General Assembly Session 59 meeting 12

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Somsavat Lengsavad, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic.

Mr. Lengsavad (Laos)

On behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, I would like to thank Mr. Julian Hunte, President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, for his dedication and hard work and to welcome Mr. Jean Ping, Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and la Francophonie of the Republic of Gabon, as President of the Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.

On this occasion, I would also like to commend Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his tireless efforts to make the United Nations more effective, and especially for taking the initiative to establish a High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change to address United Nations reform and to propose recommendations to the General Assembly. The member States all look forward to seeing and considering those eagerly awaited recommendations.

In 2000, the Millennium Declaration, a landmark document, manifested our strong will to face the most pressing challenges of our time. The Millennium Development Goals have become fundamental benchmarks in our efforts to achieve economic growth and sustainable development. Over the past four years, their implementation at the global and regional levels has proved to be successful in some countries, while many developing countries, especially the least developed, have had difficulties in attaining those goals due to unfavourable conditions. In that context, the Lao People's Democratic Republic views the high-level plenary meeting to review the implementation of the Millennium Declaration, scheduled for next year, as a crucial opportunity for the international community to take stock of the progress made and to develop appropriate measures to secure the necessary financial resources for better achievements in the years ahead.

The international situation continues to be marked by rapid and complex evolution. In that context, peace and international security must be preserved at all costs. The Non-Aligned Movement, at its ministerial conference held in Durban, South Africa, from 17 to 19 August 2004, reiterated its commitment to multilateralism in the maintenance of international peace and security. The strengthening and promotion of the multilateral process would certainly contribute to the world's efforts effectively to address international challenges.

Today, weapons of mass destruction -- be they chemical, biological or nuclear -- all pose major threats to peace and security at the regional and global levels and are far from being totally eliminated. Therefore, we should all work collectively to ensure that those inhumane weapons disappear from the face of the Earth.

Terrorism continues to bring disaster to humanity and endangers national and international security. The international community is urged to further cooperate at the national, regional and international levels in the fight against terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. All acts of terrorism, wherever and by whomever committed, are criminal and unjustifiable. To that end, the Lao People's Democratic Republic reaffirms its position to continue to cooperate with the international community based on the principles of the United Nations Charter, international law and relevant international conventions.

The year 2005 will mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference. The commemoration of this golden jubilee will be a crucial opportunity to solemnly reaffirm the validity of the core principles of the Bandung spirit, which are solidarity, friendship and cooperation, and which continue to serve as an effective foundation for resolving global problems and promoting good relations among the countries and the peoples of the world.

Recently, the increasingly deteriorating security situation in Iraq has been cause for concern. The Lao People's Democratic Republic expresses the hope that a peaceful solution can be found to achieve peace and stability and to ensure the well-being of the Iraqi people.

We commend the efforts being made to find a peaceful solution to the Korean Peninsular issue through the convening of three rounds of six-party talks. We hope that all parties concerned will pursue those talks in order to achieve permanent peace and security in the Korean Peninsula, thus creating favourable conditions for peaceful reunification.

Violence continues unabated in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem. Such violence will hurt the peace efforts in the Middle East and prolong the suffering of the peoples of the region. Thus, we urge the parties concerned to engage in serious dialogue, settle their conflict and realize the vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.

Last month, at its Durban Ministerial Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement called once again upon the Government of the United States to put an end to the economic, financial and trade embargo against Cuba. That unilateral embargo, which has caused immense material losses and economic damage to the people of Cuba, runs counter to the United Nations Charter and international law. It is time that the embargo was lifted.

Capitalizing on the momentum achieved at the historic international ministerial conference at Almaty, Kazakhstan, to address the special needs of landlocked developing countries (LLDCs), the Lao People's Democratic Republic, as Chairman of the Group of LLDCs, has spared no efforts to bring benefits to these vulnerable developing countries. We would like to convey our appreciation to eleventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which recognized LLDCs as small and vulnerable economies. We hope that such special recognition will be granted by other international forums and organizations, in particular the World Trade Organization, as gaining access to international markets for products of interest to our countries will significantly help to overcome our geographical handicap as landlocked States.

The global illicit drug problem and related crime remain an issue of concern to the world community. Owing to its cross-border and international nature, this problem can be dealt with effectively only through international cooperation. In an effort to contribute to the fight against this scourge, the Lao People's Democratic Republic continues to build and intensify cooperation at the national, regional and international levels. As a result, opium cultivation in our country declined significantly from 2003 to 2004, and we will strive to eliminate opium cultivation by 2005. I take this opportunity to appeal to the international community to continue to grant financial support to assist our country in addressing a number of challenges, namely the treatment of opium addicts, the creation of new and sustainable employment and the provision of necessary infrastructures to prevent former opium poppy growers from replanting.

Over the past year, the Lao people of all ethnic origins, all walks of life and all religions have been living in solidarity and harmony. Social and political stability across the country remained solid. The economy enjoyed a sustained growth rate of 6.5 per cent. The poverty of the people has been gradually reduced, and external relations of cooperation have been broadened extensively. Later this year, the Lao People's Democratic Republic will be hosting the 10th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit and other related summits with ASEAN dialogue partners. On that occasion, a number of important documents will be adopted, aiming to accelerate regional integration and the establishment of the ASEAN community by 2020.

In its nearly 60 years of existence, the United Nations, has played its role in promoting international peace and security and socio-economic development. It has had much success. As we enter the twenty-first century, our world today is still confronted with numerous complex problems including wars, armed conflicts, terrorism, global crime, human trafficking, global warming, environmental degradation, HIV/AIDS and other diseases and the marginalization of developing countries, in particular the three most vulnerable groups among them: the least developed countries, the landlocked developing countries and the small island developing States. The international community should cooperate and work collectively through the United Nations to address the global challenges of our time.

The United Nations needs to be reformed if the Organization is to be more effective and more democratic. The General Assembly should also have an important and more active role to play in the management of world affairs. With respect to the Security Council, we wish to reaffirm the position of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, first expressed many years ago, that there should be an increase in the number of permanent and non-permanent members from the developed and developing countries, in accordance with the principle of equitable geographical distribution and taking into account the relative importance of the various countries. In the same context, the Lao People's Democratic Republic supports Japan, Germany and India as permanent members in a new, expanded Security Council.

All this would greatly contribute to achieving our ultimate goal of making the United Nations, our universal Organization, an organization that can gain the trust and the confidence of Member States.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Hor Namhong, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

Mr. Hor (Cambodia)

At the outset, I wish to join other Member States in congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. Given your extensive experience and wisdom, I am confident that you will successfully steer the course of this session, which is important for the challenging world that we live in today.

I commend the efforts and the contribution to the United Nations of Mr. Julian Hunte as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, and I express my appreciation to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his commitment, dedication and leadership in working to further the realization of the objectives and the mission of the United Nations in our increasingly complex world.

Since 11 September 2001, the response to terrorism at the global, regional and national levels has been significant and massive. Nevertheless, despite the progress we have made in our efforts, countries throughout the world continue to suffer from terrorist attacks that continue to kill innocent people. Therefore, I believe that our response to this deadly threat to humanity must be more comprehensive. However, I also believe that, while we fight terrorism relentlessly, we should do our best to understand its true root causes. When we are able to do that, we can hope to eliminate terrorism.

When the Millennium Development Goals were launched in 2000, they held much hope for developing countries, but so far there have been no meaningful results. Poverty on many parts of the globe remains one of the greatest challenges in the world today, with more than 1.2 billion people surviving on less than $1 per day. Global poverty reduction is not the responsibility of developing countries alone; it is also the shared responsibility of the international community, particularly the developed countries. Perhaps it is time for more concrete actions rather than mere declarations.

With regard to the Middle East conflict, I believe that the international community should continue to support the inalienable and sacred right of the Palestinian people to an independent State. We should also urge all parties involved to put an end to the violence once and for all. All the parties must put aside their hatred and their historical animosity. Both the Palestinians and the Israelis must realize that they have equal rights to coexist, living side by side in peace and harmony for the sake of their own peoples and peace in the region.

Concerning the situation in Iraq, I believe that the current, unending violence there has not created an environment conducive to national reconciliation and peace. It is my view that the United Nations and the international community must do everything possible to restore peace, security and political stability to Iraq so that the Iraqi people will have a chance to choose, in a sovereign manner, their own leaders and their own Government. I believe that democracy can never be exported or imported; it is a state of mind and must be learned.

With regard to the Taiwan issue, Cambodia is of the view that it is a vital issue not only for China, but also for the region as a whole. Cambodia, like other members of the community of nations, has been unequivocally supportive of a genuine "one-China" policy, since we recognize the fact that Taiwan is an integral part of China.

Every year in the General Assembly, most members of this global institution have called for reform of the United Nations, particularly of the Security Council. Indeed, Cambodia is of the view that reform of the Council is essential, not only for the credibility of the Council itself, but for that of the entire United Nations system as well. The reform of the Security Council will undoubtedly reflect the realities of the world today. In reforming the Council by enlarging its membership, we will make it more representative, more democratic and more efficient. In that regard, Cambodia supports the candidacies of Japan, Germany and India for permanent seats on the Council. The number of non-permanent members representing various parts of the world should also be increased.

Cambodia wishes to appeal to all Member States to support its candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the period 2006-2007. Since we joined the United Nations in 1955, Cambodia has never held any position within it, although we have always cooperated closely with the Organization.

With the formation of our new Government in July this year, and with the adoption of our rectangular strategy and our political programme, the Royal Government of Cambodia has accorded top priority to building good governance in order to carry out key areas of reform and the four pillars of its rectangular strategy for socio-economic development.

In conclusion, I believe that we need to ensure that the Millennium Development Goals are followed up and carried out in response to the hopes of the billions of poor people who live in developing countries. Moreover, I feel that poverty reduction should remain a top priority to be addressed collectively by the international community so that we can close the gap between the haves and the have-nots. In the light of the challenges that pose greater threats to our world today than ever before -- terrorism, violence, conflict, poverty, epidemics of infectious diseases, environmental degradation and many others -- I firmly believe that we need a stronger and more efficient United Nations to address those challenges in the most effective way possible. In that regard, the Organization must be truly representative, fully democratic and strongly committed to the cause of humanity.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Rashid Meredov, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan.

Mr. Meredov (Turkmenistan)

I should like at the outset to express my sincere gratitude for the honour to speak from this rostrum and to convey, on behalf of the President of Turkmenistan, Mr. Saparmurat Niyazov, best wishes for peace and prosperity to the peoples of all nations. I should also like to congratulate the President of the General Assembly on his election to that lofty and responsible post and to wish him every success in fruitfully guiding the work of the fifty-ninth session.

The events taking place in the world today, which are influencing the development of every region and every country, attest to the dramatic changes that have occurred in the meaning of the historical process under new conditions. Our ability to elaborate and implement qualitatively new approaches to interaction within the community of nations will largely determine the degree to which security and stability are maintained throughout the world. In that context, an immutable principle and basic direction for Turkmenistan's foreign policy remains the strengthening and development of close cooperation with the United Nations. I should like to take this opportunity to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his constant support for the peace-loving foreign policy of Turkmenistan.

We should note that among the priority areas of our country's cooperation with the United Nations are maintaining international peace and security and preventing or resolving conflicts through political means and processes. With regard to those issues, Turkmenistan has often become a centre where, under the aegis of the United Nations and with the participation of its Special Representatives, effective negotiations have been carried out to resolve complex situations that have taken place in the countries of our region.

During the present general debate, it has been noted several times that one of today's major threats to international security and stability is terrorism. Following the events of 11 September 2001, Turkmenistan was one of the first countries to support the United Nations initiative of establishing an international coalition to fight terrorism, in which we have taken an active part.

In that context, Turkmenistan not only firmly condemns any act of terrorism in any part of the world, but also is undertaking specific legislative and practical measures aimed at fighting that evil and preventing it from spreading. That is particularly relevant, given that the security conditions of the world community are determined by each country's actual contribution to the strengthening of its own internal stability, together with cooperation at the collective level. This is why we believe that there is a need today to draw up a qualitatively new dimension, both between individual States and within the framework of their joint activity in international organizations.

Despite the fact that terrorism is multifaceted, its nature is one and the same, and at its roots lie a doctrinaire egoism which has been raised by its followers to the highest level of evil, intolerance and cruelty. Terrorism recognizes no State and no nationality; it is not affiliated with any religion or culture. This is why the war on terrorism and terrorists must be conducted through joint efforts.

It is precisely through the close coordination of actions of members of the international community, on the basis of norms of international law, that the establishment of a situation in the world can be conducted in such a way that any manifestation of terrorism will be punished and, as a result, it will be possible to take effective measures to combat it. Here, Turkmenistan favours effective implementation of a broad-ranging system of measures to combat terrorism, including active cooperation in finding and bringing to justice the organizers and perpetrators of terrorist acts.

To counteract international terrorism, and to protect the rights and freedoms of our citizens, we must be able to forestall each of its manifestations and counter it, not only through universal unanimous condemnation, but also through a high degree of professionalism of law enforcement agencies, and also through the active use of the entire international legal array of instruments drawn up within the framework of the United Nations.

Further involvement of the role of the United Nations is becoming clearer against the backdrop of the present development of both global and regional processes that require the concentration of collective efforts and the adoption of decisions, taking into account a multitude of interests. Here, the fundamental principles of international cooperation enshrined in the Charter and the criteria tested by time concerning maintaining the balance of interests are a high priority for us. By following such a policy, Turkmenistan always attempts fully to utilize the potential of the community of nations and institutions in proposing and implementing foreign policy initiatives.

We see vast potential in the close partnership with the United Nations and its specialized structures in implementing joint programmes and projects. In this context, we would like to express our gratitude for cooperation extended to us by such United Nations specialized agencies as the United Nations Development Programme, UNICEF, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the United Nations Population Fund. Through interaction with these agencies, the Government of Turkmenistan is implementing a number of major projects that are yielding specific results in the social sphere, health care, education, the environment, combating illicit drug trafficking and a number of other areas. Turkmenistan will continue to maintain close ties with these United Nations agencies in the quest for and implementation of new possibilities for cooperation.

A clear example of the strategic partnership of Turkmenistan with the United Nations was the signing of our country's Government in February of 2004 of the United Nations Development Assistance Framework to promote development for 2005-2009. A significant feature of this document is the fact that it fully coincides with the national priorities and interests of Turkmenistan, as defined by the National Development Strategy of our country for the period until 2020. It aims at resolving global objectives within the framework of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals.

One of the important components of Turkmenistan's policy is the human dimension. Our country is conducting joint work with international organizations in this area. During the years of independence, we have worked to create genuine guarantees for the implementation of personal, political, economic, social and other rights of citizens. The personal rights of citizens have been specifically reflected in Turkmenistan's laws and law enforcement practice concerning such matters as the abolition of the death penalty, the banning of searches on citizens and the banning of the adoption of ad hoc decisions in pressing criminal charges. Through practical action, Turkmenistan reaffirms the implementation of these legal acts.

Every year in our country, by presidential decree, there is a widespread amnesty, the next to take place in just a month. As a result, more than 9,000 people will be amnestied.

Today in Turkmenistan there are no restrictions whatsoever on travel of its citizens abroad. There is guaranteed freedom of registration and activity of religious organizations and groups, in accordance with universally recognized international law, regardless of the number of adherents or of their faith. A number of very important legislative acts were adopted regarding these issues, in accordance with which, at the present time in Turkmenistan, there are various religious faiths registered and functioning.

As for the human dimension, Turkmenistan has intensified its work with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). On our invitation, in March 2004, Turkmenistan was visited by a group of experts from the OHCHR, who, together with the Turkmen side, drew up specific areas for cooperation and rendered assistance in work on the further development of this human dimension, among which was methodological and legal assistance in the preparation of national reports on United Nations conventions in the field of human rights. We intend to continue our efforts regarding these issues and are ready to cooperate with all of the United Nations agencies and other international organizations.

Against the backdrop of such effective interaction, we are concerned that in 2003 the General Assembly's Third Committee considered a draft resolution regarding human rights in Turkmenistan. The proposal was made by representatives of several countries without having visited Turkmenistan, without having studied the situation on the ground, without taking into account the significant initiatives of the Government of Turkmenistan in this sphere and without having first acquainted the Turkmen side with its contents. Such attempts at a one-sided consideration of serious questions is, in our view, unacceptable, and it is not in keeping with constructive cooperation in this sphere. The adoption of hasty decisions does not make a positive contribution to constructive dialogue. This is extremely important, particularly in the light of the principle of mutual respect for States, one of the dominating principles in the system of values professed by the United Nations.

At the crossroads of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, our region, Central Asia, has moved into the forefront of the international community's attention. How multilateral dialogue will take place on problems of this region to a great extent will determine the prospects for peace and security on a global scale.

Aware of its full responsibility to the international community, Turkmenistan attaches utmost importance to the role of the United Nations in stepping up regional and interregional dialogue in seeking solutions to potential problems. In this regard, I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the initiative of the President of Turkmenistan regarding the creation of a Central Asian regional consultative council of heads of State.

The issue here is about the creation of an inter-State body at the highest level for holding regular consultations and working out joint decisions on relevant issues that directly affect the fate of the countries of the region and the real needs of the people that inhabit those regions. These are, first of all, issues of cooperation in trade and the economy, energy supply, border trade, transportation and humanitarian issues. In our view, this mechanism for multilateral consultations at the head-of-State level would promote the development and implementation of agreed actions by parties on the basis of mutual interest and would allow for creation of the most effective system of rational interaction.

In October 2003, in Ashkhabad, the first round of a forum on conflict prevention and sustainable development for Central Asia took place under the aegis of the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In the context of strengthening the effectiveness of instruments of preventive diplomacy, we believe it to be useful and advisable to create a United Nations centre on preventive diplomacy in the Central Asian region. Turkmenistan is ready to provide full assistance towards locating it in our nation's capital.

An important stage in intensifying regional cooperation was the preparation of the trans-Afghan -- or Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan -- gas pipeline project. Turkmenistan welcomes the interest of large companies and financial and industrial groups in that major project. Here, I would like to note that the United Nations, using its broad international authority, could have worked out a system of political and legal guarantees to ensure conditions favourable to the project.

It is important to recall that in the past Turkmenistan proposed, from this rostrum, an initiative to formulate and adopt under the aegis of the United Nations an international convention on a regime governing the functioning of inter-State pipelines, and associated guarantees. We believe that such a document would make it possible to create a dependable political and legal mechanism to ensure the transportation of raw materials to world markets.

On the question of implementing a secure development strategy and enhancing cooperation in the region, I would like to underscore issues of international cooperation regarding the Caspian Sea. These relate first and foremost to the exploration of the Caspian Sea's richest fields of hydrocarbon resources and are linked not only to the interests of the countries of the region but to those of many other States and transnational companies. Our policy is aimed at merging those interests.

It is a well-known fact that the oil and natural gas reserves of the Caspian Sea are the planet's most important energy resources for the twenty-first century. Their reasonable and effective exploration and the construction of pipeline infrastructure to transport them to world markets would ensure significant economic growth in many States and the well-being of their peoples.

Effective economic activity on the Caspian Sea is closely linked to ensuring stability in the Caspian region. Turkmenistan favours making the Caspian Sea a zone of peace, stability and sustainable international cooperation.

We share the view that, in the twenty-first century, the United Nations system needs rational reform. We favour such United Nations reform, but only in terms of strengthening and broadening the Organization's role in the world. In this context, an important issue is ensuring maximum representation of States in the United Nations, in the broader community of nations, in the specialized agencies and in the United Nations system in general. In addition, the United Nations should make full use of the potential and advantages of Member States. For example, Turkmenistan is ready to provide United Nations agencies with resources to expand their presence in the region by opening headquarters and other major offices of United Nations agencies in our capital.

The diversity and complexity of the tasks facing the States Members of the United Nations is self-evident. Carrying them out requires not only collective efforts but also unambiguous awareness of the individual role and responsibility of each country of the international community. Turkmenistan adheres to that logic of political behaviour, with the objective of strengthening peace and promoting economic, social and cultural development.

The President

I now give the floor to Her Excellency The Honourable Billie Miller, Senior Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Barbados.

Dame Billie Miller (Barbados)

Mr. President, it is my pleasure to join with preceding speakers in congratulating you on your election to preside over the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Barbados pledges its fullest cooperation in the year ahead.

I wish to thank and congratulate your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte, for his effective leadership of the fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Barbados was particularly pleased at the election of a representative of a small island Caribbean State to that high office in the United Nations, and President Hunte's outstanding performance was testimony to the critical and effective role that small islands can play in the multilateral process. His guidance of the work to revitalize the Assembly was particularly noteworthy.

This Organization has been accused of being out of touch or, worse, irrelevant to the changing world in which we live, despite its valiant efforts in recent years to promote development, restore peace and maintain security in many parts of the world. In these circumstances, it is incumbent upon all Member States to reaffirm their commitment to and support for the multilateral process, using the United Nations as its primary vehicle. At the same time, there must be a constant process of review, reform and renewal of the Organization so that it can remain relevant in the continuously changing international climate.

Furthermore, it is essential that political will be brought to bear on the seemingly intractable issue of reform of the Security Council. Barbados continues to be of the view that the Council must be made more representative of today's membership of the United Nations, as well as more transparent in its working methods and more democratic in its decision-making. The Security Council must earn the support and confidence of all Members of the United Nations if it is to fulfil its important mandate in an increasingly volatile and insecure international environment.

We must also recognize that reform cannot be kept merely within the confines of the United Nations. It must be accompanied by renewal of the wider international governance architecture. It strikes developing nations as deeply unjust and hypocritical that calls for democratization and good governance in the developing world are not accompanied by calls for those values to be reflected in the multilateral organizations by which so many are governed and upon which so many depend.

Enhancing the voice and participation of developing countries in international dialogue and decision-making is a fundamental prerequisite for improving global economic governance. Debate on reform of the international financial architecture should not continue to be restricted to the hallowed halls and boardrooms of the Bretton Woods institutions, but should also find a prominent place on the United Nations agenda. We all have a stake in the global economic system and its management. This highly complex and increasingly globalized and interconnected world demands a radically reformed system of global economic and financial governance that promotes equitable development.

A majority of States Members of this Organization, both developing and developed, have expressed the urgent need for a transparent, open, democratic and inclusive dialogue between sovereign States on international cooperation in tax matters, within the universal ambit of the United Nations. The persistence of exclusive and restricted membership organizations, such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), that dictate norms and standards in international tax cooperation in lieu of an inclusive intergovernmental forum, is untenable.

While we are encouraged by the progress in the debate within the Economic and Social Council to convert the Ad Hoc Group of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters into a committee of that body, with a new and expanded mandate, we still await a final positive decision on the matter. We consider such a decision to be an important first step towards the creation of an international forum to promote and strengthen cooperation in tax matters.

Barbados recognizes the critical need for the Doha round of development negotiations to be revived with a developmental focus, and welcomes the decision on the Doha work programme reached by the World Trade Organization on 1 August. The concessions to the least developed countries evident in that framework agreement are laudable. But while it would appear that developed-country benefits remain substantially secure, the framework severely limits the ability of small middle-income developing countries to realize the reasonable benefits expected and necessary to advance their development interests.

Trade is a significant factor in the challenge of sustainable development, and trade rules need to take into account the vulnerabilities and the development needs of small States. It is true that developed and advanced developing country partners may experience some developmental challenges similar to those of small States. But it is the inability of the small economies to respond satisfactorily to externally imposed shocks which makes them particularly vulnerable.

Barbados appeals to all World Trade Organization members to support the mandate given at Doha to examine issues related to trade in small economies and to frame action-oriented responses to those issues, in order to facilitate the fuller integration of small, vulnerable economies into the multilateral trading system.

With respect to small island economies, some of the greatest development threats are those from natural disasters of every kind, including floods, volcanic eruptions, earthquakes and, especially, hurricanes. Indeed, in the course of a few hours, Hurricane Ivan devastated the island of Grenada. An economy has disappeared. For many Caribbean countries, this cycle of destruction is repeated year after year -- on occasion, several times in the same year. Some of us are constantly repairing and replacing infrastructure, replanting crops and rebuilding our very lives.

When a hurricane hurts one or more big cities or states in the United States of America, resources are immediately redirected to help those affected. An entire state or city has never been eradicated. But that is precisely what Grenada experienced just three weeks ago. Can members begin to imagine the implications of a small State being reduced to rubble in less than a day? Terrorists could hardly do a more effective job. Yet such factors are never taken into account when gross domestic product is computed.

In response to this devastation, the heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) met in emergency session and developed a priority programme for the rehabilitation of Grenada, Carriacou and Petit Martinique. For its part, Barbados has already contributed substantially to the relief effort. But the reality is that CARICOM by itself does not have the financial resources to cope. We call for an international donor conference to help Grenada.

In highlighting Grenada, however, we should not overlook the damage done by Hurricanes Charley, Frances, Ivan and Jeanne to the Bahamas, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Tobago, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Jamaica, the Cayman Islands, Cuba, Barbados and the United States, all in the course of the past few weeks.

Such catastrophic events directly affect the ability of many small vulnerable developing countries to fully implement the Millennium Development Goals and should be taken into account by the Assembly as it lays the groundwork for the 2005 review. Attaining those goals remains paramount. Barbados reaffirms its commitment to their achievement and urges all States to honour the spirit and intent of the Millennium Declaration.

The dominant view in some parts of the world is that the most serious threats to international peace and security are the recent virulent forms of terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and non-conventional weapons, and the spread of transnational criminal networks. But for many others around the globe, particularly those in the developing world, poverty, the spread of HIV/AIDS and other diseases, natural disasters, civil strife and other social, economic and environmental concerns remain the highest priority.

It is of the utmost importance that the international community strive to achieve unity of purpose in confronting these diverse security threats and challenges, based on a common multidimensional security agenda. The Secretary-General recently stated that the global security agenda should reflect a global consensus on the major threats to peace and security, be they old or new, hard or soft, and on our common response.

In that connection, we eagerly await his report on the work of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Member States must stand ready to make the necessary bold and drastic reforms of the current multilateral rules and institutions that govern international peace and security.

For small island developing States like Barbados, this wider multidimensional nature of threats to international peace and security is particularly important. In addition to the impact of natural disasters to which I have already referred, the trans-shipment of nuclear waste through the Caribbean Sea, global warming and water pollution all threaten our very existence as a nation. For us, challenges to our sustainable development represent some of the more serious threats to our security.

In this regard, we place great emphasis on the 10-year review of the Barbados Programme of Action, scheduled to take place in Mauritius next year, since it will present the international community with an opportunity to examine past successes and consider the future challenges that face small island developing States.

It is significant that small island developing States themselves have already implemented close to 70 per cent of the Barbados Programme of Action. We trust that the Mauritius meeting will provide our developed country partners with the opportunity to deliver on their past, present and future commitments.

Implicit in the proposal first submitted to the General Assembly in 1999 to designate the Caribbean Sea as a special area within the context of sustainable development is the recognition of the marine environment as our most precious natural resource and one of central social, economic and political significance to the Caribbean. Its protection and preservation remain a major priority of the region.

This year, the General Assembly will return to that issue. It remains the ultimate goal of the region to have the Caribbean Sea recognized as a special area within the context of sustainable development, and we look forward to continued assistance from the international community in helping us to achieve that objective.

Let me now turn to issues of particular relevance to Barbados and the Caribbean. Barbados considers it an irony of tragic proportions that, in the bicentennial year of Haiti's liberation from colonial control, that pioneer of independence has been plunged once again into crisis. While the events surrounding the abrupt departure of President Aristide remain a matter of deep concern -- particularly as they pertain to the constitutionality of the removal of democratically elected leaders -- Barbados is committed to assisting the people of Haiti in the process of normalization, the search for a peaceful solution to the political crisis, the strengthening of democratic governance in the country and the provision of humanitarian assistance.

Barbados is convinced that full engagement with the interim Government of Haiti best serves the interests of the Haitian people and reflects our stated desire to accompany them at this very difficult time in their history. This is a task which we must not shirk. Let there be no doubt: we expect the interim administration to uphold the highest standards set by the Charter of Civil Society for the Caribbean Community and to fulfil its commitment as regards the rule of law, equal justice for all, democracy and good governance. We look forward to the full implementation of resolution (2058 (XXXIV-0/04)) of the Organization of American States on the strengthening of democracy in Haiti, as well as to the holding of municipal, national and presidential elections in 2005, as promised. In this regard, Barbados intends to play its part in international efforts to assist Haiti to put the electoral process in place.

Barbados is hopeful that CARICOM will be able to play a key role in assisting Haiti through the Security Council-mandated United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). In this regard, the CARICOM Special Envoy, supported by a task force, has begun work to coordinate assistance to Haiti in areas where the countries of the region have recognized capacity.

Over the past week, we have all been made aware of the perilous situation confronting our brothers and sisters in Haiti as a result of the devastation caused by Tropical Storm Jeanne. Haiti is part of our CARICOM family. It is our duty to galvanize all our energies to assist in mitigating the plight of the Haitian people.

Two days ago, the Prime Minister of Barbados, the Honourable Owen Arthur, announced that the Government will provide technical assistance, as well as an initial contribution of 1 million Barbados dollars, to the interim Administration for the purpose of providing humanitarian assistance to the people of Haiti in the wake of Hurricane Jeanne.

The issue of Cuba's isolation within the hemisphere is also of concern to Barbados. We embrace Cuba as a bona fide sister State in the Caribbean region and are committed to a policy of constructive engagement with its Government and people. We do not believe that efforts to isolate Cuba, through exclusion from participation in hemispheric bodies such as the Organization of American States and the emerging free trade area of the Americas and measures that create greater hardship for the Cuban people such as the 50-year-long economic embargo will foster change in Cuba.

Like the entire Caribbean Community, Barbados, in its engagement with Cuba, has held close to the principles enshrined in the CARICOM Charter of Civil Society. We cannot accept that a regime change exogenously imposed upon the people of Cuba could in any way be a viable option.

The Government of Barbados has long enjoyed a warm relationship with its Caribbean neighbour Venezuela and has been deeply concerned by the political crisis in that country. We are satisfied that the recent referendum has been safely and successfully completed. We now look forward to a period of calm in which the process of healing and dialogue -- necessary for better understanding between competing groups -- can occur. Venezuela needs all of its people working together if it is to move forward and continue to be a leading engine of development in the hemisphere and the beacon of democracy which its founding father intended. It behoves all who cherish democracy to do what we can to give Venezuelans that opportunity.

This year, the world commemorates the struggle against slavery and its abolition, with the goal of deepening knowledge of slavery and the slave trade and highlighting its philosophical, political and legal legacy. As the first landfall upon crossing the Atlantic Ocean, Barbados was the recipient of a large number of African slaves, leading to a major imprint of African cultures on the formation of the Barbadian society. That coincidence of history not only created the unique fraternal bond that characterizes the relationship between the Caribbean and Africa but also serves to make us uniquely aware of the interactions that the slave trade generated throughout the world among the different peoples involved.

Barbados supports the call of the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) for all peoples to eradicate through their actions the vestiges of slavery and to combat all new forms of servitude that represent intolerable violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Indeed, Barbados asserts that international peace and security can best be achieved through the building of tolerance based on recognition of cultural, racial and religious diversity.

The fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly has before it a number of issues that have the potential to shape the nature and direction of international relations for many years to come. Barbados intends to play an active role in its deliberations.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Marwan Muasher, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

Mr. Muasher (Jordan)

First, I wish to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.

The most recent Arab Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme identified the pressing challenges facing the Arab world both now and in the future. Thus, it contributed to triggering a broad debate on the future of reform in the Middle East.

Partly in response, the Tunis Arab Summit adopted in May 2004 a document on the process of development, modernization and reform in the Arab world with a view to improving joint Arab action. That platform paper highlighted the need to consolidate democratic principles and to broaden the base of political participation. It also called for intensifying efforts to improve performance in the political, economic, social and educational areas by: giving more attention to youth issues, the advancement of women and the modernization of social institutions throughout the Arab world; improving education; completing the Arab common market plan; and laying out a pan-Arab economic development strategy. Jordan, for its part, supports this vision, which is in line with the plans we have already been pursuing within our national reform agenda.

Jordan believes that for reform to be truly meaningful it has to emanate first and foremost from within society and be sensitive to the particular characteristics and needs of each country. Accordingly, we in Jordan sought to develop an integrated agenda that addresses the primary issues of concern to our citizens throughout the country. Those include broader political development and personal freedoms, greater roles for women and youth, a more efficient judiciary system, educational reform and the achievement of steady economic growth with a view to improving the living conditions of all individuals, leading to a more progressive, open and tolerant society.

Within the same framework, the Government of Jordan sought to strengthen the partnership between the public and private sectors, both inside Jordan and at the larger, Arab regional level. The most recent inter-Arab initiative was launched by Arab private sector and grass-roots civil organizations, with active Jordanian participation, in Amman on the margin of the World Economic Forum, which was convened at the Dead Sea last May. That initiative laid the foundation for the delineation of a vision for the Middle East for the year 2010. A well-developed plan of action will be laid out at the Davos World Economic Forum in 2005. The plan will provide a framework for pooling and analysing constructive inputs and proposing answers for the challenges facing Jordan and the region in general.

However, the series of reform measures currently under way in Jordan will be inadequate without the support of the international community. The help we need involves support for our development projects, direct assistance to the Jordanian economy and foreign debt relief. Of special significance in this regard is the aid needed and expected from the Group of Eight industrial Powers to Jordan's plans and initiatives, which have been based on positive, realistic and sustainable goals.

The long-standing status quo in our region has made virtually impossible all serious efforts to forge ahead with the overall Middle East reform exercise. The creation of a favourable climate that helps accelerate regional development and progress depends on the termination of the Israeli occupation of Arab land on the basis of international legality with a view to ensuring security and stability in the region.

The time has indeed come to focus on starting the peace process on the basis of the road map and the terms of reference it contains, including the Arab peace initiative and implementation by both the Israeli and Palestinian sides of their respective obligations under the road map. In fact, the road map provides a well-defined vision of the ultimate solution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, namely the vision put forward by President George Bush of the United States of two States living side by side in peace. President Bush reaffirmed that position in a letter he sent last May to His Majesty King Abdullah Bin Al Hussein. The letter also elaborated the firm position of the United States, which rejects any measures that would prejudice the outcome of final status negotiations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).

The launching of any serious political process requires immediate action on the part of all parties to put an end to violence and to all forms of killing of civilians. Let me recall here that, according to the road map, the obligations of both sides must be carried out in concert. For its part, Israel should fulfil its commitments, beginning with the cessation of all settlement building and all extrajudicial killings. At the same time, the Palestinian side should complete the reforms required to control the security situation in the occupied Palestinian territories and bring violence to an end. In that regard, we welcome the decision to consolidate the Palestinian security apparatus. Israel's announcement of its unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, however, must be effected as an integral part of the road map and within its terms of reference. The withdrawal must be coordinated with all parties concerned, especially the Palestinian side, in order to ensure a smooth transfer of power.

It has become abundantly clear, now perhaps more than ever before, that there is a real need to develop an effective monitoring mechanism, operated by the Quartet, to ascertain whether all parties meet their mutual obligations and to ensure the scrupulous implementation of the road map by the two sides in their progress towards a successful conclusion. Here, I wish to pay tribute to the Quartet for its persistent efforts to maintain the momentum of the peace process.

Once again, I wish to reaffirm Jordan's commitment, along with that of all other Arab States, to the Arab peace initiative which the Arab Summit adopted in Beirut in 2002 with a view to putting an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict through the conclusion of a collective peace agreement providing for the security of all countries in the region and laying the foundation for the establishment of relations with Israel. The agreement would also create a framework for a solution to the Palestinian refugee problem on the basis of General Assembly resolution 194 (III), a full Israeli withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied in 1967 and the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian State.

Jordan stresses the need to respect and implement the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the separation wall being built by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territories. The pronouncement of the International Court of Justice is the law, and no peaceful settlement of the Palestinian question can be realized unless it is based on observance of the rules of international law and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination. In that regard, the Court's opinion was both clear and specific on the following points.

First, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is an occupied territory and, under international law, Israel is an occupying Power. Accordingly, the claim that the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is a "disputed territory" has been dismissed once and for all.

Second, the relevant rules of international humanitarian law are applicable to the occupied Palestinian territories, including The Hague Regulations of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which, according to the International Court of Justice, are legally applicable to that territory.

Third, the Palestinian people have the right to self-determination and Israel is violating that right in contravention of the binding norms of international law.

Fourth, the Israeli settlements built in the territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, are in breach of the rules of international humanitarian law.

Fifth, the construction by Israel of the wall in the occupied Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem, is illegal. Furthermore, Israel must cease its violations relating to the construction of the wall by, inter alia, dismantling those portions of it erected in the occupied Palestinian territories, reinstating the rights of the owners whose lands were lost and compensating those who incurred losses as a result of Israel's illegal actions.

Sixth, the construction of the wall and its route create a fait accompli on the ground which could become permanent and which, in that case, would be tantamount to the actual annexation of the occupied Palestinian territories.

Seventh, the international community is under a legal obligation to refrain from abetting Israel in its illegal activities and is prohibited from recognizing the illegal situation effected by the construction of the separation wall.

Accordingly, Jordan welcomes General Assembly resolution ES-10/15 and considers it an important step, reflecting the international community's recognition of the legal conclusions of the International Court of Justice and its desire to take practical steps to enforce it.

The separation wall threatens the national security of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The wall is not only a barrier to the establishment of a viable independent Palestinian State, but it also partitions the West Bank into three distinct, isolated sections. Moreover, and in view of the arbitrary Israeli closures and restrictions on movement, the occupied Palestinian territories are witnessing an unprecedented level of deterioration in every aspect of their political, social, economic, security and humanitarian situation. This is bound to have a spill-over effect on neighbouring countries, especially Jordan.

That is the backdrop against which Jordan supported the efforts leading to the adoption of the International Court of Justice advisory opinion and Assembly resolution ES-10/15. Jordan will continue to support the Palestinian people in its efforts to establish an independent State on its national territory, on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), 1397 (2002) and 1515 (2003), the principle of land for peace, the road map and the Arab peace initiative. We also stand ready to provide any assistance that the Palestinian side might seek to help it to reform its administrative and security structures with a view to fulfilling its obligations under the road map.

Jordan welcomes the formation of the interim Iraqi Government and the restoration of Iraqi sovereignty at the end of last June. In that regard, we wish to pay tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his Special Adviser, Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, for their unrelenting efforts, which culminated in the formation of the interim Government despite the enormous odds they encountered at every stage of the process.

Jordan underscores its support for the Government of Iraq and stands ready to lend all possible assistance to Iraq, its people and Government in the forthcoming phase in order to enable the country to rebuild its institutions, manage its own affairs and recover its regional and international status. The ongoing transition in Iraq and the need for it to develop its political and economic processes require the cooperation of all parties. With support, the Iraqi people will be able to determine their political future without external intervention, gain control of their natural resources and preserve Iraq's territorial integrity.

Despite overwhelming odds and the current instability, it is our hope that elections for the transitional national assembly and the formation of a transitional Government will be completed by the end of January 2005. Jordan calls upon all States to provide every possible assistance towards the achievement of those goals. The United Nations obviously has a pivotal role to play in ensuring a successful outcome. In that regard, we welcome the appointment by the Secretary-General of his Special Representative for Iraq, Mr. Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, and express our willingness to fully cooperate with him in order to ensure the complete and smooth fulfilment of the United Nations mandate in Iraq as set forth in Security Council resolution 1546 (2004).

In the meantime, Jordan strongly condemns violence, the killing of civilians and beheadings in Iraq. We remain committed to helping our Iraqi brothers in the training of Iraqi police and army units in order to enable them to improve their capacity to restore control over the security situation, as well as through the provision of necessary humanitarian assistance. It is indeed regrettable that there is still a tiny minority representing extremist movements and organizations that seek political power by means of intimidation and violence under the false pretext of Islamic action. Such groups exploit Islam as a means of achieving political or even personal gain by resorting to violence and terrorism and thus, unfortunately, tarnishing the image of Islam, a faith of moderation and tolerance.

We also condemn all acts of terror, including those gruesome and blind acts perpetrated in Madrid and Beslan, which require our firm collective stand in combating them.

The events of 11 September 2001 marked a new era of immense challenge to the international community in terms of dealing with the repercussions and implications of such events. Fighting international terrorism entails taking measures that affect international relations and the principles that have guided States since the creation of the United Nations and the adoption of its Charter.

In our view, a meaningful and effective global campaign against terrorism requires consensus on the following principles: Respect for the provisions of the Charter and the rules of international law, and non-transgression against the sovereignty of States; striking a balance between the counter-terrorism measures taken by States and the principles of human rights, public freedoms and non-abuse of the state of emergency to justify counter-terrorism measures; providing a clear and specific legal definition of "terrorism" as well as of the concept of "terrorist groups" that would not allow any legal justification for the commission of terrorist acts. By the same token, such definitions should not compromise the rights envisioned in the Charter and in the provisions of international humanitarian law, such as the right to self-determination.

In the same vein, combating global terrorism ought not be a tool for discrimination against the followers of any creed or a cover for assault against their religious beliefs. Finally, the "no justification for terror" policy should not lead to disregard for its underlying causes. Rather, an effective battle against terrorism would require global cooperation in addressing its root causes and the genesis of the phenomenon.

I am pleased to announce that the Government of Jordan has welcomed the formation of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change to examine the modalities for improving the performance of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security and its reform in general. We support the exercise undertaken by the Panel and look forward to receiving its recommendations at the end of the year.

We share the vision, laid out by the Secretary-General in his reports to the General Assembly, that reform is a continuous, comprehensive and dynamic process that must include all political, economic, administrative and financial activities of the United Nations. We also believe that, if reform is to succeed, genuine partnership between Member States represented by the regional groups and the Secretariat of the United Nations is required. In this regard, we believe that the thrust of reform should be an upgrading of efficiency and not a reduction in the expenditures or in the budget of the Organization. Therefore, a set of benchmarks must be developed to assess performance. In the meantime, there should be no room for the random setting of agenda priorities or for selectivity in implementing reform.

Regarding reform of the Security Council, I would be remiss if I failed to commend the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters related to the Security Council. Jordan supports the principle of increasing membership in both permanent and rotating seats in order to make the Council more representative of the United Nations membership.

In this regard, Jordan is of the view that the responsibilities of Council members should be reconsidered in order to ensure that all members have the capacity and political will to contribute effectively to peacekeeping operations by way of meeting their obligations under the Charter. The contribution by Security Council members of human resources to peacekeeping field operations, not just of financial and equipment inputs, is an essential requirement for the success of those operations. This is indeed a primary responsibility that must be met by members of the Security Council, especially the permanent ones. In addition, we think that effective operations require the development of a flexible mechanism that allows the adoption of clear resolutions by the Council, in close coordination with troop-contributing countries that are not members of the Council, as well as functioning in a transparent framework.

In closing, let me once again thank you, Sir. I would also like to wish this session of the General Assembly every success as I pray to almighty God to guide us to better serve our people and to live up to the responsibilities entrusted to us.

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Surakiart Sathirathai, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand.

Mr. Sathirathai (Thailand)

At the outset, allow me to begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session.

The United Nations has long stood for the loftiest aspirations and the noblest causes of mankind. In times of strife, it is the United Nations that holds out the hope of harmony. In times of deprivation and suffering, it is the United Nations that holds out the hope of healing.

After almost 60 years, however, this Organization, on which we pin so much hope, finds itself in the midst of an existential crisis. In a world ever more complex and less predictable, the United Nations has been struggling to redefine its meaning, identity and relevance for the era of globalization. To confront those new realities and more, no challenge will be greater than making the United Nations a more effective Organization for the times. No challenge will be greater than living up to the highest ideals of the United Nations with more action and fewer words.

Our United Nations locomotive is powered by the commitment and good will of its Members. It can take us as far as we want to go, but only if we all pull together. It can take us at any speed, but only if the power of commitment and good will is fully energized. For whatever it is and for whatever it will be, the United Nations is the creation of its Members. So, in demanding more of the United Nations, we must also demand more of ourselves. And in asking the United Nations to do more, we must also be ready to be committed more.

The task ahead of us all is to make sure that all concerted efforts are made nationally, regionally and globally to advance the causes the United Nations stands for and to restore total confidence in the working of multilateralism. Multilateralism cannot thrive or sustain without foundation. The foundation of the United Nations and its multilateralism may be its 191 Member States, but what bond binds the 191 Member States to the United Nations multilateral system?

The world's strategic, political and economic landscape of the twenty-first century is certainly far different, more complex and more intertwined than that of 1945. The layers of interwoven fibre that support such a multilateral institution as the United Nations must be modified and strengthened. It is Thailand's belief that, given today's international landscape, there is a greater need than ever to create new layers of regional and subregional building blocks to strengthen the United Nations multilateral foundation. Those building blocks are the bond that binds nations to the multilateral system.

In so doing, those regional and subregional building blocks must bear the responsibility of supporting and advancing the United Nations goals on security and development: reducing poverty, combating international terrorism, fighting transnational crime, promoting human dignity and human rights, and upholding the human race as a whole.

In South-East Asia, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is to create its three-pillared community -- the ASEAN Economic Community, the ASEAN Security Community and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community -- by the year 2020. The realization of ASEAN communities, as in other regional or subregional communities, requires bridging the development gap.

It was Thailand's initiative to take on the role of building that bridge by introducing the Economic Cooperation Strategy -- known as ACMECS -- and thereby laying a faster track towards sustainable development for its neighbours: Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam. Through the creation of more jobs and the narrowing of the income gap, that strategy will serve as a building block for ASEAN's three-pillared community.

Further to the east, the ASEAN 10 are working with its East Asian friends to create the East Asian Community, comprising the ASEAN 10, China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. To the west, Thailand sees the need to connect south-east Asia's development with its friends in South Asia. The first summit of the Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) -- seven countries in South-East and South Asia around the Bay of Bengal -- took place in Thailand in July, agreeing on a free trade area within the group which forms an economic and development bridge between the two subregions.

These building blocks and that partnership are part and parcel of the firm foundation for the Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD), the first pan-Asian development forum. The ACD was initiated on the basis of Thailand's conviction as to the virtue of partnership in drawing strength from diversity and in transforming diversity from a phenomenon that tears us apart to a force that unites us.

With 25 member countries -- countries from every part of Asia -- and still growing, the two-and-a-half-year-old ACD will become an important building block for multilateral cooperation and the United Nations multilateral system. Through such building blocks, we can learn to live with one another's differences and to cultivate a culture of peace and tolerance in order to counteract the violence and terror in today's world.

We cherish multilateralism as the best means to secure peace around the world. We cherish multilateralism as the best means to develop prosperity around the world. But above all, we cherish multilateralism as the best means to achieve both security and development worldwide. By the same token, State security and human security, which foster development, must always be two sides of the same coin.

From Iraq to Saudi Arabia, from Indonesia to Russia, shocking acts of terror have been perpetrated, seemingly calculated to shake confidence and undermine hope. As civilized societies, we must come together to fight terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, wherever it may occur. Terrorism is a direct threat to State security, but it also undermines human security.

That is why the development of human security and State security must proceed on parallel tracks. The world cannot be a secure place if its population is still suffering from poverty and deprivation. The world cannot really be peaceful if we cannot be successful in our efforts to make progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

That is why Thailand believes in the enhancement of human security as a means of making the nation secure. Domestically, the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security is in charge of our policy and implementation. Internationally, we are active in the Human Security Network and in other international arenas in which human security issues are paramount.

Thailand has long advocated balanced development, with freedom from fear and freedom from want as the two inseparable prongs of human security. We intend to continue to do so even more intensively as Thailand prepares to assume the chairmanship of the Human Security Network in 2005-2006. We intend to further advocate such balanced development by embracing partnership between the Government and civil society.

The Human Security Network statement issued in Thailand on the eve of the 15th International AIDS Conference in Bangkok last July -- which was attended by more than 25,000 people and recognized HIV/AIDS as an issue of both development and human security -- clearly reflects development and security as interconnected.

We view the issue of landmines in the same light. They are as much a humanitarian issue as a development one. As President of the Fifth Meeting of the States Parties to the Mine-Ban Convention, I have been working with the World Bank to reflect that approach in carrying out mine action. I am grateful for the Bank's cooperation in realizing the development dimension of the landmine issue. I also appreciate the Bank's readiness to mobilize resources for the training of deminers and capacity-building for survivors so that they may function as productive members of society. We are confident that the World Bank partnership will provide States parties to the Convention with greater resources that will help to achieve the Convention's goal.

As we try to secure peace for the world; as attempts are made to shatter our world's peace and security with terror, fear, hatred and violence; as many struggle against poverty; and as we pledge our commitment to the Millennium Development Goals, the multilateral system that we need to rely upon is facing challenges and threats to its effectiveness of unprecedented a magnitude and proportion.

However, amid those challenges, we are fortunate to see today nations building partnership with nations; nations learning to live with differences, and even turning differences and diversity into a common strength; and nations learning to achieve a higher level of tolerance, working at the economical, cultural and political levels to nurture a culture of peace and a culture of tolerance.

Through building blocks like the ones Thailand has been initiating in Asia, throughout Africa, Latin America, Europe and elsewhere, and through South-South cooperation, a number of responsible nations are ready to make contributions, in their own way, to turn differences into cooperation and partnerships. Those partnerships and building blocks deal with security and development, the two defining principles of the United Nations.

Those partnerships and building blocks can lay the foundation for a more effective functioning of the United Nations multilateral system -- a system that needs redefining and redesigning to respond effectively to the new geosocial and political landscape of the world.

Present-day realities -- the emergence of building blocks, the inextricable linkage between development and security, and the need to develop human and State security on parallel tracks -- clearly reflect how much the world has changed since 1945.

That is why United Nations reform is not a question only of the effectiveness of any particular organ of the Organization. Nor is it merely a question of numbers or composition. It is fundamental, therefore, to ask some pertinent questions.

How can the United Nations be made more responsive to current needs and realities, so that it devotes equal attention to the issues of security and development? What would be the best mechanism to deal adequately with issues of development and long-term global economic issues? What would be the best mechanism to deal adequately with post-conflict nation-building and reconstruction? What would be the best mechanism to ensure a greater participation of civil society, recognizing it as an important constituency for development and conflict resolution? How to ensure cooperation among the multilateral United Nations system and regional, subregional and interregional organizations, recognizing them as important building blocks for a more effective multilateralism?

Security Council reform is needed. That much is not in doubt. But if expansion is needed, what realistic criteria are necessary for the expansion to reach greater effectiveness? Does it need to be more transparent? What are the roles and relationship among its members?

Concerning the General Assembly, a body represented now by almost 200 Member States, more than three times larger than at the time of the founding of the United Nations, is it too cumbersome and do we remain content with its work process? How can the Assembly be streamlined, energized, and become more focused?

Those are not all the questions asked, and Thailand is not the only one asking. But all of us will have to find the answers. While we are all entitled to different views, opinions, and analyses, ultimately the decision must be made by us, the Member States of the United Nations.

Reform of such a venerable institution is never easy. We have to be realistic about that. But we have faith in the far-sightedness and wisdom of United Nations Members to take a holistic view and choose the right path, even if it is the path less travelled. Thailand pledges to apply all our experiences in forging partnerships in order to play a responsible and constructive role in contributing to the United Nations reform process. We have supported the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change and will look forward to its report in December, as well as to the fruitful and constructive debate by all of us thereafter.

Whether the United Nations recovers from its mid-life crisis or sinks into irrelevance is up to us, the Member States. For what it is and what it will become, the United Nations is our own creation made of our own commitment and goodwill. It is up to us to rise to the challenge. Only when nations are united, will we get the United Nations.

The President --> -->

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