimed at regulating relations among nations in conformity with the purposes and principles of the Charter. I have no doubt that reform is of consensual interest to all of us, just as I have no doubt that we all agree that the concept of democracy is our principal objective.

"But I believe that national and international policy reform are two sides of the same coin. Democratic international relations are the underpinning of democratic national policies; that means that the United Nations must have a leadership role in democratic practice among nations, which requires support for the proposed reforms, as contained in the outcome document and stressed by the Secretary-General.

"That is why the role and position of the General Assembly is vital. The General Assembly is from any democratic perspective the legislative body par excellence in this Organization -- hence the United Nations must ensure follow-up of all the other subsidiary bodies that may be created in future.

"The second point I should like to make is that the reform we want for the United Nations is the result of a historic process to which the Third World has contributed in terms of demands and positions. This has been made concrete in collective responsibility and in the reaffirmation of multilateral diplomacy and the need to work by consensus on all aspects relating to the future of our world.

"I believe that the collective negotiations that have led to this document contain a clear message, and that is that the world needs to be guided collectively so that the international community can commit itself to implementing all the recommendations made and decisions taken.

"What we seek today is a commitment based on conviction not on pressure, coercion or assumptions. This is closely related to the credibility crisis prevailing with respect to the United Nations. We all agree that we cannot resolve international crises if reform does not reflect the will of the international community, as expressed through negotiation and consensus.

"This brings me to my third point, which is that the desired reform must be comprehensive and integrated. To reform some aspects without reforming others can only lead to an imbalance in our system's structure and performance. This is something that we have long known, and we have worked towards comprehensive reform within the League of Arab States: reform of its instruments and its working methods, the creation of new institutions such as the Arab Parliament, which reflects relations among peoples and which allows civil society to participate fully and effectively. I mention this model because I am convinced that reform of the United Nations and of regional organizations must be consistent. Reform of one goes hand in hand with reform of others, and regional organizations can provide real support to the United Nations in its endeavours to maintain international peace and security and to achieve economic and social development worldwide. That is clearly reflected in recent resolutions adopted by the Arab States.

"I am certain that we all agree that reform, any reform, is an ongoing, indivisible process. The eradication of poverty cannot be achieved without sustainable development; development cannot be achieved without security; and security cannot be achieved if we do not struggle against terrorism, violence, war and foreign occupation. The eradication of all of those scourges can be achieved only through the rule of law, and this, in turn, can be accomplished only in the framework of a just and equitable international system.

"I believe that, with this document, we are making progress in that direction. That is the very philosophy of the Charter -- a philosophy that must be preserved, just as we must safeguard the Charter itself and its principles, which relate to the very future and progress of nations and peoples.

"The Arab delegations to the United Nations made a constructive contribution to the final document because they are aware of the major challenges that we are confronting and because they want the Organization to be preserved and reformed in order to ensure an effective and equitable international system. Real and balanced reform of the United Nations must be a principal step in the reform of the entire international system, and I am certain that reform, in the broader sense, is a requirement, not just an option."

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I give the floor to Mrs. Benita Ferrero-Waldner, member of the European Commission.

Ms. Ferrero-Waldner (European Commission)

Standing here, facing this great Hall, brings back happy memories of my previous work here. But today I am speaking in my current capacity as European Commissioner for External relations, and, from this vantage point, on behalf of the European community, I welcome the promising results of this meeting.

President Ping and his team have been untiring in pushing for this worthwhile outcome, and none of it would have been possible without Secretary-General Kofi Annan's leadership and vision. The European community is happy that we were able, together with many others, to contribute to that outcome.

How do we now see the results? Do they meet our original aspirations? Not everything has been attained. Compromises were inevitable, but we have laid a solid foundation as we seek to rebuild the United Nations so as to enable it to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century.

Development, security and human rights are indeed the three pillars of our common vision of the future. But how do we measure up against that vision? When it comes to development assistance, the European Union leads the world. From the outset, we have led the efforts to increase this assistance to 0.7 per cent of gross national income by 2015. We have set for ourselves an intermediate goal of 0.56 per cent by 2010. We very much hope to see other donors follow our lead and to see our partner countries, with our support, make a serious effort to reinforce good governance.

Trade is also key to development. The European community remains firmly committed to making a success of the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations, including by the elimination of expert subsidies.

Our serious offer made earlier this year still stands. We hope that others will follow with similar commitments on export as well as domestic subsidies. The European Community's "Everything But Arms" initiative has been in place for more than three years, and it is time that others follow. The European Community this summer pledged to increase our assistance for trade capacity-building still further to 1 billion a year.

Even in the wake of Katrina and the tsunami, we have not focused enough attention on the environment. Climate change and environmental sustainability have to be taken as seriously as they deserve. In that perspective, will it be enough to just explore the potential of the current institutional set-up? We believe that we should continue to work towards creating a strong, functional, action-oriented United Nations environmental organization.

Let me say that the European Community welcomes and strongly supports the initiative of President Bush concerning the looming danger of avian flu's becoming a pandemic.

Agreeing on a peacebuilding commission is without doubt one key result in the area of peace and security. We must now ensure that it begins its work by the end of this year. The European Community has long-standing experience in helping to stabilize countries emerging from conflicts in all possible corners of the world -- from the Balkans to Indonesia, from Afghanistan to Africa. We look forward to taking an appropriate place at the table, side by side with other key institutional donors.

Another important outcome is our recognition of our collective responsibility to protect populations against atrocities. I have always strongly advocated that people must be at the heart of security concerns. The United Nations credibility is therefore much reinforced by adopting that concept.

Human rights are universal, and putting them on the same level as development, peace and security underscores that fact. The Commission on Human Rights has lost its ability to act effectively on behalf of victims, and thus its credibility. Forming a new, smaller and more functional human rights council will help the United Nations become a real driving force behind human rights protection. I confess being disappointed at the meagre outcome in the summit document, which does not meet our ambitions. Let us not lose the momentum, therefore, and let us finish this important chapter by February 2006. I express our full confidence in President Eliasson's leadership to fulfil that mandate before us.

Finally, let me say a word on United Nations management reform, where we also have not come as far as we would have liked. The Secretary-General shoulders an awesome responsibility, yet it is not always clear that he has the necessary authority over the administration to deliver.

Effective multilateralism is the hallmark of the European Union's external policy. The United Nations system is its cornerstone. Let me pledge today that we will do everything in our power to ensure that the United Nations will be a lean, fit and energetic Organization for the twenty-first century.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

Mr. Ihsanoglu (Organization of the Islamic Conference)

It gives me great pleasure to address this Assembly on behalf of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) as the General Assembly, five years after the adoption of the Millennium Declaration, pauses to review the state of affairs of the world in general, and the achievements realized in implementing the Millennium Development Goals in particular.

Today, five years after the Millennium Summit, many developing countries perceive that the political will to forge ahead in implementing what was agreed upon is not vigorous. Looking at that matter from the Muslim world's vantage point, and despite our sincere intentions to take comfort from the promising objectives enshrined in the Millennium Declaration, we in the Muslim world are still awaiting and hoping to see a better world.

Despite the prevalence of the lofty principles of respect for human rights and the supremacy of the rule of law, international law and international humanitarian law, and at a time when the issues of people's right to self-determination have almost been settled, the Muslim world finds itself still exposed to numerous injustices, violations of rights and campaigns of defamation.

At the same time, we are fully aware of the fact that the OIC member States should do more in the process of implementing the Millennium Development Goals. I would like to emphasize that defamation campaigns are still being waged and have even intensified against Muslims and Islam itself. The growing phenomenon of Islamophobia is the best example of that trend. We hope that the idea of transforming the present Commission on Human Rights into a human rights council will help to uphold our rights.

In the face of that situation, we in the OIC are making every effort to deal with that reality in the interests of global harmony and peace. The leaders of the Muslim world will hold an extraordinary summit in Mecca to consider the situation. The OIC general secretariat is also pursuing a process of overhauling the organization, rewriting its charter and objectives with the aim of bringing its activities into the mainstream of the concerns of the international community, especially in the field of social development, and contributing to international cooperation with concrete projects.

Representing 57 Muslim countries and the Islamic world at large, the OIC rejects and condemns violence and terrorism. We note, however, that the global war on terrorism has yielded no convincing results because it has focused mainly on military means. What is needed, we believe, is to address the root causes of terrorism, using the art of persuasion through local approaches while resorting to diplomacy and financial and economic measures, and encouraging moderate trends.

I would like here to emphasize, in that regard, that the sanctity of life is one of the paramount values of Islam and that terrorism is a heretical deviation from our religion. We believe that the frequent placing of the epithet "Islamic" before "terrorism" is a sacrilege. Moreover, it is highly dangerous. We should be careful not to create a perception that might lead to bitter enmity, based on religious grounds, between hundreds of millions of people.

Muslims around the world have never been under such pressure and intensive scrutiny. What we need is a concerted effort to quell that phenomenon through greater understanding and in an open, critical and transcultural dialogue among all civilizations. On the other hand, we share the view of the many who are calling for the democratization of the United Nations system, and especially the composition of the membership of the Security Council. The United Nations reforms should take into consideration the representation of the Muslim world and the realities of the contemporary world.

The OIC member States have endorsed the eight Millennium Development Goals that are to be achieved by 2015. We hope that we will be able to meet this target. We also support the idea of repositioning the Economic and Social Council in order to enhance its effectiveness in dealing with the new challenges of economic and social development in the world, thus ushering in an era of greater social justice and a more democratic world order.

In conclusion, at a moment when our world stands at the crossroads of a promising future, or a threatened one, let us not miss the opportunity being offered by this high-level forum of nations of striving to save humanity from the ravages of poverty, illiteracy and social disintegration. Let future generations remember this moment as a time when world leaders rose to the occasion to lay the foundation for a healthy and progressive global village; this remains our destination in the new millennium. In achieving this goal, I pledge the fullest cooperation and partnership of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the times ahead.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Anders Johnsson, Secretary-General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), who will speak on behalf of the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.

Mr. Johnsson (Inter-Parliamentary Union)

The President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), Senator Sergio Paez Verdugo, regrets very much that pressing political engagements in his country, Chile, prevent him from being with you today. At his request, I therefore have the honour to report on the outcome of the Second World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments.

During three days last week, more than 150 speakers of parliaments met in this very Hall to discuss the growing role of parliaments in the work of the United Nations. They came with the intention of galvanizing that role into a new strategic partnership between the United Nations and parliaments and pledged to build political momentum for reform of the United Nations.

We have made available copies of the declaration adopted by the speakers at the close of their proceedings, the result of a long and careful process that included extensive consultations with parliaments around the world. The document is short and to the point, built around a single, focused message, which is that parliaments have an essential role to play to bridge the democracy gap in international relations.

The declaration takes up the subject of United Nations reform. The text does not mince words. Parliamentarians want to see the reform proposals debated, and they want to see their Governments acting on them now, not in five or ten years from now. They want reform, and they want it to be comprehensive. Reforms must recognize the intrinsic link between democracy, security, development and human rights.

The declaration calls for change and political action to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and to identify additional financial resources for development. It also calls for the conclusion of a comprehensive treaty on terrorism, with a clear definition of terrorism, and real advances in nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control issues. Frankly speaking, the stakes are too high for the present impasse to be allowed to continue. The text also reaffirms that the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all are essential for development, peace and security.

The Speakers of Parliament want to see a stronger United Nations. They call on States, including their parliaments, to demonstrate leadership and political will to provide the United Nations with more efficient mechanisms, appropriate human and financial resources and real management reform.

Over the past year, stimulated by the Cardoso Panel's report (A/58/817), many parliaments have discussed how best to organize cooperation between parliaments and the United Nations. The conclusions of those debates are also reflected in the declaration. It affirms that parliaments in all countries have a constitutional role to represent the will of the people and, on their behalf, adopt laws, including the national budgets and overseeing the Government. This responsibility is carried out at home, but it includes a responsibility to follow closely the multitude of international negotiations that take place in multilateral forums.

Parliaments want to make sure that they are well informed of those negotiations, that they have an opportunity to debate what is being negotiated, that they can question ministers and influence the negotiating positions they are advancing on behalf of their people. And, once negotiations have concluded, it is for the parliaments to ratify agreements and see to their implementation. This involves amending or adopting legislation, voting on budgets and, of course, holding Governments to account as far as implementation is concerned.

The declaration adds that parliaments should increase their international work in partnership with the IPU, which they consider to be a unique global parliamentary counterpart of the United Nations. The Speakers of Parliament are not in support of the creation of new parliamentary assemblies at the United Nations or elsewhere. Rather, they want the IPU to mobilize expertise, which exists in parliamentary standing and select committees, and to work on issues on the international agenda. They want the IPU to facilitate the provision of more and better information to national parliaments on the activities of the United Nations. They want us to stage more parliamentary hearings and specialized meetings at the United Nations, and they want us to stimulate and cooperate more closely with official regional parliamentary assemblies and organizations.

Acting in this manner, parliaments and the IPU seek to strengthen the United Nations, assist in implementing decisions taken there and hold it accountable to the people it serves throughout the world. All of this represents a large agenda for parliaments and for the IPU.

The Speakers came to New York with a commitment from their respective parliaments to put it into effect. They are now turning to participants in this High-level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly, to seek their commitment and support for turning this agenda into a reality, including by making it possible for all members of parliaments to come to New York for meetings we organize at the United Nations.

In conclusion, the principle that problems must be solved through dialogue represents the cornerstone of both democracy and the United Nations. The Speakers of Parliament invite the Assembly to build on that foundation to construct a strategic partnership between the United Nations and parliaments, through the Inter-Parliamentary Union.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

The Assembly will now hear an address by Mr. Zhang Deguang, Secretary-General of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Mr. Zhang Deguang (Shanghai Cooperation Organization)

I am grateful for this opportunity to address the Assembly. This is the first time that a representative of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has spoken from this rostrum. Allow me, on behalf of all the member States and observer States of the SCO, to extend our warmest congratulations on the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. I hope that this High-level Meeting will achieve many fruitful results.

Since its creation, the United Nations has been working to fulfil humankind's most cherished dream -- namely, that the tragedy of war should never be repeated and that the sun of peace could always shine on the world. On numerous occasions in the past the Assembly has heard strong appeals and genuine calls for peace from many countries. This Hall has been the scene of great efforts and outstanding contributions by the United Nations to the cause of safeguarding peace.

Tremendous changes have taken place in today's world; humankind has left behind an era of war and peace and has entered a new era of peace and development. Nevertheless, the United Nations continues to play an irreplaceable role in international affairs today. The fundamental principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter remain an indisputable cornerstone of modern international relations. Upholding the central role and the authority of the United Nations remains a common responsibility and mission of the international community.

It goes without saying that the United Nations also needs to carry out rational and necessary reforms in order to respond more effectively to the new situations, challenges and threats of the globalized world, and to more effectively accomplish the difficult task of promoting world peace and development. In reforming the United Nations, we must respect the principle of achieving broad consensus. No timetable should be set for United Nations reform. And no vote should be forced on controversial draft resolutions.

Compared to the 60-year history of the United Nations, the history of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has just begun. Four years ago in the city of Shanghai, the leaders of Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan announced the birth of this new organization of regional cooperation.

The SCO is committed to strengthening good-neighbourly relations, mutual trust and friendship among its member States; enhancing member States' cooperation on the economy, trade, transport, energy, tourism, environmental protection and humanitarian affairs; combating terrorism, separatism and extremism; safeguarding peace, security and stability in the region; and promoting the creation of a democratic, just and rational international political and economic order. Internally, the SCO is guided by the spirit of Shanghai, based on mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, mutual consultations, respect for the diversity of cultures and the aspiration of joint development. Externally, the SCO observes the principles of openness and non-alignment and stands against the targeting of other States and regions.

Within a short period of several years, the SCO has basically completed its work on mechanism-building and has achieved noticeable progress in various fields and on establishing external ties. A recent summit in Astana outlined strategic plans for the SCO's further development. And, following the admission of Mongolia as an observer State of the SCO, Pakistan, Iran and India were accepted as new observers. We are pleased to note that the purposes and the principles of the SCO have received broad recognition and that the SCO is now moving towards its fifth anniversary with confidence and determination.

In December 2004, the SCO was granted observer status at the General Assembly. That signalled a good start in establishing our cooperation with the United Nations. The SCO has already established close ties and cooperative relations with the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, the United Nations Development Programme and other United Nations agencies. The SCO has also signed memorandums of understanding with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Commonwealth of Independent States. We are ready to expand our cooperative ties with more international organizations in order to make a joint contribution to peace and development in our region and in the world.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization represents an area which has a population of nearly 1.5 billion people and covers three fifths of the Eurasian continent. We are very aware of our responsibilities, and we are ready to carry out that historic mission with great courage.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I now call on Mr. Achim Steiner, Director General of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources.

Mr. Steiner (International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources)

Before I begin my prepared remarks, I would like to express my delegation's sympathies to the Government and the people of the United States in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. The worldwide outpouring of sympathy and support following both the tsunami and now Hurricane Katrina demonstrated the united voice of humanity and indeed serves as a reminder and a sign of solidarity with so many people who have died in recent months as a result of natural disasters.

Five years ago, in this very Hall, the assembled world leaders adopted an ambitious set of targets and goals to promote peace and prosperity. Five years later, we must acknowledge that the pace of progress towards meeting those goals is too slow. We must redouble our efforts and refocus our approaches.

The report of the Secretary-General entitled "In larger freedom", the foundation for our deliberations here today, boldly declares that

"We fundamentally depend on natural systems and resources for our existence and development. Our efforts to defeat poverty and pursue sustainable development will be in vain if environmental degradation and natural resource depletion continue unabated." (A/59/2005, para. 57)

That bold declaration is supported by the findings of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, a comprehensive assessment of the state of the planet's ecosystems by nearly 1,400 leading experts from 95 countries. It finds that

"The loss of services derived from ecosystems is a significant barrier to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals to reduce poverty, hunger, and disease." (Living Beyond Our Means, p. 2)

That stark message was echoed by the Millennium Project, which declared that integrating the principles and practices of environmental sustainability into country policies and planning programmes is therefore key to successful poverty reduction strategies.

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources -- the World Conservation Union -- welcomes the outcome document for its comprehensive treatment of nearly all the major issues currently on the multilateral agenda. Yet, like many who have spoken before me, we are disappointed that it could not go further.

On the one hand, the outcome document reaffirms the essential importance of sustainable development as part of the overarching framework for the United Nations, and it addresses the crucial role of conservation, sustainable development and the management of natural resources in eradicating poverty and in achieving the other Millennium Development Goals.

However, on the other hand, the outcome document fails to appreciate how much we still have to do to achieve environmental sustainability and, indeed, all the other Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Fifteen of the 24 essential services provided by the ecosystems we have at our disposal -- ranging from food production to water quality and availability, disease management and climate regulation -- are being used unsustainably and are persistently eroded.

This situation requires an urgent response. We must ensure that the United Nations, civil society and the private sector nurture and maintain the environmental foundation of sustainable livelihoods.

Allow me to note that in some ways it is a shame that civil society and the private sector could not take part in this summit in a more active way and that they have been reduced to holding events in hotels and on the street around the summit, because their role in achieving the Millennium Development Goals are so central to the objectives of the United Nations.

Rather than being a tax on development, investing in environmental sustainability should be seen as an effective and efficient means to achieve development. To cite just one example, replacing the traditional biomass fuels used by the poor yields multiple benefits in terms of time savings for women and children, improved health through reduced indoor air pollution, reduced environmental damage from the cutting of fuel wood and improved soil quality. This may seem a simple technological issue, but it affects many more than 2 billion people on our planet every day.

For our part, the World Conservation Union will continue to support the multilateral process with all our energy and will therefore support the Millennium Development Goals by bringing the best knowledge and science available to decision-making today.

We also pledge to work with the Poverty-Environment Partnership and our 1,072 government and non-government members in the World Conservation Union to make conservation work more effectively for the poor. This week, we announced our Conservation for Poverty Reduction initiative, a $300 million plan of worldwide action with more than 100 partner organizations, which will target, along with conservation, improved livelihood security for 50 million people in 20 countries.

This initiative is only one more stride and one more contribution in the race to achieve the MDGs by 2015, to eradicate poverty and to ensure sustainable livelihoods.

When we refer to the environment, we should remember that we are not talking about one sector. When we refer to the environment, we should note that it means tourism. When we refer to the environment, we mean agriculture. When we refer to the environment, we mean fisheries -- and energy, and forestry, and health and water and sanitation, to mention just some examples of what the environment really stands for. People are the target of the Millennium Development Goals.

In order to make poverty history, we need to make the environment the future.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I call on Mr. Terry Davis, Secretary General of the Council of Europe.

Mr. Davis (Council of Europe)

I shall abbreviate my statement in view of the lateness of the hour.

I stand before the General Assembly as the Secretary General of the Council of Europe -- an intergovernmental organization of 46 member States. We have been working with the United Nations for more than half a century, as partners in promoting peace and justice. The United Nations and the Council of Europe share the same goals. The ideals, values and principles of the Council of Europe are those enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. That is why the heads of State or Government of the 46 States members of the Council of Europe, at our Summit in May, encouraged the Council of Europe to step up cooperation with the United Nations and its specialized agencies.

Human rights, democracy and the rule of law figure prominently in the Declaration to be adopted at this High-level Plenary Meeting. They are also at the heart of the mission of the Council of Europe. Our European Convention on Human Rights, which is directly and expressly derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, remains one of the foremost examples of the implementation of that Declaration's values at the regional level.

The relationship between the Council of Europe and the United Nations is not restricted to words. There is also practical cooperation in many areas involving human rights, including the battles against terrorism, torture, trafficking in human beings, racism and violence against children and women.

One threat to human rights is terrorism; the people of New York know it well. Europe, too, has suffered from appalling atrocities over the past two years in Russia, Turkey, Spain and the United Kingdom.

Terrorism seeks to destroy our way of life and to undermine freedom, democracy and the rule of law. It is unjustifiable under any circumstances and in any culture. We must resolutely defend those values and rights, on which both the United Nations and the Council of Europe were founded, and we must also make sure that measures taken by Governments do not curtail those same values and rights. That is why we must continue our efforts to prevent torture and preserve freedom of expression and information.

I welcome the efforts of the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council to work with regional organizations in the struggle against terrorism. I also welcome the decision to establish a Human Rights Council, and I hope that it will retain the positive features of the current system and that it will also work closely with regional organizations.

Winston Churchill put it well in a speech in 1948. When referring to a future Council of Europe and its relationship with the United Nations, he called for "regional councils, august but subordinate", which would be the "pillars upon which the world organization would be founded in majesty and calm". Nearly 60 years later, I am not sure the Council of Europe can be described as august or that the United Nations can be described as majestic and calm, but I do believe that the strengthened relationship between the United Nations and regional organizations, advocated in the Declaration to be adopted at this world summit, is a step in the right direction.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I call on Ms. Florence Mugasha, Deputy Secretary-General of the Commonwealth Secretariat.

Ms. Mugasha (Commonwealth Secretariat)

the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth Secretariat, The Right Honourable Don McKinnon, regrets that he is unable to deliver this statement in person, due to another pressing engagement. He has therefore asked me, as his deputy, to deliver his speech, which reads as follows.

"I was privileged to speak in this Hall five years ago when world leaders agreed on the Millennium Declaration -- a vision for a fairer, safer and more prosperous world. I am honoured to speak today on the same subject, once again on behalf of the 53 nations of the Commonwealth.

"One of the great things about meeting here in New York City is that we see what can be achieved through prosperity and technological advances: going into space; sending information, pictures and even money around the world in milliseconds; finding cures for age-old maladies.

"Here in New York, as in many other dynamic cities throughout the world, we can also glimpse on the horizon what growth and prosperity could offer in the future. But we must contrast that with what we also see in many countries day after day. We see children who we know will never see the inside of a classroom, and young and old people who will die of dysentery, malaria, tuberculosis and other curable diseases. For most, drinking water is a diminishing resource that is either unaffordable or simply unavailable. We see people condemned to inferior status because of their gender or religion or the colour of their skin, or simply because they happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.

"Members will have heard many statistics over the past three days. The picture is a sombre one, and we are all affected. Our limited success in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) after five years should, above all, shock into action those of us here who can do more. Those with the means must be more committed and more generous to those in the statistical spotlight.

"This year, the Group-of-Eight countries have pledged increased aid and debt cancellation for low-income countries. I applaud those initiatives. The test, as always, is 'delivery, delivery, delivery' -- ensuring that the funds made available are spent with wisdom, responsibility, accountability and effectiveness. In the Commonwealth, 11 of our 53 members have already recorded significant progress on the MDGs, but 31 have made slow progress, and some are actually going backwards. The Commonwealth will have to redouble its efforts to achieve the MDGs, and it will do so.

"We will help to build or rebuild those democratic institutions which we know go hand in hand with stable and prosperous societies. We will continue our work on issues relating to small States, international trade, gender and sustainability, using official and civil society networks and partnerships. That is the Commonwealth way.

"This year marks 60 years of the United Nations. This institution embodies mankind's collective will to live and progress together in a collaborative way and in a community of nations. Multilateralism is the only way in which common problems can be solved in a substantive way and in which the future can be secured for all of us. Global challenges require global responses.

"My colleague, Secretary-General Kofi Annan, has placed before Governments a wide-ranging series of proposals to move the United Nations forward as an institution and to promote the priority global issues with which it deals. I especially welcome the proposed strengthening of the United Nations work in the areas of peace-building, human rights and anti-terrorism, as well as the special attention it devotes to development and democracy.

"Development can no longer be thought of simply in terms of gross domestic product. Development is about possibilities first and production second. It is about touching the lives of everyone.

"Democracy, too, is about expanding opportunities and strengthening human capabilities. Only if democracy and development live in the hearts of the people of a country and have real meaning for them, will that country's institutions work as they should and sustainable prosperity be realized.

"With the requisite will, partnerships and resources, it is not too late to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015. The political will was there in 2000. There is therefore no excuse not to recommit to the MDGs this week, to make the necessary pledges and to say, 'We will do it'. The Commonwealth will continue to play its part."

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I now call on Mr. Haruhiko Kuroda, President of the Asian Development Bank.

Mr. Kuroda (Asian Development Bank)

We stand today at a crossroads of great opportunity and great uncertainty. The actions that follow this pivotal United Nations summit will determine whether the world achieves the Millennium Development Goals (MDG). With two thirds of the world's poor residing in Asia and the Pacific, it is clear that the region holds the key to solving the global poverty challenge. No other developing region of the world has been more successful in creating economic growth and alleviating absolute poverty. But achieving all the MDGs by 2015 will still require massive investment, given the scale of deprivation in Asia and the Pacific. The region has more people with inadequate nutrition, more living in slum conditions and more without access to water and sanitation than any other region of the world. However, the MDGs can be achieved, provided efforts are intensified considerably.

Sustained, rapid and broad-based growth is fundamental to our task. But growth will not be sustained unless it is inclusive. This will require more resources for basic services, as well as ensuring that women, indigenous peoples and the poor are not left out. Growth will not be sustained if we neglect the environment. The same extraordinary growth that has lifted millions up from poverty in our region now threatens millions more as environments become degraded, pollution increases and people migrate to overcrowded towns and cities. Sound policies are needed to reverse those problems. Growth will also not be sustained if Asia's huge needs for investment in infrastructure, technology and human capital remain unmet. Clearly, we need greater private-sector participation. For this, laws and institutions that protect property rights, encourage openness, improve financial governance and strengthen capital markets are needed. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has placed its resources and advisory services behind that agenda.

Increasingly, the economic integration of the Asia and Pacific region is becoming an imperative for its growth and development. Regional initiatives have enhanced connectivity through infrastructure and reduced poverty and barriers to trade and investment. Intraregional trade has increased and financial and monetary cooperation has intensified. Continued progress in these areas will increase the region's resilience and growth potential. Regional cooperation must also be expanded to directly impact the MDGs in such areas as environmental degradation, communicable diseases and the migration of workers.

The task before us is urgent and imminent. The ADB is committed to fighting poverty. We will do so in partnership with others. The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness provides an excellent framework for developing and deepening cooperation. We also value very highly our partnership with United Nations agencies. We recently released a regional MDG report that was jointly authored by the United Nations Development Programme, the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific and the Asian Development Bank.

The prerequisites I have outlined are fully consistent with the desires and commitments of Asia and the Pacific. The momentum that has been generated must be translated into action in the years remaining before 2015. We hope that this summit's outcome will trace a clear road map towards that end.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I now give the floor to Mr. Donald Kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank.

Mr. Kaberuka (African Development Bank)

I am honoured to have this opportunity to address the General Assembly in the name of the African Development Bank, whose presidency I assumed this month.

The African Development Bank welcomes the outcome of this special gathering, which is an opportunity for the international community to review the progress made towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and to assess the extra push that is needed. It has been a unique opportunity for both developing countries and their partners to rededicate for the achievement of the MDGs with renewed optimism and vigour.

The leaders who have preceded me in this historic Hall have articulated issues surrounding the greatest challenges of our time. There is unanimity on the situation. Many regions in the developing world are making satisfactory progress in eliminating poverty and achieving the MDGs. The major challenge now is mainly to assist the African continent and, of course, other relevant low-income countries, to accelerate progress towards the MDGs.

As Africa's leading development financing institution, we welcome the commitments made over the last two days, coming so soon after the decision of the G-8 at Gleneagles on official development assistance (ODA), debt and trade. The prospects for achieving the MDGs in Africa have improved considerably in recent years. Conflicts are waning in much of the continent, thanks to the efforts of the African Union. Democratic reforms and significant improvements in systems of governance are taking root in more and more of our countries. An increasing number of our countries are implementing sound macroeconomic policies.

At the regional level, the NEPAD initiative is not only advancing regional cooperation and integration, it is also promoting the principles of democracy, good governance and sound economic policies through the African Peer Review Mechanism.

We believe that an unprecedented window of opportunity exists today. However, we have in the past too often fallen short of our own pledges, which have been made but not fully delivered on, or scaled down over time. It is imperative this time that we ensure the full implementation of our pledges, as we must implement the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. We, like everyone here, have expressed the hope and determination that the Doha round to be held in December in Hong Kong will be a success, particularly with respect to the removal of trade-distorting agricultural subsidies and tariff and non-tariff barriers.

In their determination to overcome the challenges of development, the African founding fathers established the African Development Bank 40 years ago. To date, the Bank has provided considerable resources and technical assistance to support the efforts of its regional member countries.

In the context of NEPAD, Africa's leaders and the international donor community have identified the Bank as a privileged partner in the new initiatives to support Africa. The Bank is repositioning itself towards that end.

We have noted that the outcome document of this conference calls for a greater role for the African Development Bank, to enable it, inter alia, to play a key part in efforts to close the infrastructure gap. We are prepared to do so and are building up our capacities and partnerships with others to play that role. It is self-evident that the MDGs will be that much harder to attain as long as Africa's infrastructure gap is not closed.

We will work with other institutions to establish a concrete framework to deliver on the G-8 initiative on debt. For us, the key issue is that of additionality and of strengthening the long-term capacity of the African Development Bank to finance the development of its member countries.

In that context, we look forward to the initiative's being extended to cover also the debts owed to the African Development Bank window and to other members of the Bank Group, which are often referred to as middle-income countries. Many of them have large pockets of poverty, and some are large economies with very significant neighbourhood effects. What happens in those countries is important for Africa's attainment of the MDGs.

We are intensifying our capacity to support countries in post-conflict situations as well as the so-called fragile States. We are convinced that Africa's dependence on aid will diminish as growth prospects improve. Dependence will decline as the international trade regime improves. That is why the success of the Hong Kong meeting is of such critical importance to us.

As I come to the end of my statement, allow me to mention an issue of concern which was not foreseen in the year 2000 but which has now become so crucial it must be addressed. As we meet here today, the dramatic increase in oil prices is threatening to roll back growth possibilities in many African nations, worsening their internal and external imbalances. It is no longer a short-term external shock; it is having an impact on growth, inflation, the balance of payments and public expenditure to fight poverty in a lasting way. It is imperative that the international community bear in mind this factor, which was not so acute when we adopted the MDGs in the year 2000. We must attempt to identify and put in place a suitable response that can protect African countries' achievements and preserve them in future. For our part, we will work with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to determine how we can best provide the requisite level of support to those countries, with a view to safeguarding prospects of attaining the MDGs.

As this unique summit ends, we are encouraged by its outcome. It did not provide everything we would have liked to see, but it is a way forward. The African Development Bank stands ready to play its role in this common fight for humanity.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I give the floor to Mr. Guy Rider, General Secretary of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.

Mr. Ryder (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions)

I speak this evening for the 145 million working men and women united in the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and also on behalf of the World Confederation of Labour. I speak also as one of the spokespersons here for the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP), of which the ICFTU is a founding member.

But, given that I and my fellow representatives of civil society are speaking after the adoption of the summit's final outcome document, I have to say that it would be unfortunate indeed if civil society, which has contributed so energetically to this endeavour, were to be perceived as no more than an afterthought in its proceedings.

Poverty and hunger remain the lot of billions of people worldwide, a situation which is unconscionable and unsustainable. This is the time for Member States to show vision and leadership and the capacity to work together to implement the commitments they have made at the major United Nations conferences and global summits of recent years.

Political leaders must recognize and must act upon the need to foster global solidarity in order to advance commonly shared global objectives and lend full support to the achievement of national development priorities.

We therefore reiterate the call of the GCAP: Wake up to poverty. Urgent solutions must be found. The right policy choices to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are possible; they are within our reach; and they must be adopted so that the situation can be turned around and a virtuous circle of growth with equity brought about.

First and foremost, we need an enabling global policy environment, as called for by MDG 8, and by that I mean, of course, fair trade, more and better aid, debt cancellation and debt relief, and a new, strong social dimension to the policies of the international financial institutions and the World Trade Organization (WTO).

We need effective national-level policies with a focus on pro-poor, gender-sensitive growth strategies, on participation of civil society, including trade unions, and on respect for workers' rights and human rights in general. Globally and nationally, we need a strong focus on a decent work agenda as the most significant way out of poverty, as was called for by the International Labour Organization's (ILO) World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization. Decent work carried out in respect for fundamental workers' rights provides the empowerment that women and men need to improve their living standards and to participate in decisions affecting their lives and livelihoods and, ultimately, to work their way out of, and escape from, poverty.

The United Nations system, including the ILO, with its body of norms, provides the social pillar of the multilateral system as the anchor for establishing policy coherence, and it must be strengthened, not weakened. Therefore, the proposals contained in the Secretary-General's report to enhance United Nations effectiveness through a revitalization of the Economic and Social Council and of the Security Council, a new Human Rights Council and a new Peacebuilding Commission, and other proposals require and deserve the support of all Member States.

Tough as negotiations can be on these issues, they simply cannot be shelved. The process is much too important to be dropped now. So those parts of the reform agenda that have not been agreed in the outcome document of this summit should be the subject of further discussion during the sixtieth session of the General Assembly, and they should be negotiated in good faith, with a view to achieving win-win outcomes for the benefit of the peoples of the planet.

Through these and all the issues raised in his report entitled "In larger freedom", the Secretary-General reminds us of our responsibilities -- today, global responsibilities -- to stand together against poverty and exclusion and against arms spending, and, instead, to stand together for peacebuilding and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. And as we weigh today the urgent need to act on these critical challenges of the twenty-first century, let us ponder also the dire consequences of inaction: a world no longer secure and fit to pass on to our children. At this time of deep insecurity and conflict in the world, we should recall that social justice remains the surest guarantee of universal and lasting peace.

Joining together to achieve that justice is our best contribution to making sure that we and our children can live in a world free from poverty, desperation and conflict in future years. The United Nations has known its greatest successes and won its lasting authority from those occasions when its Member States have risen above narrow self-interests to the uplands from which the vision of a better common future becomes clear. The peoples of the United Nations are watching to see how their leaders have met their responsibilities at this summit and how they have honoured solemn commitments already made. And, as is proper, that scrutiny will continue in the future.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

Let me say that I very much appreciate those comments. They will be made known to the full membership; I hope that I will be able to make some brief comments at the end, which I hope will be relevant to all.

The Assembly will now hear an address by Mrs. Virginia Vargas, Founding Director and Executive Board Member of the Flora Tristan Centre for Peruvian Women.

Mrs. Vargas (Flora Tristan Centre for Peruvian Women)

Before beginning, I wish to protest about the way in which the outcome document was adopted, the way in which the list of speakers was changed and the anti-democratic way in which civil society has been left out of this summit. As an activist in world civil society I would echo the insistent and disenchanted voices of world social movements who say to the heads of State who are or were present at this Meeting that the world as it is now is ethically unacceptable, politically devastating and economically and environmentally unsustainable. Those movements affirm, as we have affirmed in the World Social Forum, that other worlds are possible, but to achieve this, radical change is required, change which places men and women at the centre of development. Those movements wish to say to this General Assembly that it is missing a historic opportunity to shoulder its responsibilities and keep its promises to create a more just world, that its lack of commitment to the mission of the United Nations is keeping the Organization from being an Organization of "We the peoples", and that urgent changes required by the world can be possible only through the dismantling of unjust, anti-democratic world forces, maintained by powerful countries and their allies, namely neo-liberalism, militarism and fundamentalism of every kind.

A life free from want is possible only if we alter the development mindset which puts economic growth before human development. In a world where the production of wealth is enormous and at the same time poverty and exclusion have increased dramatically, the central problem is tremendous inequity in the distribution of wealth. This situation is legitimized by an unjust international order that favours the most powerful. Where are the new instruments of accountability and global taxation on multilateral corporations? How long will the treatment of deadly diseases such as AIDS continue to be secondary to the earnings of transnational companies, and where, finally, are the democratic proposals to deal with indecent and immoral debt, paid for many times over? That debt is ethically unrecoverable for the peoples of the world.

A life without fear will not be possible while political power is allied with the economic power of the arms producers. This alliance lacks the legitimacy to decide whether a situation is an imminent threat or a potential danger. It in itself is a threat and a danger because it resorts to lies and to arbitrary unilateralism to feed its constant need for war. We require disarmament not be gradual and selective, we need general disarmament. We need a change in the way in which conflicts are resolved. We need also to address other causes of fear. A life without fear is built when we confront violence against women in all spheres and when we confront racism, recognizing the rights and autonomy of indigenous peoples. It is built by affirming the rights of social movements such as women's movements, which contribute to the peace agenda. It is built by respecting international agreements, which are a global ethical responsibility. Governments reluctant to sign the Kyoto Protocol today have a responsibility for the disaster and suffering caused by Hurricane Katrina. Governments who claim impunity with respect to war crimes, refusing to strengthen international law, will have to be accountable to history. The fight against terrorism cannot ignore human rights.

How can we live in freedom in these conditions? What freedom are we building when we know that hunger is depleting resources that will be irretrievable for the new generations? What freedom can there be without recognizing individuals' sexual and reproductive rights and the rights to different forms of sexuality and expressions of love? Living in freedom will be possible only if human rights, which are indivisible, universal and interdependent, are placed at the heart of the structure and policies of States and of the United Nations, only if States are secular, governed by all citizens and not by particular religious interests, and only if we correct the imbalance of power in the Security Council, which cannot be resolved solely by adding or removing Members, but rather by eliminating the right to the veto.

The United Nations, to fulfil its mission, must rise to the challenges of the new millennium. The United Nations cannot simply consist of Governments, as has been the case at this summit. Its democratic reform must be open to all contributions from social movements and democratic forces, in order to build a different world without poverty or exclusion. The United Nations must recover its mission. It must be of "We the peoples", or it will cease to be.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

I will come back with some comments of my own later on.

The Assembly will now hear an address by Mr. Bamanga Tukur, Group Chairman of BHI Holdings Limited.

Mr. Tukur (BHI Holdings Limited)

It is a great honour for me to have the unique opportunity to address this distinguished assembly of world leaders on behalf of the private sector. This High-level Meeting of the General Assembly is a milestone in the history of international public-private dialogue. I should like to express sincere appreciation to the Co-Chairpersons of the World Summit 2005. Their efforts to bring together distinguished heads of State or Government to deliberate on contemporary regional and global issues are to be applauded.

Allow me also to use this opportunity to pay tribute to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, a leader whose commitment to the values of the United Nations is outstanding. His intense work to ensure that this great Organization addresses the most critical issues of our time is remarkable.

This world summit is an important step, coming on the heels of the G-8 Meeting in Gleneagles, where historic decisions were taken concerning the development agenda. Of late, several initiatives, such as the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) framework, have been put in place, focusing on the most basic issues of reducing poverty and delivering sustainable development. In spite of these actions, it is still widely agreed that much more needs to be done.

The goals being pursued by the General Assembly and the larger international community are of great importance and relevance to the private sector. In today's global society, business interests increasingly overlap with development objectives. Business operations -- from microenterprises to multinationals -- are greatly impacted by health, security and economic development factors. Adequate infrastructure, access to finance and better regulation would enhance foreign and domestic investment inflow. There is also a need to strengthen the capacity of private sector institutions to contribute towards sustainable development.

Business and economic development reinforce one another; they are infinitely compatible. Business is good for development and development is good for business. Business development is central; it is the key to opening the door of opportunity for employment and the ability to prosper. Business leaders are acutely aware of that linkage. We are undertaking responsible business practices, such as conducting transparent transactions, investing in local infrastructure and implementing programmes to combat HIV/AIDS and other diseases, which are part of the Millennium Development Goal objectives.

The United Nations Global Compact initiative provides the enabling context for the private sector to participate actively in the development effort. The Global Compact advocates that corporate strategies and operations be rooted in core values in the areas of human rights, labour standards, the environment and anti-corruption.

Business is a willing and able partner in the call to raise living standards for billions of people. In order to maximize our common contribution to the development of stable economies, a business-friendly climate is essential. An enabling environment encourages entrepreneurship, allows local companies to thrive and attracts foreign investment. It offers companies a fair chance to achieve returns. Political stability, good governance, clear property rights and reasonable tax structures are just some of the essential factors for fostering private sector growth.

The least developed countries will continue to need special attention and aid because of their particular circumstances. The effectiveness of such assistance can be improved by applying business know-how and proven business solutions, and by building valuable partnerships between public and private sector actors. In that regard, it is heart-warming that the African Business Roundtable (ABR), over which I preside, was identified in the United Nations Millennium Project report as a critical partner for attaining development goals. As the only continent-wide, pan-African grouping of business leaders, the ABR and other private sector groupings accept that enormous responsibility and will meet the challenge through our resolve. Poverty can be made history only if the bad habits of autocracy and corruption are replaced with democracy, good governance and accountability.

In conclusion, allow me to express the confidence of the business sector in the General Assembly. Its commitment to addressing the challenges facing the goals set at the Millennium Summit is encouraging. Its support is needed to empower the private sector to contribute fully to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and sustainable development worldwide, especially in Africa and the diaspora. It represents a new dawn for Africa.

The Co-Chairperson (Sweden)

There are no more speakers on my list for this part of the High-level Plenary Meeting.

Given the lateness of the hour, I will say just a few words to the Assembly.

First, as President of the General Assembly, I want to express my deep regret that the outcome document was adopted before some speakers made their statements. This meeting, as members know, was seriously delayed because of the length of the interventions, which were supposed to be limited to five minutes but rarely were, and world leaders were leaving New York one by one at a time when a very important document was to be adopted.

I am the first to regret that the decision was made to finish the deliberations after the Governments had spoken, and therefore that some speakers had to wait. Their statements certainly deserved a full audience. I count approximately 80 delegations present, and I commend those that have been here so faithfully. All of us here have a duty to spread the word. We also have an obligation, via any statements that may be issued to the press, to make sure that their message is sent. I also know that this Meeting is being broadcast live all over the world via the United Nations webcast.

Those message are absolutely crucial. I myself was Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs. I was in Somalia, Mozambique and the Sudan, and I was proud to work side by side with civil society, non-governmental organizations, banks, trade unions and churches. They are extremely important partners. That might ring hollow to those present here at this late hour, but I really want to assure them that, in the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session, I will do my very best to make sure that their voices are heard.

We also need the regional organizations; we need civil society; we need the non-governmental organizations. The United Nations cannot exist if we in this Hall do not introduce two realities. One reality is the dreams and aspirations of people throughout the world, many of whom are members of the organizations represented here. They are absolutely crucial if we are to bring vitality into the United Nations. The United Nations is facing a serious situation right now, and we need that help. So the first reality that has to be brought into this Hall is the expectations and dreams of the people of the world, and those here represent that.

The second reality that also needs to be brought into these rooms is the real problems in the world: the poverty, the starving children, the sick -- particularly those suffering from preventable diseases -- the natural disasters, the environmental threats, the growing suspicions and fear that exist in this world. All those realities need to come in here, too, and those present represent that.

I just want to tell them that I appreciate enormously their understanding, if they still have understanding. I highly appreciate their stamina and patience in coming here and sending their message to the world, and hope that they will consider us partners -- partners at an historic stage, when multilateralism is at stake. We will work together and I very much count on their support. We need each other.

With those words, I thank everyone for their presence. I will certainly remember everything they have said. They will see it, hopefully, in my speeches in the year to come. I know that the members of the delegations here will also spread the word, but we will also think of other ways to make the voices that have been raised heard in this Hall in years to come. I thank everyone for their contributions.

I also want to thank the staff here, including the interpreters who have been struggling day and night and the wonderful team from General Assembly Affairs, which has faithfully been at our side here as Gabon and Sweden have co-chaired this Meeting.

This is the end of the biggest summit that, I think, has ever taken place, and the document that was adopted -- prematurely, unfortunately, for some of those here -- was extremely welcome. Circumstances were such that the decision was perhaps understandable.