General Assembly Session 59 meeting 4

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Hâmid Karzai, President of the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Karzai (Afghanistan)

Nelson Mandela once described his country's transition to democracy as a long journey to freedom comprising many milestones, each a realization of new opportunities for him and his nation. We, the Afghan people, started our journey to stability and democracy almost three years ago. I am delighted to report that, 18 days from today, our people will go to the polls for the first time to elect their President, marking the most significant milestone in our journey.

As the presidential elections will mark the end of the transitional period set forth in the historic Bonn Agreement, I would like to outline some of Afghanistan's achievements over the past three years and discuss our challenges.

Much has changed in my country, but no change is more visible than the confidence of the Afghan people in the future of our country. We have seen that confidence in the return of more than 3.5 million refugees who are now rebuilding their lives. We have seen that confidence in the enthusiasm of families who are sending their boys and girls to school, rebuilding their homes and setting up their businesses. And we have seen that confidence in the enthusiasm of 10.5 million Afghans who have registered to vote in the upcoming elections.

Earlier this year, the Constitutional Loya Jirga adopted an enlightened Constitution establishing a democratic Islamic republic. It guarantees equal rights and equal protection for all citizens -- men and women. The vision of the Constitutional Loya Jirga is becoming a reality. Approximately 42 per cent of the registered voters are women, and women will make up at least 25 per cent of our future parliament. Our Constitution also guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

During the past year, we enacted the election law, established the necessary mechanism to organize and manage elections and completed voter registration, and we are now preparing to hold presidential and parliamentary elections. Thanks to the cooperation of our two brotherly neighbours, Pakistan and Iran, hundreds of thousands of Afghans still living in those countries will also participate in the election.

In partnership with the international community, we have intensified our efforts to rebuild our national security institutions. Today, there are 15,000 national army soldiers and nearly 30,000 national police officers providing security to our citizens. We are grateful to the thousands of International Security Assistance Force and coalition troops that are assisting our security forces. We have also taken steps towards disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating private militias. Nearly all of the heavy weapons have been collected from the city of Kabul, and thousands of former combatants have been disarmed in various parts of the country.

We have continued the reconstruction of our country. At the Berlin conference this year, the international community renewed its commitment to rebuilding Afghanistan. The generous pledges that we received in Berlin will be committed to national reconstruction and development programmes that will create economic opportunities for our citizens and will further promote economic growth throughout the region. Eradicating poverty and meeting the educational and health needs of our citizens will continue to remain among our top priorities. We will continue to focus on building our roads to re-establish Afghanistan as the land bridge for transcontinental trade. Upon completion of Afghanistan's ring road, every major Central Asian capital will be less than 32 hours from the Persian Gulf and the port of Karachi.

While our achievements are significant, we continue to face challenges. Terrorism remains one of our main challenges. The remnants of terrorism continue to attack our citizens and to threaten our security. As long as terrorism continues to exist in our region, neither Afghanistan nor our neighbours nor, indeed, the rest of the world can be safe. Eliminating the remnants of terrorism in Afghanistan and in the region requires not only continued support from the international community, but also strong and sincere commitment from other countries in the region. To stop the movement of terrorists across borders, the countries in the region must cooperate closely.

The cultivation and trafficking of narcotics is another major challenge to Afghanistan and to the rest of the world. Drug profits finance terrorism and undermine our efforts to build a healthy and legitimate economy. Afghanistan is fully committed to eliminating this menace. However, we cannot succeed without the strong partnership of the international community.

Poverty remains another serious challenge. Even though we have made considerable progress over the past three years, we are still one of the poorest countries. We still have the second-highest infant and maternal mortality rates in the world, and we have one of the highest illiteracy rates. Very few Afghans have access to safe drinking water, and only 6 per cent of the Afghan population has reliable access to electricity.

Our achievements have not come without a cost. During the elections for the Constitutional Loya Jirga, terrorists did everything to disrupt the process, including bombing an elementary school and killing more than 20 children. During the registration for the elections, terrorists showed their desperation by intensifying their attacks. They bombed vehicles carrying women registration workers, killed civilians who carried registration cards and bombed religious schools, killing children.

Those attacks have not stopped our people from passing one milestone after another. The valuable role of the international community has been crucial to our success. Nations from different continents with different cultures and religions have come together to help rebuild Afghanistan. That is a clear example of cooperation among civilizations. On behalf of the Afghan people, I thank all the nations that have supported us with their troops and resources, especially the United States of America, Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom, Canada, Italy, Spain, France and Turkey. We are most grateful to the United Nations for the commitment and engagement of United Nations agencies and employees during the past three years. We especially appreciate the personal commitment and dedication of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan; his Deputy Special Representative, Mr. Jean Arnaud; and his Special Representative, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, whose wisdom and leadership have guided us throughout the journey.

Afghanistan is on the road to recovery from the devastation of more than two decades of war. Much has been accomplished in the past three years. Yet establishing a stable, democratic and prosperous Afghanistan requires sustained and collaborative efforts by the Afghans, by our neighbours and by the international community. We, the Afghan people, will do our share. Working together for a stable and prosperous Afghanistan not only is a good example of successful international cooperation, but will also contribute to regional prosperity and global security.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Finland.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Ms. Tarja Halonen, President of the Republic of Finland, and to invite her to address the Assembly.

President Halonen (Finland)

In today's globalized world, security and prosperity are inseparable. There can be no lasting peace in any part of the world when millions of people suffer every day from deprivation, poverty, armed conflicts and terrorism. There is no human dignity when even the most basic human rights of millions of people are violated every day. There is no equality as long as there is discrimination because of gender, race or beliefs. There is no fairness when international and domestic rules favour the rich and powerful and oppress the poor and weak.

We, the family of nations, cannot remain on the sidelines. We need multilateral tools to meet the challenges of a globalized world. We must develop and enhance our multilateral institutions. This applies especially to the United Nations, whose position in promoting peace and development is unique.

Member States have given the Security Council the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The members of the Security Council -- and especially its permanent members -- must display a common will and compromise on narrowly defined national interests. The other nations must then show support for the Security Council's position and its decisions.

Before the war in Iraq, however, the international community failed. Conflicting national interests prevailed over common will. There was not enough commitment to act within the boundaries of Security Council resolutions. Some nations resorted to the use of force, which was not in accordance with international law.

But now we must turn our eyes and energies to the future. We need to restore security and stability in Iraq so that the building of democracy and prosperity can begin in earnest. Finland is participating in the training of Iraqi police forces and we have decided to contribute 1 million for security for staff members of the United Nations system working in Iraq.

There is no sustainable alternative to multilateralism. The international community must recognize its collective responsibility. We must be able to intervene and prevent situations in which human rights are seriously violated.

We cannot afford to let the Darfur situation get out of hand. The United Nations and the international community must be able to act in time, effectively and as long as needed. I thank the Secretary-General for his promise of action today.

Globalization could and should be a force for a brighter future for all people. However, globalization as we experience it today falls far short of this promise and is ethically and politically unsustainable. To implement the Millennium Declaration, we need to make globalization more fair and attentive to people's needs and aspirations. This requires more coherence, closer and better international cooperation and stronger democratic States that work for fairness at home and abroad.

We must act without delay in order to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. We have agreed on additional resources, we have agreed on local ownership and we have agreed on good governance. Let us deliver on these promises. The poor of the world cannot wait. We must make the 0.7 per cent target on development assistance a reality. We need to give open-minded consideration to new and innovative proposals for additional development funding, including international taxation.

One concrete indication of the desire to implement the Millennium Declaration is the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization. The Commission has drafted numerous recommendations which the United Nations system should study before the review of the Millennium Declaration next autumn. Tanzania and Finland will present an initiative for this session of the General Assembly to deal with the Commission's recommendations in the United Nations.

The United Nations has a key role today and tomorrow in promoting peace, security, economic prosperity, social welfare, human rights and the rule of law. Finland gives full support to the broad reform of the United Nations that is now underway. The time is ripe for a reform of the Security Council and the expansion of its membership so that it better corresponds to today's world. We also need to vitalize the General Assembly and give the Economic and Social Council the role envisaged in the United Nations Charter.

I hope that when we meet here at United Nations Headquarters a year from now, we can proudly note that we have taken concrete steps towards a better world. This is a responsibility that all of us share and I know it requires a lot of work from all of us, but, dear colleagues, let us do it.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Finland for the statement she has just made.

The President

The Assembly will hear a statement by the President of the Republic of Mozambique.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Joaquim Alberto Chissano, President of the Republic of Mozambique, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Chissano (Mozambique)

Mr. President, on behalf of the people and the Government of the Republic of Mozambique, I would like to congratulate you upon your election as President of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are delighted to see a distinguished son of Africa in the stewardship of the highest organ of the United Nations, which shows the confidence the world places on your experience, wisdom and proven skills. Let me also pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Julian Robert Hunte, Minister for External Affairs, International Trade and Civil Aviation of Saint Lucia, for successfully having presided over one of the most productive sessions of the General Assembly.

I wish to commend the Secretary-General for his continued devotion to the fundamental ideals of our Organization, stressing the importance of multilateralism, with a view to addressing the global challenges before us, such as to eradicate poverty, hunger, pandemic diseases and illiteracy and to bring about development, peace and stability.

I speak before this Assembly at a time when Mozambique is preparing to conduct its third multi-party general elections, to be held on 1 and 2 December 2004.

Having had the privilege of leading my country through many challenges, moving from war to peace, from destruction to reconstruction, from economic decline to economic growth and development, I felt I should allow other elected sons and daughters of Mozambique the opportunity to take up the noble task of conducting the affairs of the nation, leading to further gains. This is therefore my very last attendance of a session of the General Assembly in my capacity as Head of State and Government.

After the elections, I will join civil society and continue to make my humble contribution to the efforts on the prevailing challenges still facing Mozambique, Africa and the world, particularly in the areas of peace and the promotion of cultural, social and economic development.

I have been attending sessions of the General Assembly since 1975, first in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs and then as President of Mozambique. I cherish every moment I have spent here at the United Nations, as part of the global efforts to collectively find solutions to the problems around the world. It has been, indeed, quite a rewarding experience as, through our common resolve, we have been able to successfully advance the decolonization process in Africa and elsewhere, while engaging in the struggle for peace and stability, poverty eradication and development.

As I depart, allow me to share some reflections on the role played by our universal Organization, the United Nations. Reaffirming the inalienable right of all peoples to self-determination and independence, in accordance with the principles and objectives set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), Mozambique attained its independence from colonial rule in 1975. Since then, the country has been actively involved in the United Nations, has progressively improved its relations with the Organization and its related bodies and has received strong, multidisciplinary support.

Since then, 60 territories worldwide have become decolonized, and millions of people today are able to exercise their right to self-determination.

It was on 16 September 1975 that, for the first time, I had the privilege of addressing the General Assembly from this rostrum. I was then the Foreign Minister of my country, and I was expressing the gratitude of the people and the Government of Mozambique for our admission as a Member of the United Nations.

When Mozambique was admitted, the United Nations was composed of 144 Member States, compared to 191 in 2004. That shows the extent of the growth of our Organization. In Africa, countries such as Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and Western Sahara were not yet independent or were under apartheid domination. On other continents, the situation was very similar.

The cold war was at its peak and the arms race was a dominant feature of international politics. The focus of the Non-Aligned Movement was on advocating the interests of the developing countries, on raising international awareness of the dangers and risks of a nuclear confrontation and on the struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order. In those days of high political tensions, international dialogue was characterized by confrontation and intolerance. Today, international dialogue is more one of consultation and the search for consensus. The constructive dialogue existing among Africa and the Group of Eight, the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the South American Common Market (MERCOSUR) and other regional groupings are good examples of the prevailing new international political mood. Throughout this process, the United Nations has played an important role.

Soon after its independence, my country had to face the economic and social consequences stemming from its decision to close its border with Southern Rhodesia, in compliance with a United Nations resolution that imposed sanctions on that neighbouring Territory. It was a costly measure, but because it achieved its aim of ending the illegal regime in that Territory, we feel proud to have taken that action.

During that period, Mozambique enjoyed important support from the United Nations, particularly in the areas of health, education, rural development, advocacy and emergency assistance for the victims of war and natural disasters.

Following many years of a destabilizing war, the Government and the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO), the former guerrilla group, signed the General Peace Agreement on 4 October 1992. Soon after the signing of the Agreement, the Security Council approved the establishment of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) to monitor and verify its implementation.

We deeply appreciate the resolute and decisive involvement of the United Nations in the peace process, with the mobilization of human, material and financial resources. That strong support from the international community, combined with our people's will and determination to achieve peace, led to what many regard as the first example of a successful United Nations peacekeeping mission in Africa.

During the last 12 years of peace, our country has benefited from considerable support from the United Nations and its various specialized bodies for reconstruction and development activities. That support has been critical for economic growth and the gradual improvement of the people's living conditions.

In 2000, unprecedented floods devastated Mozambique. Those floods affected the central and southern parts of the country, causing heavy losses of human lives and infrastructure. Again, the response of the United Nations and the international community to the disaster was commendable. We take this opportunity to reiterate our gratitude to both the United Nations and the international community in general for their unconditional support, without which the losses could have been heavier.

As a result of sound economic and social policies and an enabling political environment, we have been able to record encouraging progress. The absolute poverty rate decreased from 69.5 per cent in 1997 to 54.1 per cent in 2003. From 1997 to 2003, real average gross domestic product growth was 8 per cent.

We wish to recognize the critical role played by our development partners in assisting our country as it embarked on its steady progress. Their continued assistance will be critical to ensuring the sustainability and the irreversibility of the political, economic and social gains made so far.

The HIV/AIDS pandemic in Mozambique is a growing threat to sustainable development. Together with malaria, tuberculosis and cholera, it is jeopardizing decades of economic and social development. Without an aggressive response by the year 2020, 20 per cent of the agricultural labour force in Mozambique will be lost to HIV/AIDS, and it is estimated that life expectancy will drop to 36 years by 2010.

Within the framework of the African Union and its programmatic vision, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), Africa has been making important strides towards its renaissance and the ownership of its destiny. In that endeavour, we have witnessed a further strengthening of democracy on the continent. Moreover, Africa has been increasingly discharging its responsibility with regard to the maintenance of peace and stability on the continent.

Today we are building self-confidence around Africa and creating the necessary conditions for sustainable development. Through NEPAD we are raising the ownership spirit surrounding African leaders to bring about significant changes in Africa's development. The recognition that success can only be achieved through partnership among all stakeholders is a step forward in the establishment of public-private partnerships, regional integration and cooperation among different regions in Africa.

We would like to commend the decision of the Secretary-General to appoint an advisory panel on international support for NEPAD.

During the last few years, we have witnessed global action towards the materialization of the Millennium Development Goals around the world. In that endeavour, we have registered mixed results with encouraging developments on one side and visible setbacks on the other.

We have seen a strong determination by developing countries to achieve the Goals through relevant domestic actions and policies. However, despite such a clear commitment to improvement of the living conditions of our respective peoples, our goals may not be realized, due mainly to an unfavourable international environment, including insufficient flows of official development assistance and foreign direct investment.

Consequently, we are failing in the creation of the necessary conditions for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. We will not be able to achieve the 3 per cent economic growth worldwide that is required for reducing poverty by half by 2015, while sub-Saharan Africa records a disappointing level of economic growth.

The flow of financial resources for the most needed regions is decreasing. Market access remains a challenge for both developing and developed countries. Pandemic diseases, in particular HIV/AIDS, are aggressively eroding the productive capacity of developing countries.

We therefore need concerted global action to effectively address those challenges. The meeting of world leaders for action against hunger and poverty held at the United Nations yesterday was an encouraging renewal of the commitment of the international community to make the Millennium Development Goals a reality. The final declaration that was adopted should be the guide to our collective action against hunger and poverty.

The success of the ongoing reforms should be measured against an effective improvement of global governance and the strengthening of multilateralism, with the General Assembly assuming a central role in the conduct of global issues. The United Nations should pursue a multilateral approach that truly reflects the current realities of the world, rather than entrench an anachronism inherited from the end of the Second World War.

I urge you to continue the process of reform of our Organization, in order to have a Security Council that is democratic, representative, equitable and transparent. I urge you to continue with the agenda for economic and social development.

I feel honoured for having shared experiences with Your Excellencies. I will keep and cherish memories of the long and difficult, but gratifying moments that we have spent together, building consensus around vital issues for our Organization and, indeed, for our world. They were precious moments of learning and of individual and collective enrichment.

I express my profound gratitude to the United Nations family for all the support they have given to me and to my country. I plead for the continuation of that solidarity to Mozambique, with the aim of eradicating poverty, hunger and endemic diseases.

I leave you with a sense of having fulfilled my duty and given my humble contribution to the cause of liberation, peace and development of Mozambique, Africa and the world as a whole.

The goal of complete decolonization has not yet been fulfilled, as the fate of 16 Non-Self-Governing Territories has yet to be determined. We continue to look for the day when the agenda of the General Assembly will contemplate neither colonies nor Non-Self-Governing Territories.

I look forward to a successful fifty-ninth session, one in which we will focus on the priority actions for the present year and for the years ahead. Whatever we do, we must be able to give real hope to our nations and peoples -- hope not just to live, but also to live well and safely; hope not only to continue to be free, but to be free in decency and dignity.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Mozambique for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Burkina Faso.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Blaise Compaore, President of Burkina Faso, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Compaore (Burkina Faso)

The current session of the General Assembly is of critical importance to us, not only because of the urgent questions on our agenda, but also because of the distinct honour bestowed upon Africa through your splendid election to the presidency of our venerable Assembly. Burkina Faso congratulates you warmly and, in its capacity as Vice-President of the Assembly, pledges you its full and complete cooperation so that you may successfully fulfil your tasks.

I also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, who effectively guided the deliberations of the fifty-eighth session.

Our Assembly is meeting at a time when the international community finds itself confronted with growing poverty in the countries of the South, terrorism and fratricidal wars. On the African continent, we can certainly welcome restored peace in Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone, but Africa continues to be riven by many conflicts, particularly in Burundi, Côte d'Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Sudan. In Iraq, an uncontrollable situation is gradually plunging that country into chaos, while dialogue still seems to be impossible among the protagonists in the Middle East. In the struggle against terrorism, we must humbly acknowledge that we are far from having developed an appropriate and effective strategy to eradicate that scourge. Killing and the destruction of human life are on the rise in several regions of the world.

And yet, people of good will and international associations and organizations remain mobilized to offer solutions and to restore harmony. That is exemplified by the peace initiatives of the Southern Africa Development Community in the Great Lakes region, of the African Union in Darfur, and of the Accra summit on the crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, which, under the sponsorship of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, has revived a spark of hope for national reconciliation in that country. The Government and the people of Burkina Faso reaffirm their support for the Linas-Marcoussis and Accra III Agreements. I wish to reiterate Burkina Faso's commitment to joining any initiative aimed at consolidating peace and stability on the continent.

Peace and security are not the sole safeguards of order and global political stability. In its ability to satisfy the basic needs of mankind, human security is another important aspect thereof. Ever since the 1995 World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, the international community has recognized that the greatest challenge confronting humankind is that of poverty. Poverty compromises fundamental human rights, undermines the dignity of individuals and families, and threatens the political, economic and social stability of States.

Of what value is globalization if it ignores such essential concerns of peoples as economic progress, nutrition, health, education and employment? The especially alarming situation in Africa must be recalled in this Assembly: a feeble growth rate, an ongoing decline in per capita production, a slow increase in the literacy and education rates, the ravages of hunger and affliction, endemic underemployment and a disturbing lag in science and technology.

In the face of such a state of affairs, African leaders have undertaken to show more leadership in the formulation of economic and social policies. The convening of an African Union summit in Ouagadougou on 8 and 9 September on employment and poverty alleviation in Africa was an example of that growing awareness and new vision. In the course of that meeting, together with our development partners, we agreed that macroeconomic stability and sustained growth are necessary, but insufficient to reduce poverty. We therefore agreed, inter alia, to make employment the centrepiece of our economic and social policies and to strengthen cooperation between the regional economic communities in the areas of employment, training and health care. The Ouagadougou conference also decided to establish a follow-up mechanism for decisions made at the national, regional and continental levels.

Africa needs the effective assistance of the international community to enhance the quality of its economic choices in order to improve the living conditions of its peoples. From this rostrum, I therefore call on our development partners to act along three principal vectors. First, they must respect the commitments undertaken at various forums to increase official development assistance and to provide significant debt relief. Secondly, they must establish rules to organize international trade on a more just and equitable basis. Thirdly, they must implement the recommendations of the report of the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization. Let us see to it that, in September 2005, as we convene the United Nations high-level event on the Millennium Development Goals, relevant consideration and concrete actions will already have been undertaken to that end.

For the francophone community, the themes of solidarity and sustainable development will be considered at the tenth conference of heads of State and Government, to be held in November in Burkina Faso.

We believe that the economic and social well-being to which our peoples aspire can be achieved within the framework of the rule of law. For its part, Burkina Faso has resolutely opted for democracy, and our determination has been fortified through free and open electoral consultations for some 12 years now. We are fully resolved to embed democracy in our institutions and in our society, convinced as we are that it represents one path of hope for our country.

The United Nations must serve as a guide in the management of international affairs. If it is to play that role successfully and accomplish its task, it needs to be deeply democratized. In other words, it must listen to the majority of States and civil society organizations so as better to serve the common interest.

All signs point to the urgent need to reform the United Nations reform and to adapt it better than ever to the legitimate aspirations of nations. Every State, small or large, must assume its responsibility and be accountable for decisions taken for the common good. Today, were the Security Council to grow democratically and equitably in its representation of Africa, Latin America and a large portion of Asia and Europe, it would enjoy greater political and moral resources to meet the challenges of peace and development throughout the world.

Within the new United Nations that we so sincerely desire, the situation of the Republic of China on Taiwan will finally be resolved fairly and acceptably. Reason dictates that that country, which cooperates with a large part of the international community and makes a valuable contribution to universal civilization, should be rapidly integrated into the United Nations.

With the valuable assistance of the Secretary-General, we have laid the foundations of a vast programme to reform our Organization. This construction must produce an edifice sufficiently solid to meet the countless challenges of the twenty-first century.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Burkina Faso for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Madagascar.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Marc Ravalomanana, President of the Republic of Madagascar, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Ravalomanana (Madagascar)

More than ever, Africa is making headlines in the international community. Unfortunately, it is more about crises, wars and problems of failing States that are attracting the world's attention. Yet, some positive aspects do exist.

African countries are resolutely taking their destiny into their own hands. Good governance is no longer an empty word. Democracies are developing and taking root. The fight against corruption is seriously under way. In many States on the continent, there is a strong willingness for peace, security and stability, as well as better conditions for development.

African countries are deciding to unite in order to strengthen their abilities. The African Union, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the Southern African Economic Community, as well as other organizations, are becoming more and more efficient in resolving conflicts on the African continent. They are gradually gaining the respect of their partners from Europe, America and Asia.

For its part, Madagascar has successfully undertaken major reforms in order to ensure stable democracy and good governance, to establish a trustful policy, to protect freedom of the press, to decentralize and evolve the administration's functions and responsibilities and, lastly, to encourage international investment.

Madagascar is seeking to play an active and efficient role in African and international organizations. We strongly support the strengthening of the United Nations. We endorse the enlargement of the membership of the Security Council in order to have a better balance between developed and developing countries. It is high time for Africa to obtain a permanent seat, and this is also the case for Germany, Brazil, India and Japan, which are major contributors to the United Nations.

Madagascar supports any effort to promote peace, democracy and the rule of law in Africa. We are devoted to good governance, respect for human rights and the fight against terrorism in Madagascar and elsewhere in Africa. Recent examples attest to our firm political will, including Madagascar's strong support for the declaration for free elections, signed in Port Louis; its participation in the Moroni Agreement to re-establish peace in the Comoros; and its signing of the agreement on human rights in Geneva.

Madagascar has made great progress, which has been recognized by international institutions and the major Powers. Economic and political development has become a reality in our country. However, we are also threatened by natural disasters, such as cyclones, as well as by the rise in oil prices, by the debt burden and by the lack of access to the markets of industrialized countries. We are concerned by the slow implementation of the Brussels Programme of Action adopted by the international community in 2001. We need more foreign investment on our continent, both in the public and private sector.

I urge the Assembly to assume more responsibility for a just and fair world and urge Members to assume more responsibility for Africa. Africa is ready to take its destiny into its own hands. We are aware of our own responsibilities; however, we must share them. The globalization of the economy must go hand in hand with the globalization of responsibilities.

We know of success stories relating to this kind of responsibility. Nevertheless, we have experienced some cases, mainly in Africa, where the world has failed in its responsibilities with resulting tragic repercussions. Let us look at the African continent. Do not forget the catastrophes of the past nor overlook the catastrophes of the present. But, above all, consider the potential of our future. How will Africa look in 10 or 20 years? Can we imagine this?

Africa can become a flourishing continent; it has enormous potential, which may be the source of prosperity for both Africans and the world. First of all, it has human potential. More than half of the African people are under the age of 25. Today's young Africans are more open and more dynamic. They can narrow the gap between the past and the challenges of today. They deserve a better education and professional training that is suited to the needs of the market. Education-for-all programmes are vital. Investing in education is more profitable than any other investment in poverty reduction. African's destiny will depend on the education of our young people.

Women in Madagascar are sometimes more persistent than men. They deserve more than their traditional role within the family. Let us give them the chance to fulfil themselves, to enjoy the same rights as men. All of us will benefit from their wisdom and dedication.

I would now like to speak about agricultural potential. In Madagascar, more than half of the arable land is still unexploited. We can double or triple the productivity rate. Let us help farmers to organize themselves, to use better seeds and modern irrigation systems and to obtain easier access to fertilizers. Let us set up infrastructures to develop markets. Let us simplify land registration. Let us institute appropriate financial systems to encourage farmers to become entrepreneurs. Let us set up infrastructure and systems for the processing of natural products. Let us build food processing units and undertake related activities. Let us extend the food chain. Let us develop food processing networks in rural areas. The green revolution that the Secretary-General spoke about recently is not a dream.

Next, I wish to speak about economic potential. Development at the base, sustained by international investment, will generate high economic growth. Madagascar experienced economic growth of 9.6 per cent in 2003, and we hope to achieve the same performance in 2004 and 2005. This is also possible for other African countries. With such a high economic growth rate and more than 900 million consumers, the African market will become increasingly worthwhile.

As to energy, we are all aware of the fact that the world energy situation is critical and affects not just our economies but our ecology as well. What potential exists in Africa? Half of the African countries, like Madagascar, could produce an abundant supply of hydraulic energy; only 7 per cent of this potential is exploited; only 1 per cent of the world's solar energy comes from Africa. Let us conclude an agreement on energy development in Africa. The potential lies in reforestation and in the Kyoto process.

Then, there is ecological potential. In addition to the energy and the climate, we can share the values of our nature with the world. Seventy per cent of Madagascar's plants and fauna are endemic. At present, we cannot truly assess the extent to which they will be of benefit for medicine, as well as in other fields.

With all this potential, the development of Africa is in the interest of the great Powers. Their leaders should know what African development can offer to world prosperity, peace and security. Africa is a continent of the future. Africa can become a flourishing continent. Let us seek a common vision and find new approaches to develop Africa.

Africa is ready for a new future. We Africans are ready to resolve armed conflicts. We are ready to win the war against poverty and other diseases. We are ready for enhanced democracy and good governance. We are ready to work and cooperate closely for peace, stability and security. We are ready for an open market system. We are ready to strengthen our abilities. We are ready for competition. We are ready for new leadership. We are ready for a new Africa.

That is why we ask for international rules that are acceptable to and accepted by all countries, be they large or small. We are asking for mutual respect. We are asking for closer cooperation.

We are asking for a comprehensive plan for the development of Africa. We are asking for a "Marshall Plan" for Africa: a plan that should be based on the NEPAD objectives; a plan that includes the Evian Summit objectives and measures, adopted by the Group of Eight, but that goes even further; a plan that is more than just an emergency measure; an appropriate plan that promotes all the assets -- the entire potential -- of Africa. Let us act at once and without delay to implement it.

Let us promote the potential of Africa. The impact for African people and for the international community will be enormous.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Madagascar for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Georgia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Mikhail Saakashvili, President of the Republic of Georgia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Saakashvili (Georgia)

It is my pleasure and honour to represent my country today at the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Let me begin by expressing my deep appreciation for Mr. Julian Hunte, for the leadership and vision with which he conducted the last session, and by congratulating Mr. Jean Ping on his assumption of the presidency of this session.

I would also like to take this opportunity to express my Government's deep gratitude to the Secretary-General for his leadership, for his strong commitment and hard work to make the United Nations a more responsive and efficient body. The Government of Georgia reaffirms its strong support for the important work carried out around the world by this great institution and to all who serve it.

The beginning of the new millennium marks a great opportunity for the global community of nations that make up the United Nations -- a community whose collective responsibility is to help strengthen those institutions that promote and protect the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, so that we can more effectively tackle the challenges and the issues facing the world today and so that together we can enhance our shared ability to promote peace, alleviate suffering, expand liberty and advance human development with renewed wisdom and courage.

The belief that we must be able to adapt to great change while remaining faithful to a set of core ideas and values is one that has special resonance in Georgia today, for few countries have witnessed greater transformation in the past year -- and fewer still have done so with a clearer sense of purpose. In some respects, Georgia's revolution has made our small nation -- willingly or unwillingly -- a test case for the modern challenges of democratic transition and perhaps for a revised formula for international relations in our increasingly interconnected and complex world.

Nearly a year has passed since our dramatic Rose Revolution graced the cover of newspapers and television broadcasts around the world. This revolution had at its core one simple demand: the creation of a stable, equitable and functional democracy. It gives me great pride, Mr. President, to inform you that we have accomplished that demand in ways that few abroad or at home ever imagined possible. And I am enormously proud of my people, whose courage, unity and steadfast belief in a better future made our revolution and transformation possible. It is because of the Georgian people that our experiment in democracy is a success, and because of their sacrifice and determination that we have achieved such impressive results today.

In less than a year, we have proven the depth and breadth of our commitment to democracy successfully by holding three sets of elections -- presidential, parliamentary and regional -- which were recognized by all observers as free and fair expressions of the public will.

We have proven that we can take care of people such as the teachers of my country, who just a few days ago received as much as 12 years in back pay from our Government. I was recently told by a local governor of how one such teacher -- who had not been paid since our independence -- had just received her payment for all of those years. For all of those years, that brave woman, who sacrificed her health and her livelihood for the education of younger generations while surviving on the meagre income from a small plot of land, watched as our corrupt officials -- at her expense and that of her compatriots -- were creating their own wealth, constructing huge mansions and filling their Swiss bank accounts. Finally she got her money back. She also watched the corrupt officials chased away from power and held accountable under our legislation.

Never again will loyal public servants have to harvest food from their gardens to make ends meet. Never again will they have to face a Government that disrespects their dignity. Protecting people like that teacher is the reason why we have confronted corruption in Georgia so vigorously, since corruption threatened the very fabric of our society. By first going after government officials who were corrupt and who enjoyed a near-untouchable status, and then seeking to address the institutional aspects -- the corruption that basically gave rise to such government officials -- we have been able to reinstate the rule of law and create lasting change in the system.

That is why we conducted a radical downsizing of our security services, police and customs by up to 50 per cent. Instead of poorly paid government officials -- civil servants who were not given any real salaries and who were compelled to extort money from their fellow citizens -- we have now introduced new salaries that are sometimes 8 to 10 times greater than those paid previously, as well as new rules of the game.

We have introduced new salaries that are sometimes eight to 10 times larger than those paid previously, as well as new rules of the game. We have introduced the first-ever civilian leadership in defence, security and law-enforcement bodies. We have made these painful choices because we know that, unless we change the system itself, we cannot change the corrupt behaviour of our State officials. It is those officials who are responsible for the corrupt behaviour of businesses -- not the businessmen themselves.

It is we who are responsible for failing to build a better future for our citizens. Winning this battle will mean that all citizens of my country will finally have a chance to live in a normal State -- where merit rather than money makes a difference, and where rules and laws firmly and clearly govern people's actions.

As I said earlier, in order to make such changes permanent and sustainable, we have raised salaries six, eight or even tenfold for public servants, so that incentives are aligned, a fair system can flourish and people can serve the State with dignity and honour.

That is why we have created a new tax system that clarifies and simplifies both the payment and the administration of taxes -- creating the lowest-tax regime and the least complicated tax code in the region, and eliminating institutional sources of cheating and corruption.

To hesitate or move cautiously at this critical stage would mean reneging on the promises we have made and returning to business as usual in this part of the world. Our people will not forgive any hesitation.

I believe that we cannot refrain from initiating reforms and taking radical steps at this time if we truly want to build a better future and forever change the rules of the game.

But Georgia today is a visibly different State than it was one year ago, with fewer games and new rules. That is why those who fled Georgia throughout the past decade -- one of decay and crisis -- are now starting to return to their homeland. They are putting their skills, talents, ideas and energy to work for their new country. There is a great deal of new energy and a new optimism, which we are happy to observe.

There is a renewed sense of hope and a renewed sense of purpose that speaks of unity and the unique strength that comes with it. Georgia's experiment in democracy is an ongoing success, not simply because I declare it or wish it, but, rather, because the people of Georgia continue to embrace it. We are a nation that has a strong cultural heritage and identity, but that at the same time celebrates and cherishes religious and ethnic tolerance and religious freedom as part of that identity and that heritage. We are a nation that believes in the sanctity of rule of law and a strong judicial system.

One thing is clear: democracy is thriving in our part of the world although many people thought it would not be possible. That is because the principles of democratic governance are reflected in our national identity and universal desire to be free.

The creation of a successful State depends on the ability of its institutions to act maturely and responsibly in the face of shared challenges. In this new millennium, it is clear to all responsible nations that one issue above all others unites us as we seek to promote lasting peace, security and prosperity: the common war on terrorism.

As a member of the global coalition that seeks to eliminate the threat of terrorism, Georgia has made, and will continue to make, contributions wherever possible and wherever necessary. Our willingness to act responsibly and to contribute is evident today in Kosovo and in Iraq -- and soon will be in Afghanistan -- all places to which we have sent our forces to serve alongside others in the pursuit of peace and freedom. For terrorism knows no greater enemy and no greater force than the one embodied in a free society.

Today I am proud to announce Georgia's newest contribution to freedom: our offer to send fresh troops to Iraq to serve in the special protection force for the United Nations Mission in Iraq. In offering our services to the United Nations Mission, we are hopeful that our presence will foster lasting stability, prosperity and freedom for the Iraqi people -- freedom worthy of all those who live in the region at large.

In the context of our cooperation with international anti-terrorist efforts, we especially value the work of the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council, and we support the idea of strengthening the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the Secretariat.

At this point, however, one could reasonably ask why such a small country -- one of fewer than 5 million people -- is so out in front in its international commitments to fighting terrorism and in contributing to that global cause. The answer is as painful as it is simple. Simply put, Georgia's commitments to fighting terrorism reflect our deep understanding of the destruction that it can and has wrought in our own country and in our immediate neighbourhood. Georgia understands that we must do all we can to defeat terrorism.

Unfortunately, Georgia today is still dealing with the results of unresolved separatist conflicts in two parts of our country -- Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Those conflicts have resulted in loss of life, the destruction of property, and the forced exodus and ethnic cleansing of 300,000 Georgians, thus creating a large population of internally displaced persons. Those conflicts cannot remain unresolved; we as a country will never get used to the loss of control over that part of the territory or to the plight of those who have been deprived of their livelihoods and their basic human rights.

Georgia's new democracy is committed to resolving these conflicts, because no democracy can allow black holes to exist on its territory. Indeed, their existence is fundamentally incompatible with progress, development and lasting stability. No democracy can tolerate them on its territory.

Today, we are living in an era where the civilized nations of the world are united in a global war on terrorism, and, in that world, neither Georgia nor the rest of the international community can afford to look the other way. Uncontrolled zones breed crime, drug trafficking, arms trading and, most notably, terrorism.

The threats posed by violent separatism affect the security not only of Georgia but of the entire Caucasus. In places like Abkhazia, on the shores of the Black Sea, these lawless zones have the potential to affect European security as long as the situation there remains unresolved.

The lawless territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia are safe havens for mini-dictatorships, tightly controlled by elite groups that seek to profit from the criminal status quo. It causes me pain to say that, in these extremely closed societies -- by and large cut off from the rest of the world -- children grow up with guns in their hands instead of books. Their heads are filled with hatred and intolerance, instead of respect for difference and appreciation for cultural diversity.

We must put an end to this cycle of destruction. We must do more to eliminate the threats to peace and security that have for too long retarded our development.

As we seek to find lasting solutions to these "frozen" conflicts, once again Georgia can be considered a test case. Our success in that respect would be your success, too. Here, I want to state in the clearest of terms that Georgia is fully committed to solving these conflicts through solely peaceful means. Georgia will not and cannot use violence to solve these conflicts, because no democracy can go to war against its own people.

What all parts of Georgia need today is development, investment, security and lasting economic growth. We will peacefully reincorporate South Ossetia and Abkhazia, so that all citizens of Georgia can share in the fruits of our success.

I believe that the most effective mechanism for establishing Georgia's unity is the creation of a strong economy, where those who are not yet sure if they want to remain outside Georgia will be given real incentives and chances to benefit from a prosperous, tolerant and successful State -- a place where they and their children will be able to find jobs, earn stable incomes, and have access to new opportunities and investments.

In a strengthened economy, all of Georgia's inhabitants will know that they live in a State that is able to care for and look after them -- in sickness and in health. These are the qualities that an economically strong and democratically vibrant Georgia will guarantee all its citizens. We must do everything possible to realize that vision if we want to build a united future. As Georgia looks to the future, it does so with a clear and understandable plan. Today, I would like to introduce the idea of a new stage-by-stage settlement plan, designed to speed the resolution of these conflicts.

Step one is to initiate confidence-building measures, so that new forms of trust are established that create lasting human bonds between peoples. Those measures could include exchanges and links between various non-governmental organizations -- youth group to youth group, student to student, journalist to journalist, athlete to athlete, health-care worker to health-care worker, mother to mother -- so that more citizens and more segments of our society can learn to understand one another and to trust one another.

Building confidence means pursuing joint economic projects that create wealth where today there is want and create profits where today there is poverty. Building confidence means restoring and guaranteeing the right of internally displaced persons to return to their native homes.

We can and must build confidence between peoples, as the first precondition for peace. We can and must do more to protect human rights through international police forces in places like Gali and through the existing Human Rights Office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, located in Gali.

Together, we could move on to step two, which would focus on specific measures aimed at achieving demilitarization and a truly international format for a peacekeeping operation in our area, transforming the current peacekeeping operation into a broad international operation, so that the people of those regions can live free from fear of uncontrolled militias, irregulars and violent gangs, which hold us all hostage to the status quo.

Those steps will require monitoring, verification and transparency, so that we can achieve the necessary results.

The third stage, step three, envisions a global solution with global guarantees that would lead to the establishment of the fullest and broadest form of autonomy -- one that protects culture and language and guarantees self-governance, fiscal control and meaningful representation and power-sharing at the national government level. Most important, it would lead to an autonomy that empowers average people, so that isolated elites no longer act as the sole decision makers over people's future.

Georgia greatly appreciates the support rendered by the Group of Friends and the Geneva process, as well as the concepts and principles contained within the Boden document, which should be transmitted to the Abkhaz side.

Now is the time to enhance those commitments; now is the time for the international community to do much more. Simply put: the international community can no longer afford to look the other way when gross violations of human rights take place in separatist enclaves, just as they can no longer afford to ignore the security risks that emanate from those black holes and smugglers' safe havens.

The relevance of that point was brought to the attention of the world after terrorists seized a school of innocent children in Beslan, surprising and shocking the world with their brutality. The people of Georgia were deeply shocked, and we of course condemn that brutal act and express deep sympathy to the families of the victims of that terrible tragedy, which sent shockwaves through every Georgian household.

As we know, the terrorists that seized the school are common enemies of Russia and Georgia alike. We had seen such individuals -- notorious for their acts of destruction, violence and killing -- when they unleashed the same kind of bloodshed in the name of Abkhaz separatism 10 or 11 years ago. Those terrible events prove once again that we cannot afford to ignore the dangerous linkages that exist between the separatism on one side of the Caucasus mountains and the violence on the other side.

All separatists sow the seeds of great instability, and lawless zones can be sanctuaries for criminals who conduct acts of terror. It is our moral obligation to put an end to the unilateral practice of reaching out to separatists without the consent or knowledge of the authorities of the central Government in Tbilisi. In order to defeat that evil, we must not allow double standards to persist. I believe that we can work together with other countries in that respect.

The time has come for Georgia and Russia to enter a new stage of cooperation whose goal is to defeat that common enemy. It is our moral obligation and profound responsibility to join forces more robustly in that cause.

I firmly agree with President Putin that we can never negotiate with terrorists or cut deals with killers. But we may -- and we should -- work with moderate elements who seek peace without violence.

We must reach out to every segment of society. We must do away forever with the Basayevs of the world, no matter what side of the border they terrorize, and reach out to ordinary, peace-loving people. All forms of violent separatism -- whether in Tskhinvali, Grozny or Sukhumi -- represent destabilizing factors for Russia and Georgia alike.

I am confident that, by working together more robustly, we can make great progress in reducing that shared risk. I believe that there are a number of concrete initiatives on which we can embark today that will bring immediate results -- initiatives that again confirm Georgia's status as a test case for the promotion of a foreign policy that leads us away from the outdated politics of domination, advancing, instead, our shared interest and the great potential for regional cooperation.

That means finally coming to grips with the need to close outdated Russian military bases, left over from the past and from a country that no longer exists.

Let me be clear: while we appreciate any help in strengthening our security structures so as to make us a more responsible contributor to international peace and security, Georgia is firm in its position that we will not have any new foreign military bases on our territory.

Today, Georgia needs bridges, not bases; roads, not rockets. And we need cooperation, not competition, when it comes to eliminating sources of instability and terror.

The mechanics of the new relationship with Russia means pooling our resources and efforts to create a joint anti-terrorism centre to counter common threats. It means expanding joint border patrols to the entire Russian-Georgian border, so that no area is left exposed. Thus the era of zero-sum thinking can be replaced with policies that lead to a win-win situation. That is my fundamental conviction.

Those efforts will require greater sharing of information and intelligence, and a greater degree of trust -- all of which Georgia stands ready to provide. Why? Because such actions serve the cause of peace; because they are part of what it means to remain a responsible member of the international community of nations; and, finally, because we have no reasonable alternative: failure is not an option.

In order to replace the mistrust and misperceptions that sometimes derail our progress, Georgia today proposes the establishment of new bilateral bodies to deal with issues between us and Russia, in which bilateral issues and misgivings could be regularly discussed and considered. We should begin considering the establishment of such a body so that our relations never again suffer from misunderstanding or misinterpretation.

We should, together, consider issues such as the protection of the rights of Russian citizens now living in Georgia so that no inhabitant of Georgia ever feels forgotten or unprotected. At the same time, of course, such relations would be based on the principles of international law and mutual respect for each other's independence.

All this and more is necessary because there is nothing more important than serving the cause of peace. And I am confident and optimistic that my colleague, President Putin, desires the very same for his people. I believe that Georgia will remain a test case in our part of the world in the near future as we build democracy and further advance cooperation.

Cooperation among the United States, the European Union, Russia and the countries of the Caucasus must become the litmus test for this new relationship. Whether it is the fight against terrorism or the development of energy or of transit and trade lines, the region must become a model of cooperation and stability that benefits everybody.

We are firmly on the path towards integrating into regional security structures that serve the stability and security of everybody in the region. Georgia is becoming an increasingly functional, performing State, after being a failed State just one year ago. We now have a budget that is three times bigger than it used to be. Our structures are much more efficient than they used to be. Our people are more optimistic than they used to be. We could be a major part of those structures, and we offer ourselves as a responsible member of the local and international communities. I am sure that, by following that path, we can unlock the great potential of this crucial and great region for peace, prosperity and stability -- a task I look forward to pursuing with all of Georgia's friends and neighbours.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Georgia for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Slovak Republic.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ivan Gasparovic, President of the Slovak Republic, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Gasparovic (Slovakia)

Let me begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I am convinced that your work in that important post will ensure further progress towards the attainment of our common goals. I wish you the greatest of success and pledge the full support of our delegation. I should also like to take this opportunity to thank your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Lucia, for his excellent work and, above all, for his personal contribution to the revitalization of the General Assembly.

This is the first time that the Slovak Republic has participated in the general debate of the General Assembly as a member of the European Union (EU). Slovakia fully endorses the position set out earlier by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands on behalf of the EU. I am convinced that the enlarged EU will further strengthen its constructive partnership with the United Nations.

The international community is now facing challenges and threats that were unknown when the Charter of the United Nations was drafted. The multilateral mechanisms set out in the previous century have proved to be less than adequate. Recent global events -- accompanied by an increase in new and potentially more dangerous and destructive threats -- have clearly demonstrated that no country can cope with security issues single-handedly, let alone tackle them over the long term. There is now a greater need than ever before for international solidarity, together with a sense of responsibility on the part of all United Nations Member States for consolidating peace and stability.

The Slovak Republic is convinced that a multilateral approach is the best response to emerging threats, and that the role of the United Nations in maintaining global security is irreplaceable. In addition, we agree with the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, that the United Nations can maintain such a status only if it is able to carry out its basic functions effectively, embark upon internal reform and adapt to current conditions. To that end, the only way forward involves strengthening the authority of United Nations institutions by making their work and decision-making mechanisms more efficient. That is why we have welcomed the establishment of the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Its work will undoubtedly rank among the most important contributions made towards reform in the history of the United Nations. We believe that that team of eminent personalities will provide a realistic definition of how the United Nations can contribute to global security and development. Slovakia will help to turn those objectives into reality.

President Gasparovic (Slovakia)

We perceive the issue of reforming the Security Council in the same light. Reform should involve not only enlarging the Security Council, but also making its working methods and the implementation of its decisions more efficient. The Slovak Republic continues to support the enlargement of the Security Council with both permanent and non-permanent members, with the aim of ensuring a balanced regional distribution of seats, including greater representation for the Eastern European region.

In addition, I am confident that this session of the General Assembly will help to build a global security system by strengthening and consolidating the anti-terrorism coalition under the auspices of the United Nations, along with the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council.

Continuing terrorist attacks are leading to significant changes in the area of global security. Terrorists do not shy away from perpetrating the cruellest and most bestial of acts; nor -- as the recent events in Beslan have shown -- do they hesitate to take the lives of innocent children. Terrorism poses a threat to everyone; no one can be neutral or indifferent. It is necessary that we be resolute and jointly mobilize our efforts in combating it.

The Governments of Member States must fight more effectively against this inhuman phenomenon through mutual support, the implementation of international law and improved cooperation between international and regional organizations. The 12 United Nations anti-terrorism conventions and protocols are of the utmost importance in the fight against terrorism, and the Organization must continue to play a key role in bolstering legal instruments in that battle. The Slovak Republic supports the prompt approval of a comprehensive convention against terrorism as a whole, along with a convention aimed at averting acts of nuclear terrorism.

Maintaining international peace and security has always been one of the Slovakia's main priorities. We have long contributed military units, observers and equipment to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Since our accession to the United Nations, in January 1993, we have participated in 14 Organization-led missions, ranging from military observer missions to humanitarian and demining operations to peacekeeping duties.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the Slovak Republic has dedicated itself both militarily and politically to the peace process in the Balkans. Nonetheless, Slovakia has never abandoned its efforts to help bring reconciliation and humanitarian aid to other parts of the world. We have gained respect for our participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions in Africa and the Middle East.

Slovakia also contributes to the training of peacekeeping forces. In line with General Assembly resolutions, the Slovak Government sponsored a United Nations seminar held in the Slovak Republic last May, which was attended by a wide range of delegates from more than 70 Member States. The seminar discussed the conclusions of the Brahimi report (A/55/305), which highlighted the importance of standardized training for United Nations peacekeeping missions.

In recent years, the number of attacks on United Nations personnel has increased alarmingly. Slovakia is a signatory to the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel and appeals to all those countries that have not yet done so to endorse that important international legal instrument, which guarantees the protection of United Nations staff.

Stabilizing the Western Balkans is a global priority and has a direct effect on the stability of Europe. For that reason, it is also one of Slovakia's foreign policy priorities. We have fully supported the activities of the United Nations to date in using its authority effectively to help resolve the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the Serbian-Montenegrin province of Kosovo and in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Slovakia's proactive approach in that regard was demonstrated by the political stance it adopted towards the resolution of those conflicts, as well as its participation in peacekeeping missions: the Stabilization Force for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Kosovo Force for the Province of Kosovo.

We believe that resolving the situation in the province of Kosovo is a prerequisite for the stabilization of the Western Balkans as a whole. Kosovo still represents a potential source of regional instability. That is why we attach great importance to next year's evaluation to be carried out as part of the Kosovo Standards Implementation Plan. A favourable result in that evaluation could launch a process under which the future status of the Serbian-Montenegrin province would be defined by the United Nations. We perceive the United Nations activities, including the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, as being of great importance in the search for a solution that is acceptable to all parties concerned, in accordance with Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).

The Slovak Republic welcomed the transfer of power to a temporary, sovereign and independent Government in Iraq at the end of June. The Interim Council, which was recently established by the National Conference, represents a significant step forward in preparing for the elections to be held in January 2005.

I call upon the Assembly to join us in our absolute condemnation of all acts of violence committed in Iraq aimed at spreading chaos and instability, whether by means of assassinations, the taking of hostages or the intimidation of civilians and public figures.

We welcome the determination of the Secretary-General to continue providing humanitarian aid and support for the political process in Iraq. We believe that the United Nations must play a leading role in supporting the Iraqi people and the Government in their efforts to rebuild their society.

Improving the security situation in Iraq is an essential condition for building long-term stability, democracy, peace and prosperity in the country. A Slovak unit specialized in locating and destroying landmines, weapons and ammunition is currently engaged in a humanitarian mission there. In addition, Slovakia has stepped up its participation by joining a programme for training Iraqi police officers.

The Slovak Republic supports and appreciates the efforts of the international community to establish security and stability in Afghanistan. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) is playing a vital role, demonstrating how essential international cooperation can be. The most pressing issues we currently face with regard to creating stability in Afghanistan are, first, the forthcoming elections and, secondly, laying down the foundations of democracy. In addition to those political processes, establishing favourable conditions for economic development is also essential for Afghanistan's long-term stability. The Slovak Republic is contributing to such efforts through its participation in ISAF and its planned involvement in provincial reconstruction teams.

The Middle East peace process must continue in accordance with the road map set out by the Quartet and endorsed by the Security Council, which envisages the establishment of two separate Israeli and Palestinian States in 2005. Both sides should fulfil their obligations stemming from that plan and previous United Nations resolutions. They should also rely upon the international Quartet for help and good counsel when taking those steps.

As we are convinced that international peace, security and development are closely linked, official development assistance and cooperation with developing and transition countries are becoming an integral part of Slovakia's foreign policy. Slovakia's European Union membership and its growing economic potential provide both an opportunity and the obligation to cooperate in the field of development. This year, the Slovak Government has allocated 25 million for development assistance. In 2005, that figure is set to rise to almost 30 million. As a new donor country, Slovakia must work to further improve and formalize its mechanisms for providing official development assistance. It is doing so with the support of the European Commission and the United Nations Development Programme.

Severe humanitarian crises also pose a threat to peace and security in the modern world. Such crises are not necessarily the result of armed conflicts alone, but they sometimes have the potential to cause such conflicts. The international community has the means to intervene in humanitarian crises. With respect to the current humanitarian and security crisis in the Sudanese region of Darfur, I am convinced that the international community, in cooperation with the Sudanese Government, will find a solution to the situation through economic and financial assistance. The Slovak Republic has provided humanitarian aid to that region and supports the continuation of peaceful negotiations towards resolving the humanitarian and security crisis there.

The Slovak Republic is fully aware of the enormity of the tasks facing the United Nations in the field of ensuring global peace and security. In that regard, I would like to highlight that Slovakia is a candidate for a seat as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the term 2006-2007 in the elections to be held at the next session of the General Assembly, in the fall of 2005. I can assure the Assembly that in every respect, the Slovak Republic is ready to take on the responsibilities arising from membership in that key organ of the United Nations. As my country's Head of State, I feel it is important to make this personal pledge before the highly esteemed session of the General Assembly. We want to use our membership of the Security Council to intensify cooperation with Member States in all regions and to be a dependable partner when seeking consensus in the resolution of complicated global policy issues.

In conclusion, allow me to wish this year's session of the General Assembly the greatest of success. May it reach conclusions that promote cooperation among Member States, international and regional organizations, and non-governmental organizations and associations -- based, above all, upon the principle of multilateralism.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Slovak Republic for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Zambia.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Levy Patrick Mwanawasa, President of the Republic of Zambia, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Mwanawasa (Zambia)

I am deeply honoured to have this opportunity to address the General Assembly on behalf of the people of Zambia.

I would like to begin by congratulating Mr. Ping on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. As one of the 21 Vice-Presidents for the current session, Zambia pledges him its support and cooperation. I would also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Julian Robert Hunte of Saint Lucia, for the efficient manner with which he presided over the proceedings of the fifty-eighth session. I wish to extend our sincere appreciation to Secretary-General Annan for his relentless dedication to the cause of international peace, security and economic development.

This session of the General Assembly convenes at a time when vexing problems plague the world community. Zambia believes that the key to addressing a host of such difficult global issues as terrorism, HIV/AIDS and the humanitarian tragedy in Darfur is to find multilateral solutions, often within the context of an effective United Nations. Indeed, that is what I would call a multilateral imperative. With that in mind, Zambia welcomes the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization.

It is also Zambia's hope that this session will build on past achievements to advance the global agenda. Accordingly, Zambia supports the convening of the high-level plenary meeting next year in New York on the Millennium Development Goals, to which we committed ourselves in 2000. We firmly believe that all Member States have a collective responsibility to implement the commitments set forth in the Declaration.

My delegation supports the ongoing reforms of the United Nations. Zambia shares the concerns of other countries that this important process has not yet been completed. Zambia believes that the reforms should address the concerns of developing countries. In that regard, we look forward to the progress reports on the reforms. Zambia appreciates the recent initiatives of the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session on the revitalization, reform and enhancement of the working methods of the General Assembly. My delegation stands ready to continue actively participating in the reform process during this session. We commend the President and his predecessor for the revitalization of the General Assembly as the highest deliberative and decision-making organ of the United Nations.

Regarding the reform of the Security Council, Zambia remains concerned about the lack of progress. I therefore appeal to this Assembly to support the efforts of the Security Council to enhance its decision-making and liaison methods during this session.

As I stated at the outset, Zambia believes in multilateralism, which continues to be an indispensable instrument for achieving global consensus on important, life-saving issues. As a global community, we face challenges that are transnational and interconnected in nature. It is essential that we take advantage of the immense problem-solving potential of multilateralism. Unilateralism should have no place in this global era. Zambia reaffirms its support for the United Nations initiatives in the fight against global terrorism and the proliferation of small arms and any form of weapon of mass destruction. We call upon the international community to take all necessary steps within the purview of the United Nations to combat the scourge of terrorism in all its manifestations. That scourge needs to be fought relentlessly, with total commitment and vigour. Zambia also pledges to continue supporting the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council.

My delegation would like the United Nations and the world community at large to assist Member States in building their capacity to fight international terrorism. And we want to express our heartfelt sympathy for the innocent victims of terrorism in Russia, here in New York and elsewhere.

Zambia expresses its profound dismay at the continued unrest in the Middle East and the impasse in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. We call on the parties to that longstanding conflict to allow for full implementation of the Quartet's road map. Zambia reiterates that the road map offers a viable solution to the Middle East question. We endorse and support the initiatives for a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis. In the same vein, Zambia welcomes the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1546 (2004) on Iraq.

We fully realize that economic, social and political development is the primary responsibility of each individual country. We are pleased that the Group of Eight countries continue to support the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), the primary objective of which is eradicating the increasing poverty on our continent and putting African countries on the path of sustainable economic growth. We recognize that the new initiative is by Africans and for Africans, but we cannot ignore the vital importance of assistance from the international community through increased official development assistance.

External debt has continued to consume a large proportion of the national incomes of developing countries, especially the least developed countries (LDCs). The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Debt Initiative was established to assist highly indebted poor countries to reduce external debt to sustainable levels. Admittedly, the HIPC Initiative does help reduce the effects of indebtedness. However, it has some inherent problems which inhibit the full realization of its benefits. The international community must, therefore, continue exploring innovative approaches toward debt elimination. In that connection, we applaud the efforts of President Lula of Brazil in his search for the appropriate financing paradigm for the eradication of poverty and hunger.

As we endeavour to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, we are very concerned with the plight of the LDCs, which constitute 70 per cent of the world's population. These countries are likely to miss the target we set of reducing by half the number of people living in extreme poverty and hunger by 2015.

Let me briefly change direction and say a few words about certain positive developments in my country, a place where freedom truly is on the march.

As you know the Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2001-2010 was adopted in Brussels in 2001. Since then, Zambia has committed herself to serious economic reform, including privatization, trade liberalization, the adoption of poverty reduction strategies and the creation of an environment conducive to both local and foreign investment. While we are doing our part, we expect corresponding action from the international community, as agreed upon in the Programme of Action. Without assistance, all of our efforts will be rendered futile. Our aim is to graduate one day soon from an LDC to a developing country.

In addition, I am proud to say that my administration is based on the rule of law. For example, we have embarked on an ambitious review of our constitution in order to provide ourselves with a document that will stand the test of time. We call on our cooperating partners and well-wishers to support us in this important endeavour.

This year and next -- 2004 and 2005 -- are important years in the lives of our people. I call your attention to four important events that are taking place in our country during this period.

First, on 24 October 2004, we shall celebrate the fortieth anniversary of our national independence. Then, in February 2005, Zambia will be hosting the Third African Conference on Peace Through Tourism, the high point of which will be a ceremony honouring the hundredth anniversary of the birth of former United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, who died tragically in a plane crash in Ndola, Zambia.

Also next year, my country will celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the founding of the town of Livingstone, the tourist capital of Zambia and home of Victoria Falls, also popularly known as the adventure centre of Africa.

In addition, next year we will commemorate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Dr. David Livingstone's first glimpse of Victoria Falls, the world's largest curtain of falling water, which we call Mosi-O-Tunya, or the smoke that thunders.

It is my honour to invite your Excellencies, and through you all, all your citizens to come to Zambia and participate in these events.

Zambia also welcomes peace initiatives at regional, continental and global levels aimed at ending conflicts and wars in various parts of the world. It is for this reason that Zambia has continued its active participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions.

With peace prevailing in Angola, that country is now faced with the challenge of post-conflict reconstruction. Zambia calls on the international community to double its assistance to Angola to help tackle the humanitarian situations such as the removal of landmines and the settlement and reintegration of former combatants and refugees. I am pleased to report that on 15 June 2004, Zambia and Angola witnessed the repatriation of some 363 Angolan refugees in north-western Zambia, under the auspices of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees' voluntary repatriation programme. This was a good start to the programme, but more international support is needed.

In conclusion, I want to reiterate the imperative of finding multilateral solutions to the problems that confront us. In our interdependent world, all of the problems and challenges that we face can only be addressed through the concerted multilateral efforts of the international community.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Zambia for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the King of Morocco.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Majesty King Mohammed VI of Morocco, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

King Mohammed VI (Morocco)

I would like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. This election is a tribute to Africa and to the brotherly State of Gabon. I am sure that you will carry on the commendable work initiated by your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, with a view to revitalizing the role played by the United Nations and to enhancing its prestige.

I should also like to pay tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, for his untiring efforts to achieve the objectives of our Organization. I want to assure him, once again, of our trust in him and of our full support.

The world today is faced with major risks and perils of such magnitude that a renewed multilateral system is required. In that regard, we must ask ourselves if the United Nations system, in its present form, is capable of providing effective solutions to the numerous problems that are disrupting the international order.

The end of the cold war, along with progress in science and technology and the opening of markets, should have led to greater security and prosperity, but, instead, the world is still encountering distressing conflicts, which cause considerable human and material loss, to the detriment of development. Human values and ideals are on the decline, while fanaticism, extremism and terrorism are on the rise. The gap between a rich North and a poor South is widening.

It is Africa that suffers the most from the scourges of poverty, hunger, desertification and deadly epidemics, in addition to the problems of illegal immigration, refugees and forced displacement. The countries of the South cannot effectively cope with these scourges on their own without successful regional and international coordination, as well as effective support for local development efforts.

These problems, and their pernicious impact, which is compounded by ethnic strife as well as by regional tensions and conflicts, not only cause terrible suffering but also hamper progress, development, regional integration and the transition towards democracy. The international community is therefore called upon to pool its efforts so that the logic of dialogue and negotiation may prevail over that of force, destruction and war. It must give fresh impetus to preventive diplomacy, at the regional and international levels, in order to preserve peace and security on our continent.

In that regard, Morocco considers that the artificial dispute over the Sahara is, regrettably, still hindering the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union. I should like to reiterate my country's readiness to cooperate in a sincere and determined way with the United Nations and all the parties concerned in order to achieve, within the framework of international legality, a final, negotiated political solution that would guarantee the sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Morocco, and enable the inhabitants of its southern provinces to manage their regional affairs by themselves, in a democratic, stable environment conducive to integrated development.

Such a solution would spare the area the risk of becoming a hotbed of tension. It would also foster Maghreb integration and enable the region fully to play its role in the Mediterranean and in its relations with African countries of the Sahel, thereby sparing the whole of north-west Africa the risk of Balkanization and the threats of international terrorism.

As an active member of the African family and of the international community, the Kingdom of Morocco is keen to continue cooperating with the United Nations and the world community to settle disputes through peaceful means, volunteering to participate in United Nations peacekeeping missions, as is currently the case in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in Côte d'Ivoire. Morocco is also eager to help bring about reconciliation and the settlement of disputes through peaceful means, as illustrated by the mediation undertaken by my country to resolve the crisis in the Mano River region.

Morocco takes pride in contributing to African endeavours designed to meet the challenge of achieving peace, development, progress and good governance -- the very objectives of the New Partnership for Africa's Development. Since the accomplishment of those ambitious goals exceeds the capabilities of African countries and requires considerable resources, I urge the international community to support this initiative and to find generous and effective solutions to the debt problem. Morocco has already taken steps in that direction.

As far as the Arab-Israeli conflict is concerned, my country is as determined as ever to work with the international community to find a just, comprehensive and lasting solution within the framework of international legality -- a solution that guarantees Israel's withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the establishment of a viable, independent Palestinian State, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital, living side by side, in peace and concord, with the State of Israel.

I should like to stress that, as Chairman of the Al-Quds Committee, I am always ready to undertake whatever initiatives are needed and to support meaningful endeavours to restore peace to this region, warning anew of the negative implications of the violation of religious sanctities.

Morocco hopes that no effort will be spared to help brotherly Iraq out of its current predicament and to support its Interim Government in its efforts to ensure stability and security for Iraqis and to create the right conditions to initiate constructive dialogue and organize elections which will enable all components of the Iraqi population to choose their institutions freely and peacefully.

In order to meet the challenges at this turning point in history, the international community has no alternative but to revitalize the current multilateral system.

After the First and Second World Wars, nations realized that it was necessary to establish a global system to govern international relations, within the framework of law and legality. Setting up an alternative global system would not resolve the problem of the fierce trade wars currently raging worldwide, nor the ethnic conflicts, ideological fanaticism and perils of terrorism, whether latent or apparent. I am convinced that the United Nations, which has helped solve countless crises, is perfectly capable of managing the current international situation in a peaceful and civilized way, by revitalizing the multilateral system.

Such an objective, however, can be achieved only if the United Nations is provided with the kind of resources and means needed to meet the geo-strategic requirements of the twenty-first century, and if its working methods and its organs -- including the Security Council -- are reformed and invigorated. The United Nations system would then become an ideal forum for negotiation and interaction between cultures and religions. Furthermore, it would be effectively instrumental in upholding human ideals, enhancing security and stability and promoting sustainable development.

Morocco, through its chairmanship of the Group of 77 and China and its participation in various regional and international events, including the Doha, Monterrey and Johannesburg conferences, has sought to contribute effectively to building this multilateral system, as a top priority on its diplomatic agenda. My country will continue to work for the implementation of the Millennium Goals, urging countries as well as international financial and trade institutions to honour their obligations. Morocco reaffirms its commitment to support the emergence of a new multilateral system built on international legality, justice and equity and cooperation in social and economic relations, and based on an efficient and dynamic United Nations system.

This is the course of action to be taken to enhance trust in the United Nations as the conscience of humankind and the bedrock of a new world order, where the values of peace, global security, joint development, equality, tolerance, democracy and solidarity prevail.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the King of Morocco for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Chile.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ricardo Lagos Escobar, President of the Republic of Chile, and to invite him to address the General Assembly.

President Lagos Escobar (Chile)

I wish to express our satisfaction at seeing Mr. Ping preside over this fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly and we wish him a successful presidency.

Ever since the signing of the Charter of San Francisco, and before that during the time of the League of Nations, Chile has been firmly committed to the international community, to multilateral cooperation and to the best values of peace, security, development and human rights which this Organization represents. Chile has been an active participant in the international system because we believe that governance at the global level is the logical extension of the institutional order that each State has achieved and can demonstrate in this global forum.

While in the last century our main task was to establish rules of coexistence and conduct for the international community, today, faced with the challenges of the twenty-first century, that task, in our opinion, has become more urgent and ineluctable. What we have before us is a panorama of positive opportunities, on the one hand, and of complex threats, on the other.

For countries such as ours, integration into the global community creates opportunities which a closed society would preclude. We see integration into the global community as providing possibilities for growth and for creating space for our efforts, and we feel that this is the inescapable destiny of all of us. Countries need freedom, peace, security and respect for international law; based on scrupulous respect for treaties, we need to work towards the building of a shared global order.

Stability can be achieved only through governance under which all interests are represented. Thus, voices are being raised in various countries in order to state the obvious: no one can shape the world that is emerging except through agreements and negotiations. The complexity of the world emerging before our eyes is too great to be handled in a centralized or unipolar manner.

Of course, little will be achieved if, at the same time, each country does not put its own house in order. Without justice, solidarity and respect for human rights, there can be no stable or genuinely beneficial governance in our own societies in the medium term. I therefore believe that it is the responsibility of each of our societies to apply the principles of the United Nations and to make them realities. We have an ethical duty to be efficient and effective in the attainment of those goals and ideals.

It is clear, however, that globalization also includes negative aspects that can affect us all. Today, we are afflicted by such public evils as terrorism and organized crime; illicit trafficking in persons, arms and drugs; and the money-laundering associated with those activities.

Nothing is more counter to our principles than terrorism, a virtual dark force of globalization. Accordingly, here in the United Nations, Chile has contributed through its efforts in chairing both the Al Qaeda/Taliban Security Council sanctions Committee and the Counter-Terrorism Committee, key instruments of the international community for waging this combat. Globalization also has negative spill-over effects on the environment and exacerbates the marginalization of millions of people in societies or even continents who are unable to achieve integration into the global economy and global society.

Faced with that reality of light and shadow, countries like Chile have a stake in helping to improve the positive aspects of globalization and to eliminate its negative aspects. But how do we turn those aims into reality? In our view, the best way to guide the agenda of globalization is through multilateralism. It is in the strengthening of multilateralism that each country has a stake and a national task to fulfil.

As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, Chile has assumed its responsibility to the global community and has sought to act consistently with our values and convictions. Last year, with regard to Iraq, we said that only the United Nations could give the necessary legitimacy for the use of force and for addressing in an effective and unified manner the threats to peace arising from that country. For that reason, and in order to be consistent with our commitment to multilateralism, we said yes to the United Nations when the Security Council requested the presence of a multinational interim force in Haiti. We reacted in solidarity by dispatching to Haiti, in less than 72 hours, a military force and humanitarian assistance.

We have shown that our region is capable of assuming the responsibilities required to ensure international peace and security. Not since the period of our national independence have forces from different Latin American countries acted collectively and independently of the great Powers in a mission to maintain peace in one of our countries. Today in Haiti, the troops of a number of Latin American countries, supplemented by the joint Spanish/Moroccan force, are under the command of a Brazilian general and the representative of the Secretary-General is a Chilean.

If we wish to strengthen multilateralism, reform of the United Nations is becoming increasingly necessary. Its ideals and founding purposes remain valid, but, as a number of speakers have noted here, the power structure upon which the Organization was built at its inception corresponds to a world that is very different from today's world. Not only do we need to expand the Security Council to make it more democratic; comprehensive reform of the Organization is also needed. In addition, the United Nations needs specialization, not a proliferation of similar institutions. It needs greater accountability and a more transparent system of recruitment. It needs to derive the maximum benefit from every last cent that it spends. Many of our States are making those or similar changes in their own public systems. The United Nations can be better than we can in that area. It is a challenge for the Organization and for each of our States.

I had the opportunity to exchange ideas with some members of the High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. That is why I am convinced that the Panel will offer to the Secretary-General recommendations aimed at