General Assembly Session 59 meeting 6

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Romania.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ion Iliescu, President of Romania, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Iliescu (Romania)

Allow me at the outset to join others who have warmly congratulated you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I wish you every success in your important undertaking, which will enjoy the full support of the Romanian delegation.

For some years now, this great worldwide gathering has opened in the wake of deadly terrorist attacks that require us to respond as one to voice strong condemnation of all terrorist acts and a commitment to contributing ever more energetically to the affirmation of effective multilateralism that will make global action increasingly effectual.

In that context, I cannot fail briefly to address the issue of the struggle against terrorism, which is more urgent today than ever before. Since September 2001, the level of violence of acts of terrorism -- perpetrated in the name of ideological, territorial, religious or ethnic differences and incompatibilities -- has risen dramatically.

At the same time, the very nature of terrorist acts has changed. The complexity and scale of such barbarism, claiming the lives of hundreds or even thousands of innocent victims -- often children, as in the recent incident in Beslan -- are indescribably grim and represent immense challenges. Yet another factor is at play in all this: the increase in the number of terrorist acts. In such conditions, the struggle against that scourge -- whose implications are not only immediate, but also complex and global in nature -- is an urgent and ongoing obligation for all States.

Romania promptly and meaningfully joined the anti-terrorism campaign and has demonstrated its resolve to contribute to eradicating it. We believe, however, that the struggle to end terrorism must also address its underlying causes, including poverty, and must not be used as a pretext for flouting or violating human rights. If that were to occur, we would be playing into the hands of the perpetrators of terrorist acts, who not only seek loss of life and devastation, but strive above all to destroy symbols and values. On the other hand, promoting respect for human rights and democratic values is the only way to eliminate such manifestations of hatred and violence.

The nature and, above all, the inherent dangers of the current international context make the development of cooperation among all kinds of international actors, State and non-State alike, increasingly urgent. As an Organization that is universal by vocation and in legitimacy, the United Nations must fully assume its role as the driving force behind efforts to adapt to changes in the international environment. In an interdependent world, no single State is safe from such dangers or from threats to international peace and security, including terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the increasing number of States affected by instability, the growth of global disparities, humanitarian crises, ethnic wars and intra-State wars.

Managing such risks requires a comprehensive and coherent approach on the part of the United Nations, including through the promotion of preventive political and diplomatic measures, such as the strengthening of international treaties and conventions on combating terrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; efforts to make international export control regimes and specialized international structures more effective; and, in extreme cases, recourse to coercive measures, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

Our Organization has one strong and complex tool at its disposal in meeting such challenges. I refer to the Security Council, in which Romania is striving to make a real contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security and the establishment of a world climate of stability, with particular emphasis on fighting terrorism, preventing conflicts and humanitarian crisis situations, maintaining the unity of Council members and supporting consensus solutions, and encouraging cooperation on stabilization between the United Nations and regional organizations. With respect to that last issue, I would note that Romania has been and continues to be interested in cooperation between the global Organization and the regional and subregional pillars. Given the current international context, that is of major importance.

President Iliescu (Romania)

The need to speed up the reform of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. The series of challenges, more or less new, that the Organization has to face in the twenty-first century make its reform a priority if its structures and working methods are to adapt to the present realities. The terms of reference continue to be efficiency, adaptability and progress. Romania looks forward to the recommendations of the Secretary-General on the report of the eminent persons so that we may embrace, together with other States, a collective effort that cannot afford delay.

We hope that the sixtieth anniversary of the Organization's establishment will mark significant progress in the process of adapting the United Nations to the new challenges, and especially the Security Council, the essential body in the management of world peace and stability. Our relation to that organ, as a non-permanent member, increases our conviction that a new configuration, closely reflecting current realities by increasing the number of permanent and non-permanent seats, will consolidate the representative profile of the Security Council and thus its authority and efficiency.

I cannot ignore another aspect of our contemporary world. Both a source of challenges and a most generous framework for opportunities, the phenomenon of globalization is unavoidable and affects us all. Given its nature, the United Nations is ideally placed to manage the phenomenon, particularly by correcting its consequences.

In that context, Romania fully embraces the Global Compact Initiative of our Secretary-General, which needs support and strengthening. All Member States must promote regional and transcontinental integration as vehicles and instruments of a harnessed globalization. In this case, the European Union stands as a success story, since it acts as a vector not only of economic integration, but also of democratic values and human rights. The United Nations has to try to find ways to adjust the rules of the world market in order to diminish, in the medium and long terms, the big gaps that exist between the rich countries and the poor.

Another priority in our efforts to harness globalization is the need to enhance coordination among the specialized agencies and institutions of the United Nations system in their work to ensure the diffusion of information technology at a lower cost. We need to show more determination in our attempts to decrease the gaps in this field, and to guarantee the evolution of less developed countries from a state of marginalization to one catalysed by knowledge-based development.

Allow me to turn now to another essential factor for a better future, one that Secretary-General Kofi Annan also underlined in his introductory speech -- the rule of law. The validity of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations have not only withstood the test of time, but they have also been reaffirmed by a whole new network of international agreements, mandatory standards and norms of action to which States have voluntarily acceded, mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes and monitoring commitments.

As a proof of our faith in the international law system, Romania appealed this year for the first time to the International Court of Justice -- the main judicial body of the United Nations -- to resolve a question of maritime delimitation. Romania also appealed to an international investigation commission to solve the case of an infrastructure works project with cross-border impact on the Bistroe Channel in the Danube Delta. Our appeal concerns the need for close collaboration in order to protect a unique and fragile place, a UNESCO world heritage site.

Our efforts towards an effective multilateralism also involve us in other major issues on the United Nations agenda. Romania has promptly joined, and substantially contributed to, international efforts for the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan and Iraq, in keeping with its long history of participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations and the provision of assistance in post-conflict phases.

The global vocation and aspirations of my country are closely related to its European destiny. The focus of Romanian diplomacy is therefore oriented towards the democratic stabilization of our neighbouring region and its effective connection to a united Europe. For too long that region has been affected by wars and all kinds of tensions, often acute ones. Under such circumstances, Romania can only support, alongside all of Europe, a boost to democracy, economic development and a long-lasting stabilization of the countries in the region.

At the same time, Romania is ready to contribute to the stability and development of all countries in the Black Sea region. We hope to turn this strategic area -- with its close connections to other regions of immense potential, including the Mediterranean Basin, the Caucasus, Central Asia and the Middle East -- into a cooperation and security zone.

I cannot conclude without making a brief reference to another theme to which Romania attaches particular importance. My country strongly supports concerted action to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In an international context that is often volatile and defined by a growing complexity and increased interdependence, we cannot ignore the necessity for immediate action, using the means offered by our global Organization, in particular the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1540 (2004).

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Romania for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Nicaragua.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Enrique Bolaños Geyer, President of the Republic of Nicaragua, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Bolaños Geyer (Nicaragua)

In the middle of the nineteenth century railroads were built all over the world. Steel at that time was not of such good quality and for that reason wheels sometimes broke, causing accidents and derailments. To avoid those accidents, at every station stop there was a brakeman who walked the length of the tracks, hammer in hand, hammering on the wheels so that any of the wheels that sounded broken could be changed. Years passed and the quality of steel improved, but the brakemen kept hammering on the wheels, heedless of the fact that it was no longer necessary.

The world changes, and that means that we, too, need to change in order to adapt to new circumstances. Something similar is happening in the United Nations. The Security Council, designed after the Second World War to maintain peace in the post-war world, is not the Security Council that the new century of information technology and globalization needs. We must reinvent the United Nations.

Let us begin by making the reform of the United Nations, on which we have already agreed, effective. We have to broaden participation in the Security Council to include other countries, both as permanent members -- which at the very least should include Germany and Japan -- and as non-permanent members, in order to allow for more equitable and democratic representation.

Our Organization needs to adapt to the new challenges and realities of the present. Development, for example, needs a new approach. What concerns us most is to ensure that populations and individuals participate more actively in the decisions shaping their own future. As I said three days ago, in the "Action Against Hunger and Poverty" meeting of world leaders, development is a responsibility of States, but it is also the primary responsibility of the individual.

I find the words of Nobel Laureate José Saramago are appropriate here when he writes:

"As vehemently as we claim our rights, let us also lay claim to responsibility for our duties. Perhaps then the world will become a bit better."

So it was a wise thing that our American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, signed in Bogotá in 1948, established that equal to, and as a counterpart to rights, there are also individual responsibilities.

That includes instilling in the conscience of citizens a culture of responsibility. Next to the right to receive a State-sponsored education stands the civil responsibility to make the most effective use of that education and to obtain at least a primary education. Next to the right of children to have a father and a mother stands the duty of parents to care for, help, feed, educate and shelter their young children. Children, for their part, have the responsibility always to honour their parents, help them, feed them and give them shelter when they are in need. Next to the right to employment stands the duty to provide efficient service. Everyone has the responsibility to work, each according to his ability and possibilities, in order to obtain the resources for survival, thus achieving personal progress and social development.

Along with the right to health goes the responsibility to contribute to a healthy and clean environment. With the right to enjoy the benefits of progress goes the responsibility to contribute to development. With the right to the freedom of expression goes the responsibility of tolerating differing opinions. In short, every right has a corresponding duty or responsibility.

With the fall of the Berlin wall, the age in which the State was expected to be responsible for everything came to a close. Today, we must all participate together in the search for new paths for our individual development and for that of our countries and of all humanity.

The passing of time motivates us to renew our basic principles. I therefore propose that we once again adopt an ethic of development based principally on individual responsibility as well as on the responsibility of nations.

The well-being and the development of nations are the result of individual well-being and the development of the people that make up that society. Social well-being should not be measured by how many people are assisted by social programmes financed from national budgets but by how many people leave those programmes because they have become able to manage on their own.

In his book, Underdevelopment is a State of Mind, Lawrence Harrison defines a negative attitude as a barrier to development and a positive attitude -- based on the belief in one's own ability to improve oneself through individual effort -- as a driving force of development.

In order to bolster all the elements I have cited, it is essential that the right to accede to public office should be accompanied by the responsibility to carry out one's duties honestly. At the current session of the General Assembly, several heads of State have emphasized the need to fight corruption. It is a responsibility that has rightly been gaining ground.

In Nicaragua, we have undertaken the arduous fight against corruption. First, corrupt bureaucrats have been brought to trial and sentenced, just as is happening in other Latin American countries. Secondly, we have brought before the National Assembly a body of legislation to strengthen our fight against corruption.

Thirdly, we have established a programme for integrity and transparency that prevents corrupt practices in the executive branch and which provides a model for the other branches of Government in undertaking reform and increasing transparency. For example, we have published on the Internet, for everyone to see -- for the countries extending assistance, international organizations and the media -- both the Republic's national budget and the details of external assistance.

Fourthly, we have undertaken to fight the culture of corruption, including by teaching values and promoting the idea of the individual as the maker of his or her own destiny.

We must work for a United Nations that reaffirms its credibility and authority by taking the appropriate effective collective action. Nicaragua recognizes the importance of the proposals various countries have submitted to this forum, in particular Spain's proposal to reduce external debt in exchange for initiatives for social development, particularly in the area of primary education, and the United States proposal to create a fund for democracy. Nicaragua views with approval that such a democracy fund would be partially allocated to training and support for auditing and judicial entities, given that corruption is the greatest foe of democracy. As Secretary-General Kofi Annan said yesterday, "They notice when we use words to mask inaction". Nicaragua's energy and determination are devoted to those efforts.

Recent world events have demonstrated once again the evil nature of terrorism and how it breaks down the values of humanity and civilization. I reiterate my most sincere condolences to all those countries and individuals around the world that have suffered the effects of terrorism.

I underline that we deplore, to cite only the most recent acts, those who caused the loss of the precious lives of innocent children in the Russian Federation. We also repudiate the attack against the Australian Embassy in Jakarta.

The best way to defeat terrorism is to remain faithful to our values of freedom, dignity and justice. Terrorism rejects those values.

Nicaragua aspires to be elected as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for 2006 and 2007. Nicaragua, a founding country of the Organization, has known and suffered the horrors of war and has undertaken the democratization of our nation. It is by virtue of the valuable school of our recent history that we can participate in the Security Council. As I stated in this forum last year, whoever knows the horrors of war can contribute more effectively to preventing it.

I cannot fail to refer to the question of Taiwan's representation in the United Nations. That country, with 23 million inhabitants, has a democratic Government and maintains diplomatic, trade and cooperative relations with many Member States of the Organization. However, paradoxically, it lacks membership. That exclusion is inexcusable.

At the beginning of this session, we heard the sad messages from Haiti and the Dominican Republic, which have suffered the devastating effects of nature. I convey our solidarity, encouragement and hope to those countries and to the victims of natural disasters in the United States, Grenada, Jamaica, Panama, the Bahamas, Cuba, Grand Cayman and other islands of the Caribbean.

This afternoon, I began my address by speaking of the responsibilities of citizens. That is the way for our peoples to attain their hopes, expectations and dreams.

May God bless the United Nations and may God always bless Nicaragua.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Nicaragua for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Burundi.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Domitien Ndayizeye, President of the Republic of Burundi, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Ndayizeye (Burundi)

On behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I extend my sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your well-deserved election to the prestigious presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I assure you of my entire delegation's unwavering support for you in your noble work.

I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Robert Hunte, for his excellent guidance of the work of the Assembly at the fifty-eighth session.

I also take this opportunity once again to congratulate Secretary-General Kofi Annan on his ongoing dedication and courage in discharging his responsibilities. I thank him for his ever-growing and resolute support for the cause of peace and security throughout the world and in my country, Burundi, in particular.

When the Security Council adopted resolution 1545 (2004) authorizing the deployment of the United Nations Operation in Burundi, the United Nations made a real contribution to the peace process in my country, which two months later is now drawing towards the final phase of that process.

The signing of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi on 28 August 2000 was a decisive step forward in the peace process in my country, which since 1993 had been devastated by the longest crisis in its history, even jeopardizing the very existence of the nation. The Agreement ushered in a new era of calm and a gradual return to peace with the conclusion of ceasefire agreements with the armed political movements, especially since the signing on 16 November 2003 of a comprehensive ceasefire agreement with the main rebel movement Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces nationales pour la défense de la démocratie.

Today, calm has descended throughout almost all our national territory because we have acted on our firm commitment to implement the agreements. Fully inclusive institutions have gradually been established and we are now preparing to enter the post-transition era with elected institutions, to the satisfaction of our people and that of the international community.

We wish to send the strong message that we are resolved to break the logic of violence and to support the restoration of peace, reconciliation, democracy and development in our country. We also protect and strengthen peace and security by integrating the fighters from the armed movements into the security and defence forces that we will need to establish our national army and police force, to the comfort of all. The process will be complemented by the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants and troops not included in the integration process.

The disarmament, demobilization and professional or social reintegration programme is coordinated at the uppermost level by the highest authorities of our country, including the ministries concerned and representatives of the World Bank, the army and the armed movements. The programme is currently in its first phase, bringing the combatants together into agreed zones. Those combatants will very shortly be transferred to the sites identified for their cantonment, while the Government troops will remain in their barracks. We already have in place a precedent for the integration of the forces, having created a special institutional protection brigade on 1 July. Moreover, mixed military units have begun training in a pilot centre with a view to establishing the national defence force. This approach is intended to correct the ethnic and regional imbalances that have often been observed in our country and that have constituted the source of the social and political conflict that has brought us so much suffering.

The demobilization sites are ready, but we face a terrible shortage of material and financial resources to pay for the increase in the numbers of people we will have to handle in the first few years before progressive demobilization ends. We must recall that demobilization and disarmament will make a real contribution to creating a security environment conducive to the organization of free, democratic, transparent and honest elections.

The draft post-transition constitution, which will serve as the basis for organizing the elections, and other legal and administrative texts were discussed at great length among the politicians in the President's circle and at the levels of mediation and heads of State of the subregion. Some provisions on power-sharing that did not enjoy unanimous support were upheld by 20 of 30 political parties and endorsed by the twenty-second summit of heads of State of the subregion. They were then included in the draft constitution, which was adopted unanimously by our Parliament, with a 70-per cent attendance rate, on 17 September. We have scheduled a referendum on the draft constitution for 20 October.

Thus, despite the opposition of some political parties, we believe that Burundi will soon have a post-transition constitution and other legal texts that are customary in democratic countries. We are placing our faith in the Independent National Electoral Commission established to organize the technical aspects of the elections. We would stress that the Commission will succeed only if we obtain the support of our external bilateral and multilateral partners. We sincerely thank those who have already pledged their assistance, and we would urge others to follow suit.

The efforts to maintain peace are still being resisted by the Palipehutu-Forces nationales de liberation movement, which still refuses to come to the negotiating table. Following the movement's involvement in the assassination of Papal Nuncio Monsignor Courtney and in the massacre of Congolese refugees in Gatumba and elsewhere, the summit of heads of State of the regional initiative on Burundi, meeting in Dar-es-Salaam, classified it as a terrorist organization and recommended that the United Nations and the African Union take the appropriate restrictive measures. Here, I would like to urge the United Nations to support the decisions taken at that regional summit and thus to follow the lead of the African Union, which has already responded favourably to that appeal. I also take this opportunity to thank the heads of State of the subregion and the mediators for the support that they have constantly provided to the Burundian peace process.

As everyone knows, security concerns are unfortunately not limited to within my country's borders. The security of Burundi affects that of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Tanzania. In the light of that interdependence, an international conference on peace, security, democracy, economic development and regional integration in the Great Lakes region is scheduled for November in Dar es Salaam. That conference will undoubtedly have a positive effect on the countries concerned. I have the firm conviction that it will promote a new dynamic of peace in the entire subregion so that we can bury the hatchet of war and turn resolutely towards the integral and integrated development of our peoples.

The efforts to contain and resolve the many conflicts that continue to shake the African continent are very instructive. First of all, the African countries and the African Union have shown their political will and their resolve to manage their own problems, despite an obvious shortage of resources. Therefore, it is time to call for the substantial strengthening of international support provided to the African Union and for much more active cooperation between the African Union and the United Nations on conflict prevention and the restoration of peace. Moreover, the various approaches have shown us that the quest for peace must be inclusive, not deliberately excluding anyone. That is a sensible and productive approach.

Such joint action is something we hope the Organization can do -- particularly now, when multilateralism seems to be recovering from recent difficult ordeals. We must therefore remain united to preserve the cherished ideals bequeathed to us by the founders of the United Nations and enthusiastically reaffirmed in the Millennium Declaration.

A much more cohesive and shared action under the banner of the United Nations is thus essential at the present time, marked by the complexity of the challenges we are called to face, such as nebulous international terrorism, which is more of a threat to peace, stability and the safety of our borders than ever before; the risk of the proliferation of small arms and light weapons; and prostitution and the illicit trade in human persons, whose effects are both cruel and devastating to human rights, particularly children's rights.

Cohesion undoubtedly implies a carefully planned effort. In that regard, we welcome the Secretary-General's initiative to establish a High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Its conclusions will serve as beacons to us as we seek to humanize international relations and to promote a world of solidarity and development compatible with the environment.

The complexity of the current challenges justifies -- now more than ever before -- the urgent, long-awaited reform of the Organization. We welcome the steps already taken to streamline the working methods of the General Assembly and the reforms already initiated within the Secretariat with a view to adapting the Organization's internal structures and culture to new expectations and challenges. We hope that the same dynamic will be applied to Security Council reform so that it will soon become a reality.

Attaining the Millennium Development Goals is a challenge for us all. Experts suggest that the efforts already undertaken are not equal to the task. Therefore, we must sharpen our focus by mobilizing more of the necessary resources.

Our moral and historic responsibility to future generations is particularly great in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Entire families have been decimated, millions of children have been orphaned and elderly persons are abandoned, alone and defenceless. It is the family structure that is disintegrating, and that is horrible to see. It is our common responsibility to unite our forces to wipe out this pandemic, which knows no borders and threatens the very survival of the human race. We have no right to fail.

In the economic area, we know the unbearable situation of the peoples in the least developed countries, who are trapped in abject poverty. In that regard, my delegation urges the international community to work together in implementing the Brussels Programme of Action. From that perspective, debt relief, more flexible conditions for joining the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, an increase in official development assistance and the opening up of international markets deserve careful attention.

The international community cannot remain indecisive on the issue of agricultural subsidies in industrialized countries that distort the rules of the game of free competition and considerably reduce the opportunities for poor countries to develop.

Africa has enormous natural resources, yet poverty, diseases and suffering of every kind ravage it more than they do other continents. By forming the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Africans have committed themselves to promoting good political and economic governance -- a prerequisite for sustainable development. The priorities are already identified, sector by sector, and the subregional structures are being further strengthened. Yet the success of the efforts currently under way will depend not only on the resolve of Africans themselves, but also on the level of solidarity offered by the international community.

The twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century have witnessed important forums in which the world's leaders have made decisive commitments in various areas affecting human security, in the profound sense of the term. Those commitments, which have given rise to much hope throughout the world, have been implemented only partially. It is our hope that the high-level plenary meeting scheduled for 2005 will be able to breathe new life into the implementation of the commitments made, for the happiness and prosperity of present and future generations.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Burundi for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Interim President of the Republic of Haiti.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Boniface Alexandre, Interim President of the Republic of Haiti, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Alexandre (Haiti)

It is a pleasure for me, on behalf of the people and the Government of Haiti and on my own behalf, to express to you, Sir, my heartfelt congratulations on your election on 10 June to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth regular session. The outstanding qualities that have won you this distinction undoubtedly constitute a guarantee that our work will progress well. I am convinced that advances will be made in the search for viable and lasting solutions to the different problems confronting the international community. I also wish to express our gratitude to Minister Julian Hunte of Saint Lucia, whose far-sightedness and sense of balance gave decisive weight to his initiatives to give new dynamics to the work of the General Assembly during the last session.

I also want to pay tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to reiterate to him, on behalf of the Haitian people, our deepest appreciation for the constant interest that he has shown in Haiti. This is also an opportunity for me to express to you, Mr. President, and to the United Nations family my deepest thanks for the expressions of sympathy towards -- and solidarity with -- the Haitian people, once again struck by terrible floods on 18 and 19 September 2004.

Since 1945, our Organization has given proof of its capacity for survival and renewal. Nonetheless, the recent course of events in certain parts of the world is of constant concern. The imposing of terror as a form of political expression is completely unacceptable. In this regard, Haiti endorses the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. The spiral of violence, which tragically affects civilian populations here and elsewhere, is an attack on human dignity and on the culture of peace that the United Nations embodies. The United Nations must necessarily play its role in the forefront, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, in the settlement of disputes that threaten international peace and security. The Republic of Haiti wishes to reaffirm its commitment to the ideals and to the principles of universality of our Organization and to the objectives of peace and development to be attained through international cooperation.

While the Republic of Haiti celebrates, this year, the bicentenary of its independence, it has had to request the solidarity of the United Nations to help in the stabilization of the situation in the country, following the events of 29 February 2004. The Haitian people express their appreciation to the Security Council, which, at my request, gave the international community the mandate to help Haiti in the process of political transition by virtue of Security Council resolutions 1529 (2004) and 1542 (2004).

Seven months after the major political events that took place in Haiti, I have come here to bear witness to the hopes that democratic renewal is inspiring in the Haitian population. I am also here to say, on behalf of the Haitian people and their Government, that the Republic of Haiti has never felt as close to the principles and the objectives of the United Nations, which, at the height of our distress, showed its interest in a future of freedom, democracy and collective well-being in Haiti.

On 29 February 2004, in accordance with the principles of the Haitian Constitution and in my capacity as Chief Justice of our Supreme Court, I took my oath as interim President of the Republic. Fifteen days later, a Government of transition was established, with the participation of the political and social forces of the country. The transition over which I am presiding is designed to be inclusive. The democratic process has begun. Political parties are forming, and others are reorganizing themselves. A constant and fruitful dialogue has begun between the authorities of the State, the political class and civil society organizations in the country. In that same spirit, a mutually satisfactory agreement was reached on 18 September between the Government authorities and the representatives of the demobilized military. This thus spared the nation a bloodbath and a pointless fratricidal struggle.

I pledged, before the Haitian nation, to put an end to the political transition that dated back some 20 years. May this transition put an end to the transition. General elections will be organized in 2005. The Government resolutely supports this process, and, on 7 February 2006, I must and will hand power over to a democratically elected President.

I thank those States that made the deployment of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) possible, particularly those that have made or will make contingents available to the mission. I invite MINUSTAH to work more closely with the Haitian authorities for genuine disarmament in the country. It is not admissible that armed groups commit their misdeeds with impunity, without being the least disturbed by the presence of MINUSTAH. The Haitian national police is steadily strengthening. The transitional Government counts on international cooperation to make that strengthening not only quantitative, but qualitative, in terms of training and equipment.

Without the active and sustained support of the international community, the objectives of the transitional Government might not be achieved. That failure would mean a return to anarchy and chaos in Haiti and would be a grave setback to the United Nations.

However, Haiti has a fresh look. All freedoms are guaranteed, international commitments are respected and justice again prevails. Unfortunately, the Government of Haiti and its intentions were recently questioned, following a verdict in which no member of the executive branch had any role whatsoever, and that, in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Republic.

The necessary reform of the Haitian judicial system is clearly an imperative. But it is fundamentally unjust to blame the present Government of brazen interference in judiciary proceedings or to systematically bleed magistrates and the civil servants in charge of establishing the law.

The Government of Haiti is extremely sensitive to the comments and remarks of its friends and partners with whom it is cooperating in all fields of political, economic and social governance; but it refuses to be associated with or connected to decisions that involve only one organ of the State, which acted completely independently, even if those decisions might raise certain questions.

What must not be forgotten is that I am still President of the Court of Appeals, provisionally exercising the function of President of the Republic. Therefore, I cannot tolerate any arbitrary action, nor can I tolerate any interference of the political authority in the judiciary system. Justice must be independent.

Guaranteeing security, promoting freedom and human dignity, promoting economic growth and social development, preparing the provisional electoral council for the holding of honest, credible and clean elections -- those are the objectives that the Government of Haiti intends to achieve through its programme of action, within the current climate of exceptional difficulties.

For that reason, I make a solemn appeal from this rostrum to the international community, to friendly countries, to the specialized agencies of the United Nations system, and to all of those for whom solidarity is not just word that special attention, beyond symbolic gestures, be given to the Republic of Haiti so that a substantial and well-directed cooperative effort may help mobilize the necessary resources, with a view to immediate and long-term action, and may promote the return of sustained growth in Haiti following years of stagnation.

The people of Haiti are starting anew, and it is natural that at this time they should turn to the United Nations. Based upon the values and objectives that we share, Haiti seeks the understanding of its natural partners so that it can at last break the infernal cycle of violence and isolation in which it has lived for too long.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Interim President of the Republic of Haiti for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Guatemala.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Mr. Oscar Berger Perdomo, President of the Republic of Guatemala, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Perdomo (Guatemala)

I would like to begin by expressing our appreciation to Mr. Julian Hunte, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Lucia, for his accomplished and skilful leadership of the General Assembly during its previous session.

I would also like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.

I would also like to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the great wisdom that he has shown in the discharge of his functions. He deserves our respect and appreciation, and we extend to him our support and solidarity.

My country has reached a crucial point in its history. It faces the challenge of living up to the expectations raised by the end of the internal armed conflict. Since January, when I assumed office, the frustrated hopes of all of our people have been rekindled.

My plan of government is predicated on the peace agreements and defines their implementation as a commitment of the whole nation. As President of Guatemala, I endorse fully the principle that a firm and lasting peace must be based on participatory socio-economic development, aimed at achieving the common good and responding to the needs of all of our people, particularly those still living in extreme poverty.

Since I took office, I have made a point of listening to the opinions of all of our citizens. That has enabled me to identify the constraints facing Guatemala, which it must overcome if it is to deal adequately with the many legitimate social demands and expectations.

The actions that my Government intends to take in the period 2004 to 2008 will focus on four areas: social investment; conditions of production; environmental sustainability; and security for all. Those policies are being carried out within the framework of the principles of solidarity and inclusiveness; decentralization and participation; and transparency in public actions. Those areas of action and principles accord fully with the Millennium Development Goals.

I would like to single out a number of achievements resulting from our new approach to government. We have reduced our troop strength by 43 per cent and have begun to modernize the armed forces and to make them more professional, consistent with the functions that they are required to perform in time of peace. This includes, at the international level, greater participation by the Guatemalan army in United Nations peace operations, for example in Haiti.

In terms of public spending, we are according priority to education, health, security, citizenship and infrastructure.

We are fighting petty crime, gang-related crime and organized crime, focusing in particular on combating drug trafficking, terrorism, smuggling, money laundering, trafficking in persons and the illegal arms trade, all of which represent a huge challenge that cannot be overcome without the support of the international community.

We are waging an all-out war against corruption, and creating mechanisms to ensure transparency in public procurement and contracting. For the first time in the history of our country, charges of corruption are being investigated, and those found guilty will be prosecuted.

We have adopted a series of measures aimed at elaborating and implementing a fiscal pact. Sustained efforts are being made to meet the taxation goals set out in the peace agreements, within the framework of my Government's objectives for economic growth.

We have, as a matter of priority, established a national front against hunger and malnutrition. Working with civil society, we have elaborated a policy on food and nutritional security.

We have consolidated our responsible approach to macroeconomic management; that is necessary if we are to promote competitiveness and productive investment and ensure the well-being of all Guatemalans. In this context, we launched a programme for economic and social recovery, entitled Vamos Guatemala.

We have taken firm measures to eliminate extreme poverty and reduce social exclusion, while fully respecting our diversity -- for Guatemala is a multi-ethnic, multicultural and multilingual country.

My Government is committed to full respect for human rights. We believe that every Guatemalan should enjoy basic rights and fundamental freedoms, and that the right to development must be ensured. In this context, Guatemala will cooperate with international bodies that promote and protect human rights.

My Government's foreign policy is consistent with its national interests. Our guiding principle is the need to ensure that Guatemala can take its proper place in today's globalized world, as well as to strengthen multilateralism and regional integration.

The presidents of the Central American countries have given greater impetus to our integration process. This year, we took the decisions required to bring to fruition a customs union between El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Guatemala.

My Government is proposing a new beginning in its bilateral relationship with Belize. We must reach a permanent, just, equitable and honourable settlement of the territorial dispute between the two countries, while at the same time making a constructive effort to resolve the socio-economic problems afflicting our peoples. That is why my Government is promoting joint projects relating to production, a trade agreement, greater flexibility in the transit of persons, goods and services, full observance of human rights and the conclusion of agreements for mutual legal assistance, all of which will contribute to the progress of our peoples and to the security of the region.

The Central American countries have just concluded trade negotiations with the United States. Last May, at the Guadalajara Summit, an announcement was made regarding the initiation of a process leading up to an association agreement between Central America and the European Union, to include a free trade agreement. We will shortly be signing a trade agreement with Colombia, and we hope to conclude free trade agreements with Taiwan, MERCOSUR, the Andean Group and the Caribbean Community.

Looking after the interests of Guatemalan emigrants is also a priority issue for my Government. We provide support for them as they seek solutions to their problems and respect for their fundamental rights. We are in contact with the receiving countries, particularly the United States of America, with a view to regularizing the situation of emigrants, who make a substantial contribution to the well-being of their communities.

All the efforts that Guatemala is making to overcome poverty and achieve socio-economic development necessarily depend on the progress being made in multilateral trade negotiations. Guatemala appeals to the international community to fulfil its longstanding commitments to eliminate all the measures and practices that distort markets, to liberalize trade in our products and, more generally, to adopt measures enabling a country like Guatemala, which has been striving to open its economy, to obtain better opportunities for access to markets for its exports.

May I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the United Nations Verification Mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA), which, after 10 years of fruitful work, is reaching the end of its mandate. MINUGUA has left an important legacy in our country.

I would like to turn now to our agenda at this session. We are convinced of the need to adapt the Organization to the new challenges, threats and changes that humanity faces. We trust that 2005 will offer us an opportunity to react to them in a responsible manner.

One of the most timely issues is the reform of the Security Council. Our position thereon has been evolving, reflecting the imperative need to make that organ more representative, transparent and effective. We advocate the expansion of its membership and could agree to such an expansion being applied to both categories of members -- permanent and non-permanent -- so long as the need to ensure adequate geographic representation is taken into account. The reform of the Security Council would be the point of departure for the adaptation of all the organs of the United Nations to the new circumstances. We favour the strengthening of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council.

We reiterate our complete repudiation of all forms of terrorism. We are taking all feasible measures at the national level against the scourge and support the collective action of the international community to combat it, inter alia, through the implementation of Security Council resolutions 1373 (2001) and 1390 (2002), as well as participation in the relevant treaties.

We are convinced of the need for a stronger collective capacity to prevent and resolve conflicts. We believe that the United Nations should continue to address the imperative of development, including such emerging issues as transnational migrations. We also feel that our Organization should play a vital role in seeking to ensure that the benefits of globalization are widely distributed among all countries. In that connection, we wish to highlight the significance we attach to the Monterrey Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of Action.

Guatemala is conscious of the divisions that persist in the Middle East, Asia and Africa among neighbouring countries. We earnestly hope that the disputes between them can be resolved through dialogue and other peaceful means, thus enabling all peoples of the world to be represented here without rejection or discrimination.

I wish to note in particular our concern over the situation of the 23 million inhabitants of the Republic of China on Taiwan, whose aspirations to representation in international bodies remain unfulfilled. We also wish to voice our earnest hope that the difficult situation prevailing in the Middle East, which has deteriorated of late, will be resolved in conformity with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), 1397 (2002) and 1402 (2002).

Under your guidance, Sir, this Assembly will have to address issues of the greatest significance for humankind and the United Nations. Guatemala undertakes to participate actively in this year's debates and in the special event to be held just before our next regular session. We hasten to offer our cooperation with a view to the success of your endeavours.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Guatemala for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of El Salvador.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Elías Antonio Saca González, President of the Republic of El Salvador, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Saca González (El Salvador)

It is my great honour to represent the Salvadoran people as I address the United Nations, the supreme global forum, for the first time.

I wish to convey my sincerest congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to coordinate the work of this session. We also thank Mr. Julian Hunte for his outstanding leadership of the last session of the General Assembly.

To the Secretary-General, we reiterate our admiration and our respect for his leadership in the fulfilment of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter at a time when the Organization is confronting growing and complex global challenges affecting international peace and security.

Internal and international conflicts, terrorism and transnational organized crime, the persistence of extreme poverty, environmental deterioration and unresolved development problems are global in nature and require a harmonizing centre that can support the efforts of the international community to find shared and consensual solutions in order to establish an international order that responds to the needs and aspirations of humankind.

That integrating centre must be the United Nations. We therefore support the establishment of the panel of eminent persons to make recommendations on collective security and the strengthening of multilateralism in order more effectively to confront global challenges.

Irrational and criminal terrorist acts have highlighted the need for us to unite in our efforts and our determination, regardless of the differences that may exist among States, to unify our views and adopt collective action to find ways to confront the phenomenon and its causes, in the framework of respect for international law.

The delegation of El Salvador reaffirms its full conviction that global terrorism is not an issue between cultures or nations. From that perspective, the Government of El Salvador has decided to respond to the United Nations appeal by participating in the work of reconstruction and humanitarian assistance in Iraq.

By its very nature, our presence in Iraq deserves an additional explanation. We are not there for military reasons. Ours is a considered response to the appeal launched by this Organization for the international community to help in the transition phase leading to the full establishment of authority based on the free will of the Iraqi people, with absolute respect for its territorial integrity, its own culture and its unquestionable right to define its own destiny.

El Salvador suffered a long internal war and succeeded, with the support of the international community and the United Nations, in achieving lasting peace. We believe that the time has come to make our testimony and accumulated experience, both during the political negotiations for peace and the peace-building phase, available to other peoples.

El Salvador reiterates its firm and resolute support for peace-building and peacekeeping operations, above all because we have enjoyed the benefits of such an operation, but also, of course, because of their positive results in various regions of the world. On the basis of that conviction, our country has signed a memorandum of understanding with the United Nations, the best evidence of El Salvador's commitment to such activities, which are so necessary in today's complex and unquiet world. We have presented a list of resources that are available to the world Organization as a basis for our participation in future operations, in addition to those in which we are already participating.

In that context, in order to demonstrate our spirit of cooperation on these issues, I am pleased to announce my Government's interest in submitting its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council so as to make our accumulated experience available to this Organization.

Since the successful conclusion of our internal conflict, El Salvador has focused its attention resolutely on human development. The Government I lead, by dint of a broad majority vote of the Salvadoran people on 1 June, is one of openness and inclusion, with a vision of national integration and service to the interests and aspirations of our people. Such vital questions as security, employment, the effective improvement of basic services and the productivity of our communities and regions are the top priorities of our governing programme.

We are focusing on transforming national education, on reshaping public health care, on significantly strengthening the rule of law, on combating crime in all its manifestations and at all levels, on reactivating the economy and on making Salvadoran society internationally competitive. Insofar as we achieve greater progress domestically, we will be competitive externally.

In addition, however, we are working on a social plan geared towards reducing extreme poverty in the next five years. To that end, we are undertaking a tax reform that will increase tax collection and reduce evasion, allowing us to obtain the additional funds necessary to implementing our social plan. We shall levy a special tax on tobacco, alcohol, weapons and ammunition in order to promote a special health care fund with which we will expand health assistance to the rural areas of our country and undermine the black market in those goods.

In the approximately 100 days that we have been in office, we have undertaken important health reforms by extending medical coverage to the age of 12 for the children of workers who contribute to Salvadoran social security and by granting emergency paediatric services to almost 400,000 boys and girls.

We know that no Government effort will be effective without the cooperation of all sectors in our country. We are therefore launching a mechanism of understanding with all our political and social forces. In that context, we have established an employment agreement that seeks solutions, together with private enterprise, for strengthening the agriculture, construction, tourism and micro-, small and medium-sized business sectors, with the aim of generating more jobs.

One of the best mechanisms for increasing our development potential is investment in education. In that awareness, we have launched the National Education Plan 2021, which seeks to reinvigorate our vision of the future of education through short-, medium- and long-term programmes. We hope that our national effort will also enjoy international cooperation. That is why we were pleased by the decision taken by the Government of Spain to provide assistance for primary education.

The most urgent of the challenges confronting Salvadoran society is that of providing security to our citizens. In order to meet that need, we recently established a rural police force, along with a uncompromising plan to eradicate delinquency in urban areas overrun by gangs. The plan also offers special programmes for young people who wish to abandon the path of crime.

El Salvador unreservedly shares the interests expressed at the International Conference on Financing for Development. We reiterate our dedication to seeking alternative ways and means and renewed commitments to making the fight on poverty more effective -- an objective that is interlinked with peace and security in the modern world.

In that vein, we welcome the initiative of Brazil, France, Chile and Spain confirming the need, in the fight against hunger and poverty, for greater and more effective efforts to place stability and global security on a solid foundation. If we all apply our will and commitment, we can develop new programmes and identify innovative public policies that will allow us to achieve the Millennium Goals.

Throughout its history, El Salvador has been a country of emigration. The flow of emigration was intensified by the war, and today virtually one third of our population lives abroad. Maintaining and deepening links with the country of origin is one of the main policies of our administration. Our national reality requires us to integrate the views of Salvadorans abroad with local expectations. The economic impact of this phenomenon is decisive to our life as a nation, but equally or even more important is the sociological and cultural impact of the situation. The phenomenon of transculturization experienced by our society is changing El Salvador forever.

The contribution of migrants to their countries of origin and to their host countries deserves special attention from the international community, and particularly from the specialized agencies of the United Nations system. The transfer of remittances is a key element in the mobilization of resources for the eradication of poverty and the attainment of the Millennium Goals. The reduction of the cost of remittances should be a concern of the international community. From that standpoint, I am pleased to express our great interest in participating actively in the high-level dialogue on international migration and development, to be held in 2006.

We welcome the United States proposal to create a fund for democracy. In the same vein, El Salvador welcomes the General Assembly's proclamation of 2005 as the International Year of Microcredit. The proclamation can promote the strengthening of micro-, small and medium-sized enterprises, which represent a broad spectrum of the social fabric and help sustain national progress.

In today's world, globalization has put us all on the map of international reality. It promotes the dynamic of strategic alliances in trade and all other fields, and makes it possible to build models for development by comparing them with other experiences. Gradually and in a balanced manner, we have decided to strengthen our links of cooperation with various developed countries. The prevailing regionalization makes us all dependent on one another. In the case of countries such as ours, the situation leads us to nurture our energies and creativity, open markets, promote financial flows, facilitate the transfer of technology and encourage competitiveness. These are major opportunities and challenges that we must all accept.

While cooperation for development remains fundamental, El Salvador reiterates the urgent need for a system of multilateral trade that is open, fair, rule-based, foreseeable and non-discriminatory, in accordance with the objectives of the Millennium Declaration.

In a world that is becoming increasingly globalized and therefore increasingly interdependent, economic phenomena affect us all in a chain reaction. The current international energy situation has a significant impact on the economies of our countries, with a negative effect on the dynamics of growth and progress. Thus, from this United Nations rostrum we strongly urge that we explore, as an organized community, not only short-term avenues for overcoming the crises, but also structural remedies that can help the most vulnerable countries, in particular. It is contradictory to talk about combating poverty and hunger while the consumer countries are paying such high prices for petroleum.

The complex Palestinian-Israeli conflict is a source of enormous concern to our country, given the incessant violence, the lack of control over terrorist groups and the ever-growing difficulty of returning to dialogue and political understanding. Our country reiterates, as it has done consistently, its support for any effort and measure to open space for a negotiated political solution that takes into account the legitimate interests of the parties directly involved.

As for the Republic of China on Taiwan, that is a case which the community of nations must examine in the light of international realities. Resolution 2758 (XXVI) of 1971 did not resolve the issue of the representation of the Taiwanese people in the United Nations. That nation has developed politically, economically and socially in an independent, free and democratic way. It has its own institutions and characteristics, just like any other State of the international community. However, Taiwan's situation in the international community is exceptional, because its absence from this forum is a denial of the exercise of the rights that are recognized to other peoples and of the universal and democratic nature of our Organization. Our delegation therefore supports consideration of the exceptional situation of the population of the Republic of China on Taiwan and its eventual participation in this forum and other international organizations.

Our Organization has played, is playing and will continue to play a decisive role in maintaining the world's healthy balance. Reality is changing constantly. Many things have been left behind and many things await us. Institutions in all areas and at all levels must evolve with the changing times. In that vein, we associate ourselves with those who are committed to the structural renewal of the United Nations. We believe that such reform must encompass the highest structures, including the Security Council.

Every year, the nations of the world, through their representatives, attend this rendezvous with the destiny of the world. We have the responsibility to do nothing less than to build a better world for current and future generations. Every word, every gesture and every decision made or reached here must be aimed at that lofty purpose. Only if we combine our efforts can a new, safer, fairer, more peaceful and more sharing reality emerge. Together with all the nations represented here, El Salvador takes up the challenge of joining in that concert of constructive wills, in the confidence that the god of nations will illuminate and encourage us so that we may fulfil his will for peace and brotherhood in a world in which no one is left behind.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of El Salvador for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Chairman of the National Transitional Government of the Republic of Liberia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Charles Gyude Bryant, Chairman of the National Transitional Government of the Republic of Liberia, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

Chairman Bryant (Liberia)

It is an honour for me to stand here today to address the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.

When, in 1945, Liberia joined the efforts to establish this Organization in order to bring an end to a global war and to pursue justice and maintain world peace, little did we know that we had subscribed to an insurance policy that, 59 years later, would provide coverage for Liberia and redeem its people and its sovereignty.

As members know, Liberia is a country in transition from continued crisis to sustainable peace. The United Nations, the United States and the European Union have all worked with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to stabilize the situation, attending to the humanitarian crisis and navigating the difficult road to peace. We remain immensely grateful for the role of South Africa and ECOWAS for providing regional leadership in the search for peace in Liberia. The pivotal roles played by both the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Republic of Ghana deserve special commendation. We are particularly grateful to Secretary-General Annan and the United Nations, the United States and the European Union for partnering with ECOWAS in these endeavours.

I am pleased to inform this Assembly that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement singed in Ghana in August 2003 continues to guide the Liberian peace process. A power-sharing National Transitional Government comprising all warring factions, political parties, and civil society is working. The ceasefire agreement signed on June 17, 2003, continues to be insured by the 15,000-strong United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), operating with a Chapter VII mandate. The force is now disarming and demobilizing all armed groups.

At the beginning of the United Nations Mission in October 2003, we estimated that some 38,000 combatants would have submitted themselves to the disarmament and demobilization program. Today, 73,600 fighters have been disarmed. Over 22,000 pieces of serviceable weapons of all kinds have been surrendered and decommissioned, and more than 5 million rounds of ammunition collected and destroyed by UNMIL.

Meanwhile, the high number of combatants disarmed and demobilized has overwhelmed our capacity to rehabilitate and reintegrate them. The absence of social infrastructures exacerbates the situation. War-related damage to the national infrastructures and community facilities is extensive. Without exception, all communities have lost their capacity to accommodate and support even the slightest caseload of returnees.

Some of the ex-combatants have enrolled in civil works programmes sponsored by UNMIL, the European Commission, the United States Agency for International Development and the People's Republic of China. A significant number are seeking readmission into regular academic programmes. Others are enrolling in vocational training institutions to acquire life skills.

There are special efforts being made for children and female former fighters to receive specialized care and training through programmes sponsored by United Nations agencies and other international and local non-governmental organizations.

As a direct result of the civil conflict, a sizeable number of Liberians are currently residing outside of the country, mostly as refugees. As disarmament nears completion and as our Government extends its authority, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees is preparing for organized repatriation of Liberians. In addition, some 500,000 internally displaced persons are expected to commence leaving their camps and returning to their local communities towards the end of October this year.

The role the United Nations is playing to bring sustainable peace and human dignity to our country and people is phenomenal and indicative of the new challenges which the United Nations and the international community must face and meet head on if we, the people of the United Nations, are to live in peace and enjoy our inalienable rights. Peace and the freedom to enjoy those rights under the rule of law require not just curative measures, but preventive actions to address the problems of poverty, ignorance and disease of the world's poorer peoples and countries.

The National Transitional Government's recovery agenda has as its focus the improvement of the well-being of our people by the creation of employment opportunities to put returnees and ex-combatants to work. Our recent history teaches us that when ex-combatants are not meaningfully rehabilitated and reintegrated and that when many in our society are not stakeholders and are excluded, we run the risk that they will return to violent crime and conflict. We are extremely worried about that prospect.

Against that background, there is now real urgency to revive our economy and create jobs. That is why, in June of this year, I pleaded with the Security Council to lift the sanctions imposed on diamonds and timber -- two sectors that hold great potential for job creation and economic recovery. Sanctions continue to hurt Liberia. It must not be forgotten that the sanctions were imposed primarily because Liberia was exporting conflict by trafficking in arms for diamonds. A related reason was the lack of transparency and accountability in the management of State resources, especially from the forestry sector and the maritime programme. That situation no longer obtains.

Our Government is not buying arms. To the contrary, we are disarming tens of thousands of combatants. We are also cooperating with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the African Development Bank, the European Commission and the United States Treasury and State Departments in putting into place proper mechanisms for transparency and accountability in the use of State resources.

In that regard, the European Commission is funding the systems audit of five revenue-generating agencies and the Central Bank of Liberia. The World Bank is working with the Government to reform the public procurement system and is assisting the Liberia Petroleum Refinery Corporation to put into place a system of international competitive bidding of petroleum products. The IMF is assisting the Central Bank to introduce transparency in the management of the foreign exchange regime. The United States Treasury Department is engaged with us in financial sector reforms, particularly in the areas of monetary policy, revenue enhancement, budgeting and expenditure controls. Also, the United States State Department is working with the Forestry Development Authority in implementing an environment-friendly forestry reform programme.

Given all these efforts, we once again appeal to the Security Council to lift the sanctions to enable us to create jobs and to attend to the enormous social needs of our people.

In early February, the United Nations, in collaboration with the World Bank and the United States Government, co-hosted a donors conference for Liberia. The aim of the conference was to seek support for our two-year reconstruction plan. The international community responded generously with pledges of $520 million. I am happy to report that, to date, $455 million of those pledges have been classified as firm commitments. Projects are under way to spend those funds and to bring much needed relief to our people.

Elections in Liberia are not new, but most have been characterized by widespread rigging. Thus, unfair elections in themselves have been a major source of conflict in Liberia. This time around, Liberians are determined to undertake free and fair elections as an equity participation in the investment of sustainable peace and national renewal. The Transitional Government remains committed to the holding of elections in October 2005 and to the smooth transfer of power to a democratically elected Government in January 2006.

Liberia has developed strong collaborative efforts with our neighbours in the Mano River Union to end the activities of armed non-State actors. The Mano River Union countries have committed themselves to strictly adhering to the Non-Aggression and Security Cooperation Treaty of the Union and the meticulous implementation of the fifteenth protocol. Liberia reiterates its commitment to cooperating with all provisions on security and peace as enshrined in the charters of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Mano River Union.

We call on the United Nations to urgently engage in crisis prevention and in strengthening the peace in our region. In that regard, we urge this body to work with regional and subregional organizations, such as the African Union and ECOWAS.

Today more than ever before, the utility of the United Nations is being tested. Never before has the world faced so many different types of conflicts in so many different places at the same time. However, we are encouraged by the fact that the high number and complexity of those problems have not lessened the determination of Member States to stay the course of fostering international peace and stability.

The threat posed by global terrorism, combined with widespread poverty, especially in developing countries, constitutes a real barrier to the attainment of the Millennium Goals.

The continued existence of conflicts in the Middle East provides a source of worry. After decades, it is time that a workable solution be found to the Israeli-Palestinian issue.

The current Iraqi crisis is also troubling to a world body searching for solutions to world conflicts. Liberia calls for a unified global approach to the Iraqi question and urges the United Nations to play an active role in the resolution of that crisis.

In Africa, news from the Darfur region in Sudan is frightening. We support the position of the African Union on the Darfur problem and ask for a speedy resolution of the crisis so as to bring relief to the region.

The recent massacre of nearly 200 Tutsi in Burundi sends a grim reminder of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Urgent action should be taken to contain the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Making peace is difficult because the resolution of conflicts sometimes engenders new contradictions that must be addressed. In post-conflict situations like ours, where national capacities have been decimated, the continued goodwill of the international community to assist in reconstruction is paramount. We thus pray for the continued engagement of the United Nations in global crises.

Liberia has gone through 15 years of violent conflicts. In Accra, Ghana, in 2003, Liberians reasoned together to reject war and build a better society. Liberia is now breaking through from being a failed State to being a democratic and vibrant society. There is now a growing sense of hope and optimism among our people. We cannot fail now, for we have seen the cost of war as compared to the price of peace. Liberians have finally resolved to choose the path of peace and stay on it.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Chairman of the National Transitional Government of the Republic of Liberia for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Bolivia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Carlos Mesa Gisbert, President of the Republic of Bolivia, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Mesa Gisbert (Bolivia)

On behalf of Bolivia, I wish to express a concern that is global: the issue of terrorism. A world that is haunted by terrorism is an insecure world, one whose prospects are threatened. Bolivia believes that the fight against terrorism is one of the most important tasks we need to undertake together. The incident in Beslan in the Russian Federation demonstrates how far it is possible to go in brutal actions that are entirely divorced from any sense of humanity.

The fight against terrorism must also be linked to the struggle against other scourges of concern to us all. In that context, Bolivia affirms its most resolute commitment to the fight against drug trafficking, which in our country is being waged through the eradication of excess coca, undertaken with respect for the nation's tradition of consumption. That joint task could not be fulfilled without the presence and support of the international community and in the context of shared responsibility. Shared responsibility requires clear action to be taken on both sides of the chain of production to eliminate the scourge of drug trafficking. Shared responsibility requires the social and the economic issues to be considered when addressing the problem.

Bolivia has elaborated the idea of alternative development, which we would wish to see converted into comprehensive development. In other words, the participation of the communities and villages where coca is produced in Bolivia should be part of the decision-making process and of the design of strategies to modify current practices of cultivation and to generate reasonable economic options, to open markets, and to reduce the costs of intervention to the international community in the eradication of coca, and in particular in the process of seeking viable alternative ways for the Bolivian economy.

We believe that the fight against the scourges that are currently stalemating humankind could not be waged without a multilateral response to the challenges to modern society. We firmly believe in multilateralism and strongly support the United Nations as the arena of that multilateralism. We are convinced that the time has come to produce a series of comprehensive reforms in the Organization as a whole. That would require, inter alia, an expansion of the Security Council at the onset of a new historic era. As the challenges have changed, so too must the responses.

In that context, we are convinced that another aspect to be thoroughly reviewed is the paradigm of global development, which is unsustainable over time and will not allow for long-term responses, but which will instead generate complex problems that cannot be resolved. A change in the development paradigm requires openness of mind and a heterodox capacity to respond to the basic parameters in which the world economy functions today, without demagogic responses or utopian solutions. On the contrary, we need to ponder such issues as hunger, poverty and exclusion, which afflict millions of human beings on our planet.

This is a good opportunity to recall that, over the past year, Bolivia has experienced a particularly difficult situation. In October 2003, a social, political and economic crisis pushed our nation to the brink of confrontation and violence, with unforeseeable consequences. The crisis threatened all of our institutions, and in particular our democratic system. The Bolivian response to that crisis was issued peacefully, in respect for democracy, through a mechanism of constitutional succession that allowed me, as Vice-President, to take office as President and to assume the enormous challenges to the country in order to restore order, peace and the prospects and hopes of our society.

Why did this crisis occur in Bolivia? It happened because of an accumulation of historic arrears that, at some point, had to be paid for by our society. Those arrears included exclusion, discrimination, a vision of Bolivian society rife with racism, and truly dreadful poverty. The efforts undertaken by the country on the basis of a liberal economic model and of a structural adjustment model had their highs and lows. Positive results allowed for macroeconomic stability, but genuinely inadequate results in the social sphere were the outcome primarily of exhaustion and the need for different responses. All of those historical arrears fell due in October, leading to a popular upheaval that ended in social turmoil, calling not only for a short-term response -- ours, I believe, was effective in that democracy and peace were preserved -- but also and above all for a forward-looking solution.

What are the major challenges facing Bolivia today in its geographical, historical and geopolitical contexts? It must first resolve its own conflict between society and State and the challenges of its own economic growth. One of the country's key issues was the definition of an energy policy once we learned that our nation has one of the largest reserves of natural gas in South America.

We chose a path that was difficult, yet attractive, and that marked our desire for democratic participation and participative democracy -- please forgive the wordplay -- within our society. We opted for a binding referendum in which the people of Bolivia were able to decide what they wished to do with their most important energy resources. The referendum highlighted our will to participate and to define our own destiny. It was successfully held on 18 July. It took place in a framework of peace, of democratic participation and of clear and convincing responses that allowed our Government to move forward with a hydrocarbons and natural gas policy that regulates export, industrialization and relations with investors and investment companies that are appropriate and useful to our nation.

In this forum, I wish to affirm our belief in a constructive and mutually beneficial relationship between private investors in Bolivia and the representatives of the State. Perhaps one of the most important lessons of recent years is that we must neither revert to the old system of State capitalism of the 1950s and 1960s, nor pursue the rigid orthodoxy of the liberal vision.

The answer for today is a practical combination within the false distinction between the market and the State. That distinction must be abolished and the combination made viable without exclusions and without jeopardizing the fundamental concept, in which we believe, that legal security is guaranteed by the rule of law. That is the path on which we have embarked as we work to adopt new hydrocarbons legislation.

Perhaps the most important thing for Bolivia in the coming months, however, is to reach a new social covenant. While the relationship between society and the State has been severely damaged and threatened by collapse, it is clear that the concept of democratic participation has to be reflected in that covenant through a constituent assembly, freely elected to define the outline of the country that we wish to build in the immediate future.

Given that my Government has no political party or organized presence in that context, we shall convene a constituent assembly that is truly pluralistic and in which the elements of our Magna Carta will be provided by various social sectors yet respond to a single basic concept: an end to exclusion and discrimination; the option -- in a country where the majority is of indigenous Quechua, Aymara or Guaraní origin -- for the majority to express itself; and the definition, in a democratic context and in the framework of distinct regions and distinct visions, of the profile of a viable nation.

I also wish to note that we achieved something very important after the crisis: the restoration of peace through transparent, honest and austere action that Bolivia urgently needed. This does not mean that the task is done. The struggle against corruption will always be a challenge in our country, as it is elsewhere in the world, but I believe that we have demonstrated a clear commitment that has given us credibility and legitimacy in our society.

Transparency, honesty and austerity are vital elements in a poor nation that must administer appropriately and efficiently the meagre resources at its disposal. In that context, I wish here at the United Nations to thank the international community, which was consistent and unified in its support for Bolivia during the crisis and in the following months, helping us to implement a consistent macroeconomic policy to resolve such serious issues as its heavy fiscal deficit.

Given its geographical location at the centre of our continent, Bolivia should be a pivotal country in the fast-paced process of integration. That process has two major protagonists: the Andean Community, of which we are a member, and the Southern Common Market, of which we are an associate member. At first, we were a "hinge" country, but we are now in the process of integration that will gradually encompass a large bloc of South American nations, which we welcome and towards which we are striving.

In that context of coordination and integration, Bolivia holds a key play in any process of infrastructure development. In energy, Bolivia is a country that can serve as South America's energy distribution hub. In telecommunications -- fibre optics in particular -- and, of course, in highway infrastructure, we are vital and must be an actor that facilitates rather than obstructs.

I wish to share a thought here with such multilateral entities as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other organizations that are cooperating with Bolivia and other developing countries.

Because of its revenues and high level of debt, Bolivia has been considered to be a heavily indebted poor country. In theory, that has given it a series of advantages in debt servicing and, above all, in the channelling of that servicing not towards repayment, but towards social services. Paradoxically, however, this has limited the country's capacity to obtain non-concessional loans that would allow us to implement infrastructure projects that are of interest not only to Bolivia, but to all countries of the region.

We believe that we must begin to look differently at the way international organizations interpret those loans in order to make them more flexible and to avoid the paradox whereby an advantage becomes a burden that makes development impossible. We hope that this new approach will be grasped by the international community, and in particular by the multilateral organizations.

Lastly, I wish to broach a subject that we will always stress in our statements before the world community. Bolivia's landlocked status is a factor that has curbed our development. Bolivia was born as an independent country with a coastline on the Pacific Ocean. Today, we demand free, useful and sovereign access to that Ocean. Our demand has moral, historical and legal bases and is linked to the high economic cost that has made development difficult throughout our history. We make this demand, and I want to emphasize this, on the basis of a logic of construction -- a logic of integration.

Chile and Bolivia are countries that complement each other. We are countries that have a destiny of shared development and integration. To fail to find a solution to the Bolivian issue is to negate the possibility of development and integration and prevent it from becoming a reality.

Bolivia is prepared to undertake an open dialogue in order to find an appropriate and definitive solution to the problem. That is all the more true today because South American integration is so close at hand, and because Bolivia's maritime problem has become an obstacle on the path to that integration.

We are expressing a rational, constructive desire -- a will for integration. Our demand is unchanging and has profound relevance in the context of everything I said earlier.

I should like to conclude by stating here, before the nations of the world, that our country is one of peace that believes in disarmament. It believes also that we need to reflect on and change many of the paradigms which in the course of time have crystallized certain positions and have limited the open-mindedness that we need today, more than ever, in the twenty-first century, in order to face the challenges of the future.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Bolivia for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Kessai Note, President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Note (Marshall Islands)

I am honoured to address the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session on behalf of the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

Allow me to extend my congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election, and to wish you well in your endeavours throughout this session.

This year has seen important landmarks for the Marshall Islands at the domestic level. On 1 May we celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of our Constitution. The same day also marked the entry into force of our amended Compact of Free Association with the United States. The renewal of that agreement reaffirms the special relationship between our two countries.

At the regional level, we continue to place great importance on our membership in the Pacific Islands Forum. Over the past year, the Forum has conducted a comprehensive review of existing regional mechanisms. Last month Pacific leaders met in Samoa, where they endorsed the terms of reference of a new Pacific Plan, which will develop a strategy for broader regional cooperation based on the key goals of economic growth, sustainable development, good governance and security.

At the international level, the Marshall Islands reaffirms its solidarity with the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), which continues to act as a powerful voice for small island developing States.

It has long been recognized that small island developing States suffer from unique vulnerabilities and disadvantages. In January 2005, the international community will meet in Mauritius to conduct the 10-year review of the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States. Over the past year, members of AOSIS have been engaged in a detailed process of preparation for the international meeting. At an interregional meeting in January, small island developing States adopted the AOSIS Strategy for the Further Implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action, which addresses critical issues including climate change and sea-level rise, renewable energy, trade access and others.

It is vital that we maintain the momentum in the lead-up to Mauritius in order to ensure a successful outcome for small island developing States. I encourage the international community to become engaged in the ongoing preparatory process and to participate in the international meeting at the highest level. It is our fervent hope that the meeting will produce practical outcomes that will assist small island developing States in implementing the Programme of Action to benefit people at the local level.

In this increasingly globalized world, the Marshall Islands faces challenges shared by many other small island States. Our environment is extremely vulnerable to the effects of climate change and natural disasters; our small population faces the challenge of managing high levels of major diseases such as diabetes, and the risk of the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases; and our limited resource base and remoteness restrict our ability to integrate into the global economy.

With these challenges in mind, the Marshall Islands is particularly concerned about the following issues.

First, regarding sustainable development, the Marshall Islands has developed a national sustainable development strategy, and we are in the process of establishing a task force to ensure that the Millennium Development Goals are fully integrated into our national strategy. In striving to achieve internationally agreed development goals, we are severely constrained by our lack of human and technical resources. Thus we continue to seek to form partnerships that will assist us through capacity-building and technology transfer.

We were pleased that the twelfth session of the Commission on Sustainable Development focused on water, sanitation and human settlements. We in the Pacific region are working hard to improve access to fresh water and to develop environmentally responsible waste-management systems. We seek the support of the international community to assist us in the implementation of regional projects such as the Pacific Regional Action Plan on Sustainable Water Management. We look forward to the thirteenth session of the Commission's providing further policy guidance in these areas.

An ongoing issue of the utmost concern for the people of the Marshall Islands is that of nuclear-weapon testing. Between 1946 and 1958, the United States conducted a series of nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands, which included the detonation of 23 atomic and hydrogen bombs. On 1 March this year we commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the Bravo test at Bikini atoll. The Bravo blast was 1,000 times more powerful than Hiroshima, and its fallout spread radioactive debris across the neighbouring islands.

Today, many of our people continue to suffer from the long-term health effects, while others remain displaced from their homes because of ongoing contamination. We urge the United States Government to fully address the issue of adequate compensation for populations affected by the nuclear testing programme and to fulfil its responsibilities regarding the safe resettlement of displaced populations.

On broader issues of disarmament and non-proliferation, we urge the international community to retain a focus on disarmament by the nuclear-weapon States, as well as on non-proliferation measures. We look forward to next year's Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and we hope that the Conference will produce substantial progress on the 13 steps towards complete nuclear disarmament.

I wish to reiterate our critical concern regarding climate change. Along with other low-lying island nations, we are most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. We are already experiencing these dramatic effects: sea levels are rising, weather patterns are changing and coral reef systems are being harmed. Urgent action is needed at the global level to halt and ultimately reverse the devastating impact of climate change. Without such global action, our national efforts at sustainable development will ultimately be rendered meaningless.

While we are committed to playing our part, strong leadership is required by the major industrialized countries. We renew our support for the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, and we call upon all States that have not yet done so -- in particular the major emitters -- to ratify the Protocol without further delay. We also call upon the international community to assist small island developing States in developing and implementing comprehensive adaptation strategies.

As a nation whose livelihood depends on the resources of the sea, we are becoming increasingly concerned about the state of the world's oceans and fish stocks. At the regional level, we cooperate closely with other members of the Pacific Islands Forum to ensure that the oceans and marine resources in our region are managed in a responsible and sustainable manner. The Pacific Islands Regional Ocean Policy, adopted in 2002, will be implemented throughout the region under a recently developed framework for integrated strategic action. Another notable achievement in the region is the entry into force of the Convention on the Conservation and Management of Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and Central Pacific Ocean.

While such developments are encouraging, we reiterate our concerns regarding the prevalence of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. Like many other small island developing States, we rely on fisheries resources as a primary means of survival, yet we lack the capacity to adequately monitor our exclusive economic zone. Regional and international cooperation must focus on addressing the problem of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing and assisting small island developing States by building capacity for monitoring and surveillance.

I have briefly mentioned a few of the major priorities for the Marshall Islands. There are, of course, many other important issues to be addressed during the upcoming session.

International terrorism is obviously one of the biggest challenges facing the global community today. The reality is that no State or region is immune. All States must take action at the national level and must cooperate at the regional and international levels to ensure that we combat terrorist threats with comprehensive and unified action. Within the Pacific region, we continue to cooperate closely to ensure that effective regional action is taken to combat threats to peace and security. At the national level, we are in the process of implementing the 12 core anti-terrorism conventions and the relevant Security Council resolutions, and we have taken many steps to combat money laundering and terrorist financing.

The Marshall Islands, as a State party to the Rome Statute, welcomes the ongoing progress of the International Criminal Court. We are pleased that the Court is now fully operational and has begun its first investigations. We are confident that the Court will play a valuable role in the administration of justice at the international level, and we urge those States that have not yet done so to become parties.

Another issue requiring action by this body is the continued exclusion of Taiwan from the United Nations. Taiwan is a peace-loving, sovereign State, and only its democratically elected Government can be the legitimate representative of the interests of the people of Taiwan within the United Nations. The Marshall Islands reiterates its full support for the ongoing quest of the people of Taiwan to be granted membership in this global body and in various other international organizations.

Finally, the Marshall Islands reiterates its support for the expansion of the Security Council in both categories of membership. We support the allocation of a new permanent seat to Japan, and we believe that the representation on the Council of developing countries must be increased. Such expansion is crucial if the Council is to retain its legitimacy.

My delegation looks forward, Mr. President, to a productive session under your able leadership.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Estonia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Arnold Rüütel, President of the Republic of Estonia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Rüütel (Estonia)

First of all, allow me

to congratulate you on your election to the office of the President of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I wish you every success and all the best in your very important work. I would also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for his leadership of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session.

The current session is very significant for Estonia, since it is the first time ever that we participate at the General Assembly as a member State of the European Union and the NATO. We are therefore more aware than ever before of our shared responsibility for the world, but also of our vulnerability to global threats.

During the last few years, we have all witnessed new threats to world peace and security. We have also seen how these threats are all connected to economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems. The fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly focused on the situation in Iraq. However, securing peace and stability in the Middle East remains an ongoing concern. I hope that all of this has only deepened our conviction that the goals and principles of the United Nations Charter have not really lost their topicality but rather, are even more topical now. In today's world of new threats and changing global security, we need shared solutions more than ever before. The United Nations is the only organization established to coordinate, on a global scale, the efforts of States in safeguarding international stability and security. The United Nations has to be even more decisive and efficient in order to successfully fulfil its important responsibilities in this new situation.

The reduction of world poverty continues to be a central issue on the global development agenda; less poverty would certainly mean more international stability and security. The international community has made a commitment to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by the year 2015, halving poverty in the world by that time. That is a very optimistic promise indeed, and it assumes that all countries must perform even more purposefully and in an even more coordinated manner. High-level meetings in Doha, Monterrey and Johannesburg have shown us the way; now, we must act.

At the forthcoming 2005 summit, we will review our progress in fulfilling the goals set out in the Millennium Declaration. I would like to appeal to all of us here to work so that we would be content with the conclusions in the interim report.

Together with other United Nations Member States, Estonia shares responsibility for balanced development in the world and makes its contribution towards achieving the common goals. Only recently, we were one of the recipient countries of international aid. Now that we are one of the donors, we are very much aware of how important it is that international aid be coordinated and harmonized. We began providing international aid in 1998. Time has shown that the Estonian experience in building up democratic institutions, implementing economic reforms and involving civil society in public life and decision-making can really help other countries where such processes are still in their initial stage.

Despite the work that has already been done to achieve the very challenging Millennium Development Goals, we must admit, unfortunately, that the gap between the rich and the poor is widening. What is more, it is taking new forms in our changing world. In addition to econom