General Assembly Session 60 meeting 12

The President

Before giving the floor to the first speaker for this meeting, I should like once again to remind members that statements made in the general debate have a time limit of 15 minutes. In that connection, I should like once again to appeal earnestly to Member States to limit their statements to 15 minutes so that all the speakers inscribed on the list for each meeting can be accommodated within the projected time frame. I thank members for their understanding and cooperation.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of El Salvador.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Elías Antonio Saca González, President of the Republic of El Salvador, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Saca González (El Salvador)

I wish to begin, Mr. President, by congratulating you on your election to lead our work during this session. We wish you full success during your presidency. Likewise, our gratitude goes to His Excellency Mr Jean Ping for his work during his mandate. We also extend our heartfelt thanks to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his devotion as head of the Organization.

The anniversary we are now celebrating should inspire an appreciation of the importance of dialogue among all the nations represented here in achieving collective well-being. Above all, we must recognize the challenges ahead. We all know that our Organization is passing through a crucial moment in its existence. We can either strengthen it or weaken it. I reaffirm the commitment of my Government to participate significantly in pursuing the reform process, in particular in substantive areas in which we have yet to achieve agreement and which are essential for successful reform of our Organization.

The historic process in El Salvador has shown that lasting peace and democracy cannot exist without development and respect for human rights. My administration is doing everything possible to maintain a humanistic form of government focusing on people and their expectations and placing economic and social development at the heart of our programmes.

As a developing country, however, we are constrained by limited natural, technical and financial resources. Sometimes, these limitations are increased as the result of natural events and other external factors such as the increase in oil prices which is truly devastating to our economies.

At last year's General Assembly session, we expressed the need to find solutions to the impact of oil prices on economies. Since then, we have witnessed with great concern that the prices of hydrocarbon products, far from dropping or stabilizing, have spiralled excessively as never before. This situation not only seriously affects our development efforts because of the high oil bills, which lead us to divert funds that could be used for social programmes, but also has become a serious threat to social and political stability and human security, primarily in the least developed and other developing countries.

In addition to those conditions and other factors related to instability and price speculation, there is a growing trend to exclude middle-low-income countries from assistance and international cooperation, further limiting the ability of those States to meet the challenge of development and in particular of achieving the Millennium Development Goals. We firmly believe that the United Nations must discuss this issue with due seriousness and responsibility in order to find joint and supportive solutions that will help mitigate the crisis we are facing.

I propose that the Department of Economic and Social Affairs or the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean carry out a study on the impact of increased oil prices on achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and on national development efforts worldwide.

Although South-South cooperation has become a valuable instrument that contributes to development, it is also important to recognize that further use should be made of North-South cooperation, in particular through creation of the Global Development Alliance, which will make it possible, through a mutually beneficial approach, to achieve economic growth and sustainable social well-being.

We feel that it is essential that as part of the comprehensive reform of our Organization we promote the strengthening and greater efficiency of funds and programmes in the operational activities of the United Nations system. Similarly, I would like to highlight the importance of setting up a just and equitable international trade system, based on predictable and non-discriminatory regulations consistent with the principles of free trade.

El Salvador is committed to achieving the Millennium Development Goals that have been set for 2015, despite external factors that affect us and limit our capacity to invest in development. With that vision in mind, El Salvador has launched its Opportunities programme aimed at improving the living conditions of thousands of Salvadorian families. It contains five basic components. The first is the Solidarity Network programme to combat poverty and extreme poverty head on, with a special role for Salvadorian women. Through the Chair of the Commission on Women, we are doing everything we can to ensure that protecting the rights of women is on the agenda. We can confirm that the participation of women in peace and development has been essential for successfully achieving our goals.

Secondly, the programme covers microcredit for developing micro and small businesses; this will promote the development of new sources of income through self-employment.

Thirdly, the Health Solidarity Fund (FOSALUD) provides for the establishment of a tax on tobacco, alcohol and firearms. Those resources will be used to expand medical services in public health units to 24 hours a day; here, we have seen excellent results.

Fourthly, the Presidential Youth Programme has begun to include young people in the development process.

Finally, our Get Connected programme is aimed at creating a model for public education that makes technology and information available to students.

It is with great hope that El Salvador is gradually moving towards achieving most of the Millennium Development Goals. For example, we reduced the number of individuals living in extreme poverty by 18 percentage points between 1991 and 2004. The percentages have gone from 33 per cent to 15 per cent, which means we have reduced the figure by half. The infant mortality rate for children under the age of one has decreased significantly, from 45 per 1,000 live births in 1991 to 25 per 1,000 in 2004: a reduction of 20 points. We need to strive for a further 10-point reduction.

Participation of young people in economic and social development is a priority. It is a source of energy and creativity that can improve our society and put us on the path to the future.

We also welcome the holding of the second phase of the World Summit on the Information Society, to be held in Tunis in November 2005. We urge participants to be active in agreeing on commitments, with specific objectives that will help reduce the digital divide separating countries. Like that of the first phase, held in Geneva in 2003, the outcome of the 2005 Tunis Summit on the Information Society should reflect deep respect for freedom of expression as a pillar of democracy in order to ensure that a free and independent press continues to work unhindered throughout the world, as expressed in article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The HIV/AIDS pandemic has become a serious problem that crosses borders and does not respect nationalities. The magnitude of the spread of this epidemic has meant that we must concentrate on prevention without forgetting treatment and support for individuals living with this illness.

In El Salvador, we shall shortly host the third Forum on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases in Latin America and the Caribbean, the fourth Central American Congress on Sexually Transmitted Infections and HIV/AIDS and the fourth Central American Meeting of People Living with HIV/AIDS in order to unite our efforts and exchange experiences. We are hoping to have support from the United Nations. We urge the entire international community, in particular the donor countries, to continue to provide their support to national efforts to combat HIV/AIDS and to reduce the costs of the medications that are available.

One of the matters that require greater interest and attention is that of migration because of its economic, social and cultural impact in countries of origin, transit and destination.

This matter should be dealt with from a multidimensional approach, one that would establish guidelines for international, regional and subregional cooperation, adopt and coordinate joint policies based on the contribution of migrants to development, as well as prevention efforts and action against illegal immigration and the trade in human beings.

One matter of particular interest to El Salvador is the scourge of national and transnational organized crime. The phenomenon of gangs is closely connected to a series of serious offences that gravely threaten the security of individuals and their assets. It also has a bearing on corruption; it reduces our people's morale and it has a negative impact on our development efforts. We believe that one of the measures that ought to be taken collectively to most effectively and efficiently combat this scourge would be to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and to enhance international cooperation.

We agree that the system to protect human rights needs to be strengthened but it is necessary to establish an objective mechanism that is transparent, de-politicized and non-discriminatory.

El Salvador fully supports the strengthening of the collective security system, with full respect for the principles of the Charter and universally recognized human rights. We recognize and appreciate the role played by peacekeeping operations. We feel it is important to continue considering the proposal of establishing a strategic military and police reserve that would allow for rapid deployment to deal with hostilities stemming from conflicts, as well as to maintain post-conflict peace and security.

We are satisfied with our contribution to collective peace with our growing participation in peacekeeping operations. In particular, we provide troops from our national civil police as a result of peace agreements worked out and signed with the United Nations.

With regard to disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation, El Salvador supports the efforts aimed at reaching a global commitment to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. In this regard, we support Norway's initiative to adopt a declaration on disarmament and security.

As to the situation in the Middle East, we wish to express our gratitude to the Government of Israel for carrying out its disengagement plan, a unilateral measure that will conclude with the total withdrawal of the Israeli presence from the Gaza Strip. This is a show of political will and the desire to put a lasting end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We believe that continuing to adopt measures to generate mutual trust will enable both parties to resume the peace process, as set out in the road map. Similarly, we reiterate our support for the right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State, as well as the right of the Israeli people to live in peace and security, free from any terrorist threat from radical groups outside the law.

With respect to the situation in Iraq, we trust that all political forces will participate in setting up new institutions for Iraq and that there will be an understanding which will lead to the establishment of a state of law based on representative democracy.

One of the pending items on the international agenda that we must not disregard is the situation related to Taiwan and its inclusion in the concert of nations. We believe that the United Nations must look into the question of Taiwan, because it is a reality that we cannot ignore, since the representation of the Taiwanese people internationally is a responsibility of this Organization, in accordance with its universal principles and purposes. Similarly, we hope that there will be peaceful coexistence on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

I now wish to refer to the question of natural disasters and the high level of vulnerability to which all of our nations are exposed, as seen by the tragic events that took place recently in various parts of the world, and most recently in the United States. This should lead us to rethink and reassess our commitments and our decisions with respect to the environmental situation in which we find ourselves. On behalf of the Government and people of El Salvador, I wish to express our most sincere condolences and our show of solidarity to all families who lost loved ones and valuables as a result of these phenomena, and we urge the community of nations to pay greater attention to the environment.

Finally, I simply wish to point out that our people firmly believe and hope that the United Nations is and will be an Organization that has legitimacy and the capacity to contribute to the attainment of peace, security, freedom, sustainable development and the promotion of human rights. Our role as heads of State and Government is to strengthen this belief and this hope, showing that we can work together in a united fashion to achieve concrete results for the well being of our people throughout the world.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of El Salvador for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Bolivia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Eduardo Rodríguez Veltzé, President of the Republic of Bolivia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Rodríguez Veltzé (Bolivia)

Mr. President, I am pleased to greet and congratulate you on your election, which will assure the success of these debates. I am also pleased to greet Secretary-General Kofi Annan, whose efforts to preserve peace and promote solidarity among the world's peoples are recognized and appreciated.

My country, Bolivia, located at the heart of South America, has just overcome, with sacrifice and deprivation, a profound political crisis. The maturity and the democratic spirit of my people led to a transition period to ensure institutional continuity and to initiate a process to legitimize, through a universal vote, the election of the country's authorities. Furthermore, this process had as its goal to establish governability and to reaffirm faith in the citizens' right to elect their Government and the parliamentary representatives of their choice.

During the electoral process that Bolivia is presently undergoing, a new design for a pioneer nation in securing its liberty and independence will be defined. The elections to take place at the end of this year will bring about a new and unprecedented political scenario, a process to carry out a constituent assembly and the people's decision to put into practice regional autonomies that will lead to the establishment of a new social contract oriented towards the construction of a more organized country, forever democratic, without exclusion, as required by the Millennium Development Goals.

A well-known Colombian citizen advised us that only with a new look to the past may we create the possibility of another future; and only by looking creatively at our world may we catch a glimpse of the new type of order we ought to build. This vision is shared by the peoples of Latin America and, of course, by Bolivians. For some time, we have been united in our effort to solve disputes by encouraging common actions so that disputing countries may look for and negotiate peaceful solutions to their differences.

It is also true that in this America with profound democratic roots and ties of brotherhood and solidarity among the peoples, there are still unresolved situations, such as Bolivia's landlocked status. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the people of Bolivia and neighbouring countries should be capable of creating spaces in which open dialogue can take place, without prejudice, thereby allowing for solutions that look to the future and are not based on positions anchored in the past. We believe that it is essential to enter into negotiations with a view to consulting, responding to and serving mutual interests and reaching a definitive solution that restores Bolivia's sovereign access to the Pacific coast. It is essential that we create an environment of trust for negotiation and agreement for that purpose.

Latin America is a region in which we dream about freedom, hope for progress and the integration of our peoples, although this requires constant renewal and creativity on our part. I am convinced that we will continue with the necessary task of attaining the Millennium Development Goals set for 2015 and the subsequent indicators for measuring social progress, although in the case of Bolivia we may face difficulties that will require us to focus on inequality and exclusion, violent conflict, intolerance, unfair land distribution, unemployment, extreme poverty and malnutrition.

The Bolivian people fully agree that we need to lay a foundation for ensuring progress with equity. Thus, a global effort is required if we are to eradicate poverty.

Although significant progress has been made with regard to such indicators for sustainability, institutional improvements and economic stability, the Government of Bolivia is concerned about the deadlines that have been set, and urges the international community to consider putting in place better terms and conditions.

Harmony among peoples cannot be achieved fully in a world in which security is put to the test every day by terrorist threats against innocent people and against the systems chosen by peoples who cherish the conviction that the only way of safeguarding mutual respect and harmony in society is through the exercise of democracy. Bolivia condemns terrorism and is actively combating that scourge afflicting humankind.

Our Organization, which is committed to promoting the civilized coexistence of the peoples of the world, is 60 years old. Founded by 45 States, it now has 191 Members, which support and put into practice the guiding principles of our global community. A world without the United Nations is unthinkable in either theory or practice, for it is guiding us towards a common destiny and away from such current tribulations as poverty, terrorism and violence.

Bolivia recognizes that, throughout the 60 years of this Organization's life, it has benefited from valuable cooperation efforts. Indeed, certain problems are shared by many countries. Thus international cooperation cannot be considered merely an act of solidarity. Cooperation must be a pillar of peace, since one of the threats that we are facing is increasing inequality leading to the marginalization of vast sectors of our societies. This brings dissatisfaction, which frequently gives rise to dangerous social tensions.

It is not merely a question of achieving apparent economic stability. Rather, we must significantly improve quality of life indices, both out of basic respect for human rights and because of the need for equity and justice.

Bolivia reaffirms its commitment to the principles of the United Nations, to peace and to democratic institutions. We believe that the United Nations is the highest forum for universal interaction among countries and individuals, and we also believe that its institutions and entities must be adapted and reformed if it is to achieve its objectives.

The interrelationship between development, security and human rights within a framework of democratic values is an expression of today's interdependent world, and of multilateralism, which reaffirms the leading role of the United Nations and our ongoing determination to promote social progress and to improve living standards within a broader concept of freedom. In this context, Bolivia believes that the recent commitment made at the world summit to adopt, in the near future, a United Nations declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples will encourage social integration and peaceful national coexistence.

Bolivia is sincere in its determination to achieve peace, solidarity and the well-being of all, to protect the rule of law and to secure justice and liberty. Ultimately, we are guided by democracy -- a system that can be improved upon, and a way of life.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Bolivia for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Independent State of Samoa.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Honourable Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Independent State of Samoa, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Malielegaoi (Samoa)

Samoa warmly congratulates you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this historic moment -- a very challenging time. Samoa pledges to you and to Sweden its full support and cooperation throughout the sixtieth session of the General Assembly.

I also want to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping of the Gabonese Republic, for his outstanding service and effective guidance during the fifty-ninth session.

Just a few days ago in this very Hall, we met to take stock of progress and map the way forward in the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs are not merely a set of targets, but encompass a process which addresses the varied challenges to human development. While some progress has been made over the past five years, much more remains to be done.

It is therefore imperative that concerted global efforts be strengthened, in terms of political commitment and resource mobilization, if the outcome of the summit envisaged in the summit outcome document is to be achieved.

Samoa is progressing well towards achieving the MDGs by the target period of 2015. Challenges remain, however, and they are being addressed through legislative and policy initiatives and the creation of innovative partnerships with the donor community and civil society.

Samoa reiterates its support for the ongoing efforts to modernize and strengthen the United Nations. We thank the previous President of the Assembly, as well as the Secretary-General, for their laudable work and tireless efforts in advancing the reform and revitalization of the Organization.

It is our belief that reform measures must provide for a transparent, democratic and expanded Security Council, in both the permanent and non-permanent membership categories, and for an effective and strengthened Organization that reflects the realities of the twenty-first century. Substantive changes are therefore required with regard to both the General Assembly and the Security Council, as well as to other bodies of the United Nations system.

We congratulate President Ping, in particular for his stewardship and leadership throughout the negotiations for and the adoption of the summit declaration last week. This is the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations; the time is surely ripe now to implement the reforms needed to revitalize our Organization and enable it to effectively realize the principles and goals identified in the declaration.

The courageous efforts of the Israeli and Palestinian authorities to find a sustainable peace solution deserve our applause and prayers for continuing success. While there have been positive developments in the Middle East, the violence and acts of terrorism in Iraq and in other parts of the region remain causes for grave concern.

Terrorism, perpetrated by those with no respect for human decency and life, continues to plague our world. No cause or grievances can justify acts that kill and maim innocent people. Heinous and murderous acts of terrorism serve only the purposes of those who want to destabilize society and usher in a dark age for our world. Samoa therefore condemns terrorism in all its forms in the strongest terms and will continue to support the international campaign to overcome that scourge to human dignity and security.

The peacekeeping and security advocacy work of the United Nations around the world has our full support. Samoa presently has police contingents serving with peacekeeping missions in Timor-Leste and in Liberia. Within our Pacific region, Samoa also contributes police support to the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) under the auspices of the Pacific Islands Forum. RAMSI conforms to its regional responsibilities under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter and recognizes the sovereignty of the Solomon Islands.

Samoa is pleased to note that the membership of the International Criminal Court will soon number 100. Samoa adds its voice to the appeal for the early ratification of and accession to the Rome Statute establishing the Court by those States that have not yet done so. The Court brings to justice those who commit genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes and is therefore an important institution in upholding international humanitarian standards and the protection of human rights. For those reasons, it would be a mistake to undermine the effectiveness of the Court in any way. Instead, the Court should be given the necessary support to give it universality.

Samoa remains extremely concerned about the proliferation of nuclear weapons and their threat, not just to international peace and security, but to the very existence of life on our planet. We regret deeply that the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held in May 2005, was unable to agree on steps to strengthen the non-proliferation regime. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) are the main instruments for controlling the spread of nuclear weapons.

The South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty highlights the seriousness with which the issue of the threat of nuclear weapons is viewed in our region and we call on States who have not done so to ratify the Treaty's Protocols. Clearly, adherence to the requirements of the NPT, the CTBT and other conventions on disarmament is vital. Samoa therefore joins the call for all United Nations Members to sign on to those treaties and for States parties to honour their obligations to them.

Small arms and light weapons have been used time and again in violent conflict, contributing to the destabilization and devastation of communities in many countries, including in the Pacific. The proliferation of small weapons is a major problem. We therefore fully support the holding of a review conference on small arms next year, in particular with a view to concluding a treaty to control the trade in small arms and stop them from reaching areas of violent conflict.

As the current Chair of the Pacific Islands Forum, I wish to report that since the General Assembly session last year new and positive developments have taken place in the Pacific region. The programme of Pacific Regional Assistance to Nauru, a regional response to assist Nauru rebuild its economy, is in progress. With assistance from the United Nations, an autonomous government is now being established in Bougainville. I am also pleased to announce that the Pacific Plan -- a road map to further strengthen regional cooperation and integration to achieve our region's priority goals of economic growth, sustainable development, good governance and security -- is nearing completion and is expected to be considered and approved by Pacific Forum leaders at their next summit, in Papua New Guinea, in October of this year. The Pacific Plan will also improve Pacific countries' capacities to achieve the Millennium Development Goals.

The Mauritius Strategy for the Further Implementation of the Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, adopted in January 2005, sets out long-term action plans for the sustainable development of small island developing States (SIDS). While we accept that the primary responsibility for the implementation of the Mauritius Strategy lies with us, there is still a critical need for the sustained and long-term commitment of our partners to focus on the special case of SIDS and to take their specific vulnerabilities, and the challenges generated thereby, into account. We therefore call on the United Nations system and the international community to provide the necessary support to implement and monitor the Mauritius Strategy.

As has often been repeated from this rostrum, trade is the surest path to greater wealth and a vital component of sustainable development for SIDS. We therefore support the successful conclusion of the Doha Round, which took the vulnerabilities of small States fully into account in the negotiations, particularly with regard to special and preferential treatment for small economies.

Let me conclude by reaffirming Samoa's commitment to multilateralism and to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Finance of the Independent State of Samoa for the statement he has just made.

The President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Gianfranco Fini, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Italy.

Mr. Fini (Italy)

Allow me at the outset to express my heartfelt congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. Your vast experience in the international arena is the best guarantee of success for your mandate. My sincere thanks go also to your predecessor, Jean Ping, who presided over the fifty-ninth session with particular effectiveness and skill.

The deliberations of the High-level Plenary Meeting represent an important and significant step in the process of adapting the United Nations to the global challenges that it must address. The results achieved in the process of reforming the United Nations, its basic principles and its bodies reflect the broadest consensus that could be mustered within the international community. Any attempt to reach for more would in all probability have meant jeopardizing its unity, which is an absolute and essential value. We should therefore rate those results highly and consider them to be a call to action.

Indeed, the heads of State or Government have shown us the path to follow. It is now up to the General Assembly and the Secretariat to set about implementing the initiatives agreed upon in the outcome document, improving and developing them where necessary.

Recent events remind us, sometimes tragically, of the need for a multilateral system that has a solid structure and can respond swiftly and effectively to the many challenges that individual members of the international community would never be able to address by themselves. Italy is convinced of this, and commitment to multilateralism is a basic characteristic of our foreign policy.

Of course, Italian support for the action of international organizations is not based solely on abstract ideals. We support the principle, and especially the practice, of multilateralism because we are convinced that common principles and, above all, common interests justify the sharing of resources, tools, responsibilities and benefits. Joint action is inconceivable without a shared perception of interests, objectives and their priorities.

Among the positive results of the High-level Plenary Meeting is that it encouraged consensus on an innovative and comprehensive vision of collective security and highlighted the main phenomena threatening that security. Terrorism, underdevelopment and fundamentalism are the primary threats, and our response must be equal to the challenge; it can come only from a strong and credible multilateral system.

In the light of the emergence of fundamentalist terrorism, the use of force by itself, although sometimes inevitable, is not enough. It is not through weapons, but through political means, that we can create the conditions for a fruitful dialogue among cultures, civilizations and religions and thereby develop the social and international solidarity that can prevent terrorism from continuing its criminal proselytizing.

Global solidarity is also the most appropriate response to the scandal of global poverty, which results from the persistence of profound inequities in the distribution of wealth -- inequities that violate not only every standard of fairness, but also the most fundamental criteria of logic and effectiveness. To eradicate underdevelopment, we must promote a tangible solidarity that provides real and lasting benefits by combining political and economic action on the part of donor countries with the heightened sense of responsibility and autonomy that is developing in emerging countries as they yearn to shake off the culture of dependency.

Underdevelopment and terrorism often find unifying elements -- which increases the potential for instability -- in fundamentalism and ideological fanaticism, sworn enemies of universal values such as freedom, peace and equality: values seen as a grave threat by those who seek to control and delegitimize our social systems.

We firmly believe that the international community must unite in the fight against terrorism, underdevelopment and fundamentalism. This session of the General Assembly will have the task of identifying concrete initiatives and actions to that end.

Italy's steadfast commitment -- even at the cost of significant sacrifices -- to promoting peace in key areas of crisis such as the Middle East, the Balkans and Darfur; our assistance to countries, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, that are seeking to recover after decades of obscurantist oppression; our commitment to spreading a culture of freedom and dialogue among cultures; and our front-line commitment to fighting the scourge of underdevelopment, including through innovative methods such as debt cancellation and participation in the Global Fund against the major epidemics, are eloquent and material testimony to the seriousness of our intentions. In that regard, I wish to mention in particular our activities to promote the development of the African continent -- activities carried out not only by way of anti-poverty initiatives, but also by strengthening African capacities in the areas of conflict prevention, management and settlement.

We are prepared to meet the challenges before us, which will entail the significant contribution of material and human resources that Italy is providing for the functioning of the United Nations. It would not be consistent with Italy's attachment to multilateralism if I did not add that our efforts would be bound to fail if they were carried out individually and not within a multilateral framework -- hence our resolve to strengthen multilateralism.

The reform proposals introduced over the past year and submitted for the consideration of heads of State or Government provide us with new and potentially valuable tools that we must put to good use. I am thinking, for example, of the possibility of significantly developing the international community's capacity to prevent crisis situations, manage conflicts and modernize the modalities and contents of traditional development assistance programmes in order to promote lasting stability.

That is why Italy cannot but favour the prospect of developing or inventing tools for communal action in those areas by creating new bodies such as the Peacebuilding Commission and the Human Rights Council. Their creation will make it possible to operationalize the desired integrated approach to crisis management and management of peacekeeping operations -- an approach that promises to reduce the recurrence of conflicts, consolidate peace processes in crisis regions and promote the restoration of rule-of-law infrastructures.

The reform process under way can and must invest in United Nations institutions in their entirety, with regard to both their composition and working methods, in order to strengthen effectiveness, while at the same time ensuring the coherence and balance of the Organization's general framework. Italy is fully aware and convinced of this. We are also convinced of the need -- especially in this area -- to proceed with due attention to individual sensitivities, within the framework of a process that ensures transparency and inclusiveness.

At the summit, it was not possible to reach an agreement on the rather controversial subject of Security Council reform, whose various aspects, already widely debated in the preparatory phase, are well known. Also well known is the position of Italy and of countries that, like us, belong to the "Uniting for consensus" group. We presented a proposal aimed at greater inclusion, greater effectiveness and increased democratic participation, having broad geographic and regional representation and elaborated in a constructive and flexible spirit.

We are well aware that the priorities of other countries are different, and we obviously respect their positions, although we do not share them. It is our fervent hope that everyone will be convinced that Security Council reform cannot be the result of shows of force, unacceptable conditions or artificial accelerations aimed at creating new positions of privilege. Awareness of the need to reform the Council is the common heritage of all Members. Such reform certainly cannot be considered the exclusive prerogative of those who advocate one reform option as opposed to another. Recent events have demonstrated that none of the proposals currently on the table has the votes needed for adoption. Undoubtedly, none of them enjoys the broad consensus essential to ensure that the future shape of the Security Council will help unite, and not divide, the international community. This is why we firmly believe that it is necessary to turn the page in order to unite efforts to seek new consensus formulas, both in terms of substance and in terms of method.

It is clear that this quest cannot go on forever. Travelling this road together with trust and perseverance is the only way to ensure effective and lasting outcomes. Italy is prepared to consider, in a constructive spirit, any potential solution that will garner the broadest consensus possible, but will continue to oppose -- in accordance with the principles shared by a growing number of Member States -- any formulas that could create new divisions and marginalization. Given the challenges it must face, the international community needs to be united in its intentions.

I know quite well that in these statements, the adjective "historic" is used so often that it loses much of its meaning. Nevertheless, when we think about the timetables and the risks or opportunities that are emerging, describing the moment of this General Assembly as historic does not seem an exaggeration. A well-known aphorism reminds us that those who do not remember history are condemned to repeat it. History teaches us that a united international community based on the recognition of shared principles and basic interests is the necessary condition for ensuring peace, development and progress for our peoples.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr Sergei Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Mr. Lavrov (Russia)

In no way can today's discussion be called routine. We are faced with summing up the preliminary results of the large-scale United Nations reforms that have been launched and designating the main thrust for the work of the entire system of United Nations institutions in implementing the outcome document of the 2005 world summit. We propose to structure the work of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly in such a manner as to facilitate the broadest possible agreement on a number of conceptual issues related to strengthening the United Nations that will, to a large degree, determine our ability to enhance the manageability of international trends in an era of globalization, and better respond to its new accompanying threats and challenges.

An analysis of the experience of the United Nations over the sixty years of its existence, with all the vagaries of the post-war, cold war and post-cold war world order, gives us much food for thought and many conclusions. I would like to share some of that with you from the viewpoint of the Russian Federation.

As the most representative international institution with a universal mandate, the United Nations has been and remains a major integration factor in global politics. The success of the United Nations is our success and its failures are our failures. But ultimately the balance of its work is, we believe, definitely positive. It is primarily due to this Organization that we have managed to avoid a new threat of world war and a nuclear disaster and have been able to prevent and settle dozens of military conflicts. At present, the United Nations mechanisms continue to be a means of constructive cooperation touching upon all spheres of human activity.

The greater interdependence of the modern world has not made it more secure. The standoff between East and West has been replaced by numerous crises and conflicts that until recently had remained latent, left on the periphery of the interests of the two super-Powers. Some of those conflicts are becoming real or potential sources of international terrorism, feeding transborder crime and drug trafficking, which are closely related to it. Humanity faces the threat of the uncontrolled spread of weapons of mass destruction and the possibility of their falling into the hands of terrorists. Again the world is witnessing genocide and humanitarian disasters. All of this presents immediate danger to each and every one of us.

In that context, the enormous potential of the United Nations is in greater demand, primarily in ensuring peace and security on a collective and, more importantly, on a legitimate legal basis. The Organization has at its disposal an entire arsenal of resources enabling it to coordinate the actions of the international community, to combine political efforts with those in the social, economic and humanitarian areas, as well as in the field of protection of human rights and the environment and other spheres. We should develop these assets through the concerted efforts of all States. Russia considers this task to be a strategic core element of its foreign policy.

The events of the first years of the new millennium reaffirm the validity of the conclusions drawn by the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change and the Secretary-General, that is, that a stronger United Nations and a better use of its multilateral advantages are an essential instrument to build a balanced, safe international system, based on respect for the unique features of every country, their sovereign equality and collective responsibility. There is no reasonable alternative to this.

Multilateral mechanisms should also play a key role in resolving the issues of disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, based on strict compliance with the relevant international agreements. United Nations achievements include Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), initiated by Russia, and the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, which establishes the legal basis for preventing weapons of mass destruction from falling into the hands of terrorists.

It is now crucial to prevent an arms race in outer space. I remind the Assembly that Russia has assumed the obligation not to be the first to launch any type of new weapon into space and has called upon other countries possessing space capabilities to join in this measure to keep outer space peaceful. It is time to take steps to enhance transparency and build confidence in this area.

The legal basis for countering new threats, primarily terrorism, is being reinforced. The adoption at the recent Security Council summit of resolution 1624 (2005), initiated by the United Kingdom, is a new, important step forward. It places outside the law not only the terrorists, their accomplices and those who finance them, but also the individuals inciting terrorist acts. This Security Council decision should put an end to attempts to engage the mass media to propagandize and justify terrorism.

We anticipate that the General Assembly will also contribute to the fight against terrorism and will promote completion of the negotiations on a comprehensive convention on international terrorism as soon as possible. The fight against terrorism must be continued most decisively. Each of us should critically assess his or her efforts in this area.

The realities are that while the sanctions against the Taliban, Al-Qaida and associated individuals and entities are still in force, the supplying of arms and material and other kinds of assistance to the fighters continues. The geographical scope of their activities is expanding. For many countries, including Russia, this is tangible on their own soil. Extremists who are not directly linked to Al-Qaida are also stepping up their activities in various parts of the world. This requires strengthening of cooperation between States and the 1267 sanctions Committee, the 1540 Committee and, of course, the Security Council's Counter-Terrorism Committee. Furthermore, we believe that the compilation of a consolidated list of all terrorists and terrorist organizations, whether they are associated in any way with Al-Qaida or not, cannot be postponed.

The development of criteria for the use of force in accordance with the United Nations Charter is another pressing issue. Such criteria, when agreed upon, could be useful if they become a kind of benchmark for consideration by the Security Council of various crisis situations. At the same time, it is clear that these criteria cannot be applied automatically. The Security Council would authorize the use of force on a case-by-case basis, as called for in the Charter.

Another equally important topic is that of States, in exercising their Charter right to individual and collective self-defense, to include self-defense in case of an external terrorist attack or the imminent threat of such attack. Russia, like other States that have become targets of terrorist attacks originating beyond their borders, has no right to err in the eyes of its citizens, who have entrusted their security to us. We anticipate that those critical issues will be given due attention at this session of the General Assembly.

Above all, force should not be used to oppose law. It can be an effective tool to ensure the rule of law in crisis situations. It is a tool to be used in extraordinary cases in which vital, legally protected values and interests of the entire international community, or certain of its members, are in jeopardy.

Unfortunately, in the preparations for the 2005 world summit, insufficient attention was given to seeking solutions to those and other important issues and to finding a way to common understanding. Thus, that task must remain a top priority of our agenda.

Much remains to be done in terms of development and the eradication of poverty, epidemics, famine and illiteracy. Such action would be the strongest way to ensure global stability and eliminate the breeding grounds of extremism of all kinds. Russia endorses all initiatives aimed at attaining the Millennium Goals and will enhance its contribution to resolving those urgent issues. The success of our concerted efforts to support development greatly depends on the efficacy of the Peacebuilding Commission to be established. The Commission will achieve the required results if it is more than just another debating society and if it can be a mechanism facilitating the greater coordination of the programmes and the projects of all the participants in development assistance, including the World Bank Group, the International Monetary Fund, regional development banks, other multilateral and bilateral donors and, of course, recipient countries.

The dramatic events of the last six months have revealed the sensitivity of the issue of Security Council reform for the majority of Member States. Guided above all by its interest in ensuring the Security Council's effectiveness, Russia continues to support possible modifications of that key organ on the basis of well-conceived and mutually acceptable decisions. United Nations Members have made the wise decision to continue negotiations, rather than pushing for a vote that might split the Organization.

I recall the striking words: the United Nations was created not to make heaven on Earth but to save the Earth from hell. Indeed, the United Nations is not an ideal body, but the best that humanity was able to create on the ashes of two world wars. With the help of the United Nations, we are able to effectively counter threats to peace and security in the context of evolving geopolitical realities.

Today, mankind is facing the challenges of globalization. It is not a question of whether we should accept those challenges or not, but of how we should respond to them, and on the basis of what principles. The 2005 world summit decisions outline the general direction for our efforts. As a permanent member of the Security Council and the next President of the Group of Eight, Russia, together with other States, will continue to strive to strengthen the collective underpinnings of global politics and to enhance mechanisms for multilateral cooperation.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Republic of Korea.

Mr. Ban (Republic of Korea)

Let me begin, Sir, by extending my sincere congratulations to you on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. Well aware of your experience and diplomatic skills, I have every confidence that under your able leadership, we will achieve great results during this important session, which marks the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. I would also like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, whose tireless work enabled the membership to successfully prepare for the High-level Plenary Meeting held last week. My highest tribute also goes to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his unqualified dedication to our world body.

The leaders of the world gathered here last week in the largest summit meeting of States in history and demonstrated their collective political will to overcome the challenges of the present and to build a future of peace and prosperity for all humankind. They reaffirmed their commitment to achieving the Millennium Development Goals. They also underscored the vital role of the United Nations for our time and gave guidance on steps to reform the Organization. The outcome document (resolution 60/1), adopted in the greatest spirit of cooperation and compromise, may not be everything to everyone, but it is the guideline for action that our leaders have given us. The task now is to implement it.

The work will require determined action by all. Success will be ensured only when each and every one of us strives to look beyond the immediate horizon. We must commit ourselves anew to realizing the ideal that inspired the founders of the Organization 60 years ago, that of building a peaceful and prosperous world in which all peoples live together in harmony, free from want and fear.

Certainly, with 30,000 children dying of hunger or preventable diseases every day, the world lies far from that ideal today. Everyone agrees that we have the means to lift the whole world out of poverty and underdevelopment. We just need to effectively put those means to good use. Thus, the concrete, action-oriented recommendations adopted by our leaders on partnership, financing, trade, debt relief and other aspects of development are greatly welcome. We must fully and speedily implement them so that, by the year 2015, most of the world's impoverished are freed from hunger and poverty, the spread of HIV/AIDS is halted, primary education is made universal for all children, gender equality takes firm root in all societies and the global partnership to achieve those and other development goals is in full operation.

In particular, we welcome the timetables many developed countries have presented for reaching the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income for official development assistance (ODA) by 2015. The Republic of Korea is committed to doing its share. Despite the internal and external economic challenges that my country has faced since the financial crisis of 1997, we have continued to increase development assistance year after year, doubling our ODA between 2000 and 2004. We now plan to double it again by 2009.

My Government is also seeking other ways to build partnerships with developing countries. Utilizing our resources and expertise in information and communication technology, we are working with the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific to build and host an Asia-Pacific training centre for information and communication technology, with an initial outlay of $10 million. The centre will contribute to reducing the digital divide and enabling developing countries to make the most of information and communication technologies for development.

Korea is also dedicated to good governance, which is an essential ingredient of development. Thus, we are working with the Secretariat to establish a United Nations governance centre in Seoul, as a follow-up to the Sixth Global Forum on Reinventing Government, which my Government hosted earlier this year.

Health is another area that requires our collective action. In our globalized, connected world, infectious diseases can spread with terrifying speed, with no regard for borders. They can become pandemics that threaten the development and the security of affected countries and regions. Here, too, the world must act together. For its part, my Government is contributing to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.

We are also vigorously supporting the activities of the International Vaccine Institute in Seoul, which strives to develop and disseminate vaccines most needed in the world's poorest regions. And we have taken part in the launching of the International Partnership on Avian and Pandemic Influenza, announced by President Bush of the United States in his speech here last week (see A/60/PV.2).

As world leaders noted, the threats to peace and security around the world today are increasing, interconnected and global in scale. They require of us an urgent, collective and more determined response. Terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and transnational crime are grave threats that can be most effectively addressed when countries act in concert under the United Nations banner.

Cruel and inhuman acts of terrorism targeting innocent lives, as witnessed in Iraq, the United Kingdom and elsewhere, are heinous crimes for which there can be no justification. The Republic of Korea is already a party to all 12 international anti-terrorism conventions in force. Last week, I signed for my Government the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism as soon as it was opened for signature. We are strongly committed to preventing and eradicating international terrorism in all its forms. We will continue to actively participate in the efforts to conclude a comprehensive convention on international terrorism as soon as possible.

The proliferation of WMDs is another pressing security concern. The prospect of WMDs falling into the hands of terrorists is more alarming and real than ever before. The Republic of Korea is fully committed to the non-proliferation of WMDs. Thus, we are dismayed that the outcome document of the High-level Plenary Meeting is silent on this vital issue. We very much hope for an early opportunity to redress this omission. In the meantime, my Government will continue to press for the strengthening of the nuclear compliance and verification system. We call for the universal adoption of International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA) additional protocols, the disarmament and non-proliferation of biological and chemical weapons and the full implementation of Security Council resolution 1540 (2004).

In facing the threats of terrorism or WMDs, or any traditional threats, the Security Council must be made to act more quickly and efficiently to situations that arise when the elements of a threat become reality. At the same time, the Security Council must exercise with only the utmost prudence its prerogative to sanction the use of force. In that regard, we should build upon the agreement reflected in the outcome document on the establishment of principles for the use of force. That would lead to the strengthened relevance and efficiency of the Security Council and of the collective security system embodied in the United Nations as a whole.

Peacekeeping has been an important part of this system. Indeed, the success of the peacekeeping missions in such places as Timor-Leste has been one of the proudest achievements of the Organization in recent years. However, there have been failures, as well as cases of fragile peace being overtaken by the resumption of conflict. Shameful misconduct by some peacekeeping operation personnel in certain missions has added to the sense of disappointment. Obviously, what is needed is a more structured and extensive mechanism to make the peace more durable and consolidate the grounds for post-conflict reconstruction. In this regard, my Government welcomes the decision taken at the High-level Plenary Meeting to establish a Peacebuilding Commission.

We hope to play our part, so that effective peacebuilding can become an important part of the role of the United Nations to ensure peace and security around the world. This is very much in line with our past and current participation in efforts to restore peace in many challenged areas of the world, including in Iraq, where we are helping the Iraqi people to build a democratic and prosperous country.

I would like to take this opportunity to address the current situation regarding the North Korean nuclear issue. After a 13-month hiatus, the fourth round of the six-party talks commenced on 26 July, broke off for a recess and resumed last week. During the talks, all participants agreed on the goal and principles of the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. They conducted serious, in-depth consultations to make substantive progress towards realizing that objective. For our part, the Republic of Korea has made an earnest effort to expedite the talks and move them towards a resolution, including through the offer to supply 2 million kilowatts of electric power to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea directly, addressing one of the most pressing problems it faces.

As we are gathered here, the resumed fourth round is under way to adopt an agreement on the principles for the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. Once adopted, the agreement will be a crucial step towards the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and will launch discussions on an action plan towards a peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue.

A strategic decision by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to dismantle all nuclear weapons and nuclear programmes would be met with economic and energy assistance and security assurances. North Korea must return to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and comply with the full scope of IAEA safeguards so as to restore the trust of the international community. The doors would then open to its right to peaceful use of nuclear energy. We urge North Korea to take this road.

The Republic of Korea is committed to promoting human rights as universal values that should be guaranteed to all. Based on our own experience of the past decades, we know that development and security are on shaky ground without full respect for the human rights of all. We thus welcome the reform initiatives to strengthen the United Nations human rights system and wholly support the creation of a Human Rights Council. We would have preferred to see stronger language and greater detail about the composition, mandate and functions of the Council spelled out in the summit outcome document. Working closely with other delegations, we hope to promptly engage in active consultations so that the Council can be established and can start functioning as soon as possible.

The Republic of Korea is also committed to democracy at home and abroad. We are an active participant in the Community of Democracies and have supported the International Conference of New and Restored Democracies. We have pledged to contribute to the United Nations Democracy Fund, and we will remain a strong supporter of the continuing mission of the United Nations to nurture and strengthen democracy and human rights around the world.

Respect for human rights and the rule of law are indispensable for the preservation of peace and cooperation among nations. Mass killings, genocide and other grave infringements of human rights are threats to peace and stability and must not be let pass with impunity. The principle of the "responsibility to protect", as discussed during the High-level Plenary Meeting, underscores the responsibility of the international community to lend assistance to States in upholding their solemn obligation to protect their citizens. We support the continued deliberations by Member States to reach agreement on the responsibility to protect. This would certainly form the backbone of a preventive mechanism against gross violations of human rights.

Earlier this month, Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans and the surrounding areas in the United States, causing massive casualties and tremendous pain and suffering for the victims and their families. On behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Korea, I would like to extend our deepest sympathies and condolences to those affected.

Coming less than a year after the massive tsunami that struck many countries of South-East Asia, Katrina once again mobilized the international community in bringing emergency relief to the victims. It also underscored the urgency of establishing effective mechanisms to cope with natural disasters around the world, including the importance of early warning systems. With those lessons in mind, natural disasters will be a primary issue for debate at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit meeting, which my country is hosting in Busan in November. Meanwhile, we reaffirm our support for the reform of United Nations humanitarian aid agencies to enhance their efficiency and effectiveness in helping countries to recover from disaster and rebuild their capacities for sustainable development.

We mark the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations with mixed feelings. On the one hand, there is much hope. It is the hope of the entire international community for the United Nations to prevail over the new challenges of the twenty-first century and to assume a more central role in strengthening peace and security, promoting prosperity and spreading democracy and human rights around the world. On the other hand, there is widespread disappointment. It has become painfully clear that the United Nations as it stands today is unfit to carry out the demands of these complex times. Between the hope and the disappointment, there is much uncertainty. But of one thing I am certain: all of us gathered here are united in the conviction that the hope must triumph over the disappointment; that we must rise to the occasion and make the United Nations fit for the twenty-first century.

Indeed, our global body must be strengthened with far-reaching reforms that are in step with the dynamic challenges of a borderless and fluid world. Those reforms should be comprehensive -- encompassing all the elements of the system -- and realized in such a way as to give all Members, large and small, a sense of ownership in the process and the outcome. Faithful to the guidance provided in the outcome document of the High-level Plenary Meeting, and in synergistic cooperation with one another, all stakeholders -- Member States, the Secretariat, the funds and programmes, specialized agencies and other constituents of the United Nations system -- must seize this opportunity for renewal and revitalization. Indeed, we must engage in a genuine exercise in multilateralism to strengthen our global body.

Reform of the Security Council must be pursued to enhance its accountability, transparency and efficiency. My delegation believes that increasing the number of non-permanent seats on the Council, with no addition of permanent seats, is the best way to foster broad-based consensus on this vital issue.

The Secretariat has long served the collective will and interests of the Member States of the United Nations. The contributions of those who have served in the United Nations system with dedication and professionalism should be highly praised. However, the credibility and integrity of the system have been damaged by recent revelations of mismanagement and corruption. The maladministration of the oil-for-food programme, as Mr. Volcker stated in delivering his fourth report to the Security Council, should not be seen as a lone case but as symptomatic of deep-seated systemic issues of an Organization designed for simpler times. Reform, as he further stated, is urgent. Without bold reforms to restore the trust and support of the global community, enhance efficacy and improve the morale of staff, the system will not be able to live up to the growing expectations of the twenty-first century.

Underscoring the vital importance of this issue, the High-level Plenary Meeting has fully endorsed the management reform initiatives taken by the Secretary-General. With the active support and encouragement of Member States, those initiatives should quickly bear fruit, providing strengthened accountability and oversight, higher performance and ethical standards for staff, and greater authority and responsibility for the Secretary-General as the chief administrative officer of the Organization.

The challenges facing the United Nations today are daunting. Some may find them insurmountable. But we are a country that was born and developed alongside the United Nations over the past 60 years, receiving particularly active assistance from it in earlier decades. We have full confidence in the future of the Organization. Now a maturing democracy that upholds human rights, an emerging donor that seeks to do its share in helping others, and a staunch advocate of peace and effective multilateralism, the Republic of Korea is fully committed to bringing greater vitality and reliability to the United Nations.

At the High-level Plenary the leaders of the world gave us guiding words for making the United Nations a more effective and relevant instrument for realizing the aspirations of the global community in the twenty-first century. We must not let those words remain just words. Let us proceed with vigour and dedication to put them into action.

The President

I now call on Mr. Philippe Douste-Blazy, Minister for Foreign Affairs of France.

Mr. Douste-Blazy (France)

Speaking for the first time from this rostrum, I wish to reaffirm here the importance France attaches to the multilateral system. Our common future cannot be envisaged without strengthening it.

The declaration adopted the day before yesterday is a milestone in that direction, even if it does not meet all our expectations. Indeed, the text makes some significant advances. I am thinking in particular of innovative financing for development. I am also thinking of the decision to establish a peacebuilding commission within the Security Council. Finally, I am thinking of the establishment of a Human Rights Council and the endorsement of the principle of the responsibility to protect. Now it is up to us to put those new concepts into practice.

In that connection, I wish to pay tribute here to the remarkable work that has been done under the stewardship of Mr. Jean Ping.

But let us not underestimate the extent of the task that still remains to be accomplished, be it in the areas of counter-terrorism, non-proliferation, Security Council reform or development assistance.

The United Nations is founded on the rule of law and the promotion of universal standards. Those reflect our common values and our conviction that there can be no security and development without scrupulous respect for human rights. This is not a moral question but one of respect for the identity of every individual. It is not a matter of passing judgement but of enabling all people to live in greater freedom and in dignity.

Let us reject the impressment of children in armed conflicts, the systematic use of sexual violence against women and girls as a weapon of war, the recourse to threats, arbitrary detention and torture of opponents, journalists, labour leaders and defenders of human rights. And, let us conclude the negotiations on a convention against forced disappearances. To that end, let us strengthen the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and promptly establish the Human Rights Council.

France particularly welcomes the fact that the international community now has the necessary legitimacy to exercise effectively its responsibility to protect populations threatened by ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide. France also welcomes the progress of the international criminal justice system, in particular through the action of the Security Council. Those who believe they can count on the international community not to act when they commit their crimes should make no mistake: they will be held accountable.

Sixty years after the founding of the United Nations, terrorism is now at the top of the list of human rights violations. Nothing -- no cause, religion or moral order -- can justify attacks on the lives of innocents, the lives of civilians. We must define acts of terrorism once and for all so that we can better combat that barbaric practice which sets humankind back.

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction constitutes another major threat for the planet, against which we must remain united and determined.

France, together with its British and German partners, has proposed to Iran a constructive approach paving the way for a new relationship between that great country and the international community. That relationship is currently compromised by concerns over Iran's nuclear programme. We ask Iran to build trust by providing objective guarantees on the exclusively peaceful nature of its programme. Iran's statements from this rostrum compel the international community to meet its responsibilities, as referral of the matter to the Security Council is on the agenda in order to strengthen the authority of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The very integrity of the non-proliferation regime is at stake.

But let us also work to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which fuel so many very deadly conflicts.

To better serve peace and ensure the security of populations, the Security Council has expanded its field of action to the trafficking that finances conflicts and the impunity that protects traffickers, using, in particular, sanctions and embargoes. The United Nations is resolutely engaged on the ground, at the very heart of conflicts. More than 70,000 blue helmeted soldiers and police officers are now serving in 18 peacekeeping operations, and thousands of others are operating under Security Council mandates.

The results can be seen, for example, in Timor-Leste, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, Liberia and Sierra Leone. But as countries emerge from crisis, it is essential that they continue to benefit from our full attention and support. The United Nations has the duty to take a central role in the transition phase through the Peacebuilding Commission.

Other situations demand great vigilance and a high level of mobilization. Thus, in Haiti, the presence of strong contingents of United Nations soldiers and police must lead to the strengthening of the political process by involving all peaceful forces without exception. Preparations for elections must be accelerated. Like all peoples, the Haitian people, who have suffered for too long, are entitled to respect and freedom.

In Côte d'Ivoire, the presence of the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire and the appointment of a High Representative of the Secretary-General for the elections should also help strengthen implementation of the process set out at Marcoussis and Pretoria.

But in Côte d'Ivoire, as in Haiti, the determined action of the united international community will not produce results unless all parties cooperate in good faith and demonstrate their sense of responsibility. In Abidjan as in Bouaké, all must respect their pledged commitments so that free and transparent elections can be held throughout the country. No other solution is possible. That is why it is essential to resolutely support the electoral process that has begun, as well as the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration programmes. All Ivorian parties must understand that they will not block the peace efforts with impunity if they take an obstructive stance, make hate speeches or challenge democratic rules. The Security Council will meet its responsibilities.

The situation in Lebanon demonstrates what can be accomplished by a determined international mobilization, supported by the courageous will of the people. Most Syrian forces have now left Lebanon. Elections have been held. A representative Government has been formed. Our Organization must continue to support the Lebanese Government's efforts to recover full sovereignty and exercise its authority over the whole of its territory. At the same time, we must continue to support the work of the commission of inquiry into the assassination of Rafik Hariri. We are determined to see justice done.

Also with respect to the Middle East, a dynamic of hope, which could touch all States of the region, is emerging following Israel's withdrawal from Gaza. France, together with its European partners, stands with the Palestinians to rebuild and develop that territory so that its inhabitants can move around freely and have access to jobs and, quite simply, to decent living conditions.

But we must not stop there. It is important to restore political prospects for relaunching implementation of the road map by, on the one hand, encouraging the Palestinians to redouble their efforts on security and, on the other, encouraging the Israelis to take the measures necessary to stop settlement activity and to comply with international law in their struggle for security. Peace can come only with the existence of two peaceful and democratic States living side by side in peace and security.

Finally, with respect to Iraq, France remains engaged so that, with the assistance of the United Nations in particular, the Iraqi people can acquire democratic institutions with which all Iraqis can feel identified. It is clear that a policy focused exclusively on security leads to the retrenchment of a community, thus jeopardizing the cohesion of Iraqi society and the country's unity. In Iraq, too, the political process must not exclude any representative, peaceful force, and the political process must offer Iraq the prospect of the restoration of its complete sovereignty.

In all those crises, the Security Council has gradually imposed the authority of the United Nations in the service of international peace and security. Its action is legitimate, and its authority will be further strengthened when we reach agreement on an enlargement of the Council that reflects the emergence of new Powers and which gives an equitable place to all continents.

At the same time, it is important to carry out the thorough management reforms that our Organization requires. In his report entitled "In larger freedom" (A/59/2005), the Secretary-General proposed elements of an action plan and initiated the first reforms. I pay tribute to his resoluteness and reaffirm France's determination to support him in his approach.

We all know that security and development cannot be separated. Five years after the Millennium Summit, heads of State or Government have just issued a troubling assessment of the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals.

The outcome document they adopted (resolution 60/1) clearly sets out the priorities on which we must take action. The first of those sadly remains food security, because, as underlined by the Declaration on Action Against Hunger and Poverty, adopted in 2004 on the initiative of President Lula and President Chirac, hunger remains the worst weapon of mass destruction. It continues to kill several hundred million men, women and children around the planet. We can see it happening right now in the Sahel and southern Africa. That scourge belonging to another age can and must be fought.

Of course, emergency humanitarian aid must be provided to people in distress. That implies strengthening the coordination of United Nations interventions and, in particular, the establishment of an international humanitarian force, as proposed on several occasions by France.

But beyond that, it is important to provide all areas at risk with the technical resources for prevention and early warning. Above all, it is essential to create the conditions for sustainable development to the benefit of all. That is the aim of the Millennium Development Goals, whose attainment requires substantial long-term financing. Official development assistance will continue to be primary for much time to come. The summit's outcome document recalls the international commitments made in that regard, which France and the European Union will respect. It is urgent that the other developed countries make the same commitments. But we know well that this will not be sufficient. Additional long-term resources have to be found through innovative financing mechanisms.

France endorses the establishment of international solidarity contributions. Over 66 countries have given their support to the pilot project to levy a tax on airline tickets, and we welcome this. In February, France will host a ministerial conference on this initiative so that it can be implemented specifically and promptly.

By devoting three of the eight Goals to health, the Millennium Declaration has put public health back at the centre of sustainable development. In terms of its scope and socio-economic impact, the HIV/AIDS pandemic is of concern to us all. Only by working together will we be able to deal with it, through an approach that integrates prevention, treatment, care and the medical and social vulnerability of infected persons. France wants to carry out this integrated approach with its European partners and with the World Health Organization, the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. We must do everything possible to achieve universal access to treatment by 2010, if need be promoting greater flexibility of intellectual property rights as provided for in the Doha international trade agreements.

The fight against AIDS requires us all to mobilize our efforts. For its part, France has pledged to double its contribution to the Global Fund, increasing the amount to 300 million euros by 2007. At the same time, international cooperation must take into account the particular challenges faced by certain categories of individuals: victims of abject poverty who are excluded, young women denied the right to sexual and reproductive health, those with disabilities marginalized by society.

From the Indian Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, from Japan to Antarctica, man is confronted today with an unprecedented rise in environmental threats that he himself has caused. Scientific proof of the reality of climate change and its human origins are irrefutable. All initiatives must be compatible with the Kyoto Protocol; prospects must be charted for the future of the multilateral climate regime after 2012. France would hope to see more robust commitments, especially regarding the transfer of technologies to emerging countries. To respond to the threat and more effectively mobilize energies and resources, France and Europe have proposed the establishment of a specialized agency, based on the United Nations Environment Programme, for the purpose of coordinating international action. This idea is mentioned in the summit's outcome document; it must now be translated into reality.

The United Nations is commemorating its sixtieth anniversary this year. The world has changed profoundly since 1945. Millions of men and women have gained freedom and have emerged from underdevelopment. Technological progress has been staggering and has radically changed the life of society and relations among States. Challenges and threats have changed; they are now worldwide and jeopardize humanity itself.

Yet, we must remain optimistic. It is not too late, given that we understand what is at stake and that we mobilize collectively. The United Nations is rediscovering the way charted for it by the founding fathers: helping in the peaceful settlement of disputes, building international cooperation for development and promoting human rights.

We need the United Nations more than ever; it is the sole framework for universal comprehensive action which is legitimate and recognized as such by all States. Let us give it our full support. France for its part makes this commitment.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Kantathi Suphamongkhon, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Thailand.

Mr. Suphamongkhon (Thailand)

On behalf of the delegation of Thailand, I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. The General Assembly's task this year is as crucial as the one that Mr. Jean Ping, your predecessor, has just completed. My delegation truly appreciated the strong leadership of Mr. Ping during one of the most challenging periods for the United Nations. My delegation's appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts and active role.

Permit me at the outset to express my heartfelt condolences to the American people for the devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina. Having suffered from the Asian tsunami ourselves last December, our hearts are truly with the American people. In the aftermath of the tsunami, we were deeply touched by the outpouring of support coming to us from around the world. Our friends were determined to do everything possible to help us get through our darkest days. The Thai people shared this spirit, and we also lent a hand to our neighbours suffering from the same calamity. We are seeing the whole world show the same spirit of shared responsibility coming to the United States in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. We need to move forward with this same spirit, this same sense of shared responsibility, as we tackle the old and new challenges of our modern world of globalization.

There is certainly much to do. In many countries, extreme poverty, hunger, deadly infectious diseases and environmental degradation continue to do damage. They are silent killers. We cannot and must not ignore them. Every day, 50,000 people continue to perish from poverty and hunger; 30,000 children will not survive to celebrate their fifth birthday. Yet, money being spent on arms and weapons continues to outpace money being spent on sustaining lives. This is unacceptable.

Sixty years ago, the desire to achieve unity in diversity with shared responsibility led to the creation of the United Nations. Now at 60, the United Nations is living in a world very different from that of 1945. Today, challenges to human security and economic development can be just as dangerous to the international community as traditional challenges in the form of military conflicts. The United Nations must be able to act effectively to serve the world's peoples.

The outcome document that was adopted by the High-level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly (resolution 60/1) reflects the shared commitment of world leaders to development, peace and security, as well as human rights and human dignity. It sets the stage for the attainment of peace and prosperity throughout the world.

As difficult as it was to reach a consensus on the outcome document, I believe that it will be even more difficult to translate this consensus into concrete action. The road ahead will not be an easy one to travel. We must stay focused on our common aspirations as we face the difficulties that lie ahead.

Thailand intends to work with the United Nations and with all Member States to ensure that the vision of our leaders and the aspirations of our peoples lead to concrete results. We will actively participate in addressing issues such as the revitalization of the General Assembly, the strengthening of the Economic and Social Council, the reform of the Security Council and the establishment of the Human Rights Council.

We see merit in the idea of collective responsibility to protect people from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. To achieve lasting peace and prosperity, Thailand strongly supports the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission as a mechanism to ensure sustainable post-conflict recovery and development. We also want to see extensive management reform to make the Secretariat more efficient, more effective, and also more accountable.

We must redouble our efforts to break the vicious circle of poverty, disease and conflicts. The challenge of our time is to make peace, prosperity, dignity and freedom common to all. As Chair of the Human Security Network, we are pleased that a human-centred approach to security has been embraced as an integral part of the new collective security consensus.

The eradication of poverty must not be only a dream. We must make it happen. The United Nations must mobilize all relevant agencies and marshal resources to help developing countries progress in a sustainable way. Developing countries must be able to identify and leverage their inner strengths and their comparative advantages. Capacity-building and technical assistance should be readily available. With the right policies and strategies as well as the appropriate infrastructure, developing countries can leapfrog up the development ladder in our modern world by making full use of globalization.

In that connection, we in Thailand have adopted a people-centred development policy which stands side by side with democracy and good governance. At the international level, we are actively pursuing trade and investment liberalization. This is our dual-track policy.

National efforts must be backed by a supportive global environment. That means making international trade free and fair, so that it can be an effective engine for sustainable development. When we talk about free trade, we must be mindful that not everyone is equally fit to compete in the same system of free competition. Two days ago, from this same rostrum, my Prime Minister emphasized that a patient who has just been released from the intensive care unit of a hospital cannot run a race under the same rules and conditions as a fit athlete. That is so true.

Thailand welcomes the reaffirmation of the Monterrey Consensus and other proposals on innovative financing for development. Financial assistance given to developing countries must go towards empowering the recipient countries. We must avoid creating more dependency traps. We must work together on the basis of partnership for sustainable development.

Partnership is also vital in the area of energy. The rapid rise in global oil prices is very harmful to development and has the potential to roll back many of the hard-won gains of developing countries. The higher the price of oil, the longer it will take for many developing countries to realize the Millennium Development Goals. The United Nations should help to mobilize worldwide cooperation to ensure energy security as well as to develop alternative sources of clean energy.

The United Nations must also do more to promote synergy among Member States through the facilitation of partnership building, such as North-South, South-South and trilateral cooperation. We want to see a new and enhanced strategic partnership for development between the United Nations and its Member States.

In South-East Asia, that is the spirit that is transforming the region. For its part, Thailand has been reaching out to forge partnerships for development worldwide. Through regional cooperation for development initiatives, such as the Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS); the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC); and the Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD), Thailand is constructing layers of building blocks that support the development work of the United Nations.

We have shown through our actions that assistance for development is not just a one-way road from North to South. The countries of the South can significantly help one another to prosper together through South-South cooperation. Here, we in Thailand have been working closely with other developing countries, sharing our experiences and best practices, especially in areas in which Thailand has expertise, such as agricultural development and public health.

Marginalization breeds resentment and anger, both of which are fertile ground for extremism to flourish. Development helps to prevent this. Putting a human face on globalization is as vital as it is urgent. Together, we can create an environment conducive to turning back the tide of violent extremism and discrediting the appeal of terrorism. Religious and cultural identities must also be recognized and respected. This is unity in diversity. This is the path of moderation and understanding. This is also a peaceful way to fight violence and terrorism. Here, we must condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, by whomever committed, wherever and for whatever purposes.

We have so much on our agenda. The road ahead will not be an easy one. We must work together to ensure that we can build strength from diversity, with a very strong sense of shared responsibility. Let us make the United Nations truly serve the people, no matter who they are and no matter where they are. Let us ensure that "We the peoples of the United Nations" can truly live our lives "in larger freedom", as envisioned by our founding fathers 60 years ago.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Vartan Oskanian, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Armenia.

Mr. Oskanian (Armenia)

Let me first welcome you, Sir, to your position. I know we will enjoy working with you, given our past experience. Let me also express our appreciation to the outgoing President for the leadership that he provided during the previous session.

When the Millennium Summit was held in 2000, in another New York and another era and before unspeakable events overtook our agenda, the lack of universal economic development was the supreme challenge and security concern that we had. That is why the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were created. It took the commitment and firm belief of almost 200 of our world leaders to come up with simple, obvious, straightforward objectives, which I think can be best summed up by Amartya Sen's eloquent formulation, "Development as freedom". Five years later, I think these goals are still relevant and they are no less imperative. Pretending that anything less would do is, I think, disingenuous, dangerous and unfair.

If, today, our focus is on global security, and we all clearly understand and see that the path to security passes through development, then we should recall Eleanor Roosevelt, who 60 years ago, working on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, stated that men in need were not free. Indeed, only with the realization of these Goals can we enable men to live in greater freedom.

In Armenia, where our resources are very limited but the will of people is very strong, we have been experiencing good economic growth. In the past four or five years, we have indeed seen double-digit economic growth, and we understand that our biggest challenge today is to translate that high economic growth into progress in human development. Each year in Armenia we look forward to the publication of the Human Development Report because we see it as a sort of report card that shows how our country is doing. In the past four or five years we have been making steady progress. This year we placed eighty-third, ahead of all of our neighbours.

While we should not underestimate this progress, on the other hand, we do not want to exaggerate it. We have to look at this index, at its promise, and see what problems we facing that we need to address and what gaps need to be filled.

First, we have to accelerate our efforts to reduce the level of poverty in our country. Societies are judged by the way they treat their most vulnerable. In Armenia, the poor are in the rural areas and we have to make sure that economic development can trickle out to our rural areas from the cities. For us, economic development is comprehensive rural development. It is our plan to identify those areas that can provide opportunity for rural people so that they can develop and unleash their capacity for production. Just as with the MDGs, there must be a partnership between rich and poor. In our case, we are trying to create such a partnership so that we reduce the numbers of poor in our country more rapidly.

Secondly, we have to turn democracy into a tool for development. Democracy means not only elections. Democracy and democratic institutions are not simply ends for their own sake. They have to provide, and they will provide, a better environment for political and economic development. We think we need to create transparent, solid, open institutions so that we can limit the action of the elite, and create a level playing field for the entire population.

We are pleased with the ranking that we have achieved. But we are satisfied only because we know we have achieved this against all odds: against our geography, against our history and against attempts in our region to isolate Armenia.

Armenia is a small, landlocked country. We do not have the natural resources our neighbours have. It has become customary to say that our greatest natural resource is our population, and indeed it is. But let me say that, if we had the oil resources, we would have used those revenues to double our education budget, because we understand that education is development. Education creates dreams for our youth and provides the means to achieve them. If we had the oil revenues, we would double our social security budget, because we clearly see that there is a gap between the dreams of our people and the prospects of achieving them. If we had the oil revenues, we would double our efforts in the area of environmental protection, because that is the best investment a society can make.

But one thing we would not do is to double our military budget. We will not create imaginary outside enemies to justify our own inaction and failures. We will not pretend that there are simplistic, fanatical solutions to complicated social and economic problems. In other words, we think the military option is not available as a tool in domestic and foreign policy.

When it comes to regional conflicts, advocating military solutions is not only unrealistic but is also a clear manifestation of a patent lack of understanding of democracy, rule of law and human rights. The founders of this institution, the United Nations, clearly indicated and knew that security, development and human rights go hand in hand.

But self-determination is a human right and the people of Nagorny Karabakh have aspired to it, fought for it and earned it. They had to face the aggression of a Government they did not choose, but they fought for self-determination and they earned it. It was a fight that was not of their choosing and the right they fought for was neither abstract nor excessive. What they want is what we all want, the right to live on their own land, in their own homes, in dignity, safety and security.

The people of Karabakh have achieved that, and subsequently they have demonstrated to the world that they can sustain their de facto independence, that they can rule themselves, create democratic institutions and conduct elections.

Countries like mine come to such gatherings and meetings with huge expectations, because we want to contribute, to participate and to be involved in the give and take. But, if you think that because I am the Minister for Foreign Affairs of what is obviously a small country, and frankly, an imperfect one, I do not have the right to expound on our common future, allow me for a moment to speak, not as a foreign minister, but as a citizen of the world.

The prospect of United Nations reform is only the beginning of achieving the promise of a world Organization that would better resemble the realities of the current world. If we cannot find common ground, if we cannot agree to reform this institution today or tomorrow or next week or this year, I believe that one day we will have to do it. We cannot simply go on pretending that we do not know our history. We cannot go on pretending that the world has not changed. We cannot go on pretending that we do not understand that there are new realities. It is not 1945 any longer.

Still, it is very encouraging that the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter -- written three generations ago -- remain valid, relevant and significant today. That is because the spirit of San Francisco in 1945, and the global Charter that was forged there, were revolutionary. The Charter affirmed the obligation and accountability of one generation to another, of one State to another other, and that together, States can and must create a safer world. The formula that was worked out then to achieve those goals worked.

Today, we need to rework that formula, reaffirming, first and foremost, our responsibility and accountability to our citizens and Governments, the responsibility of international institutions to their members and of States to each other.

We need to democratize international relations and international institutions. We need fair, earned representation around the decision-making table. Earned representation: that is, countries that are committed to democracy, human rights and the rule of law should have the right to sit on the Human Rights Council; countries that are serious about social and economic development should occupy seats on the Economic and Social Council; and countries that are committed to world peace and security, that are serious about the dignity of the world community, should assume a leadership role in the world community.

Those are not ambitious goals. It is only natural that our national interests will differ. That is why the United Nations must step in to fill the gap, enabling us to work together in exchange for commitment and action.

It all boils down to our accountability to our children. What will we say to our children if we do not achieve the Millennium Development Goals in the next decade, when we are living in an era that has witnessed the creation of huge wealth in the world economy, but where half of the world's population still lives in poverty, far from benefiting from the fruit of that growth? What if we, in our region, miss the opportunity to make peace and put war, its consequences and its legacy, behind us? How, then, are we going to be able to look our children in the face? What if we reject that chance to learn from our past, to come to terms with our history, if we refuse to take our common and joint responsibility to intervene and prevent conflict, letting Governments time and again commit torture, ethnic cleansing and genocide against their own populations? What will we then tell our children?

When the United Nations was created 60 years ago, it gave the people of the world hope and faith in their leaders, in their future and in the lives of their children. Today, having witnessed the huge calamities and catastrophes, both man-made and natural, which have occurred recently, there is a clear need to restore the faith of the peoples of the world.

Looking at the damage caused by last year's Asian tsunami and the recent Hurricane Katrina, looking at the violence that is being perpetrated in Darfur and the carnage that we witnessed in London, we are questioning ourselves, our neighbours and our assumptions. The answer must be united momentum, united effort, united resources and united action by nations united. The United Nations can still be that answer.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Elmar Maharram oglu Mammadyarov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan.

Mr. Mammadyarov (Azerbaijan)

At the outset I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. I have known you personally for a long time as a very skilful and highly professional diplomat and I wish you every success in making new achievements in that highly responsible post. I would also like to express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for the competence and dedication with which he guided the work of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly.

While it is too early to assess the impact of the 2005 World Summit Outcome (resolution 60/1) adopted at the High-level Plenary Meeting, I will venture to say that the path leading up to it was thorny, if not challenging, at times.

Azerbaijan has always been and will remain committed to the purposes, principles and values enshrined in the United Nations Charter and other landmark documents. Respect for the norms and principles of international law and diligent observance of international obligations by Member States serve as indicators of their adherence to those values and principles.

Azerbaijan fully supports a collective approach to security. We are committed to taking concerted action, in conformity with the United Nations Charter, to remove threats to peace and security, foster sustainable economic development and support democracy-building and protection of human rights.

We reaffirm our determination to continue the reforms that will eventually improve the functional capacity of the United Nations and its decision-making processes, especially with regard to crisis and conflict management.

Since our accession to the United Nations, the Organization has been closely associated in our society with our hopes for the liberation of the territories of Azerbaijan occupied by Armenia. Although the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is deeply involved in the settlement process, the prompt response of the Security Council to the occupation of the territories of Azerbaijan and the adoption of four Security Council resolutions -- 822 (1993), 853 (1993), 874 (1993) and 884 (1993) -- still gives us hope for the peaceful settlement of the conflict in and around the Nagorny Karabakh region of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The principles unanimously adopted by the Security Council in those resolutions continue to be the basis for the settlement of the conflict.

Last year the General Assembly's consideration of the agenda item entitled "The situation in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan" played a crucial role in attracting attention to the dangerous practices carried out by Armenia in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan.

As for the negotiation process itself, I must admit that we are now at a critical juncture where the chances for resolution of the conflict are cautiously optimistic. The Government of Azerbaijan remains committed to the peaceful settlement of this protracted conflict, based on respect for the norms and principles of international law, the implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions and related OSCE documents and decisions. We expect that the Armenian side will take a similarly constructive approach and will not miss this window of opportunity.

There is no room for illusions. Azerbaijan will never compromise its territorial integrity. Only the return of all the occupied territories to Azerbaijan will help restore our trust and confidence in Armenia and its declared intention of establishing good-neighbourly relations with Azerbaijan. Such a step would remove the label of aggressor from the Government of Armenia -- a label it inherited after it occupied the territories of Azerbaijan -- and allow both parties to benefit from the opportunities the settlement of the conflict will bring.

We are ready to provide security assurances for the Armenian population of the Nagorny Karabakh region of Azerbaijan. As for the status of the region, it is necessary to create favourable conditions for the secure and dignified return of the expelled Azerbaijani population to the Nagorny Karabakh region and to other occupied territories, to establish normal living conditions there and to provide opportunities for economic development for both communities.

Once the agreement is achieved, for both political and legal guarantees of its implementation we will need the international community's support for the deployment of multinational peacekeeping forces, demining, the restoration of communications, the rehabilitation of lands and the provision of security guarantees for the population in the Nagorny Karabakh region of Azerbaijan, including the creation of local police forces in the region for both Armenian and Azerbaijani communities.

Last but not least, I should like to make a point on conflict resolution. It concerns the issue of the communication of Armenians living in the Nagorny Karabakh region of Azerbaijan with Armenia and that of Azerbaijanis living in the Nakhchivan region of Azerbaijan with the rest of the country. We suggest that the so-called Lachin corridor -- which should be called a road of peace -- be used by both sides in both directions, provided that security on the road is ensured by the multinational peacekeeping force in the initial stage.

The road's importance extends beyond the practical benefits of direct transport communications between Armenia and Azerbaijan; the road should be considered, first and foremost, as the path leading to peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus region. Today, from this rostrum, after the recent meeting of the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia, held in Kazan on 26 August 2005, I urge the Armenian side not to miss this opportunity to move the negotiation process forward with the assistance of the Co-Chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group, in accordance with the key understandings reached in the Prague process.

Azerbaijan believes that development reinforces democratic transformation, the rule of law and respect for human rights. We agree that it is urgent and important to achieve the international development agenda. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) remain an indispensable part of that agenda and represent measures of States' contributions to and impacts on global efforts in their quest for a better existence.

Cooperation in the areas of debt, assistance and trade can open up new opportunities for development financing and can reinforce national efforts to mobilize needed resources. Here, the special development needs of Africa deserve serious attention. Azerbaijan therefore welcomes the recent decision by the Group of Eight Governments to cancel the debt of heavily indebted poor countries.

We also consider official development assistance to be an important investment in self-sustaining development. We firmly believe that, if aid is to be effective, greater interagency coordination is required at all levels. The United Nations Development Group and the United Nations Resident Coordinator have a critical role to play in this field. We fully support the strengthening of both structures.

Yet another area requiring increased cooperation is international trade. Addressing issues related to improving market access and terms of trade as well as overcoming supply side constraints can revive the Doha round. Azerbaijan believes that the 2005 world summit will renew the sense of urgency to build strong political will and a coherent policy approach aimed at creating a more favourable multilateral trade system during the forthcoming ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organization, to be held in Hong Kong. In the meantime, we believe that the development challenges of landlocked developing countries should be effectively addressed, bearing in mind the recently adopted Asunción Platform for the Doha Development Round.

We recognize the crucial role of regional organizations, including United Nations regional commissions, in enhancing regional cooperation to promote sustainable development. Azerbaijan places emphasis on the development of transregional transport and communication lines and makes its contribution through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum natural gas pipeline. We also look forward to the building of a new Baku-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi-Kars railroad.

Azerbaijan is committed to poverty eradication and has identified it as an overarching goal in its development strategies. Although we are encouraged by the implementation perspectives presented in the report of the Millennium Project, we highlight the need for assistance to complement