General Assembly Session 58 meeting 16

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence for Jamaica.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Most Honourable Percival James Patterson, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence of Jamaica, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Patterson (Jamaica)

Your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, Sir, is a source of great pride and considerable satisfaction to Jamaica and the entire Caribbean. We regard it as a tangible acknowledgement of the region's active engagement on the global stage. I am confident that your combination of long political experience, outstanding diplomatic skills and commitment to global comity will enable all of us to benefit from your guiding hand at a time when the United Nations, the very cornerstone of global security and economic cooperation, faces its most severe test and the Charter itself is exposed to its greatest challenge. We also wish to commend the Secretary-General for his work during a very difficult year and in trying circumstances for the United Nations.

It may eventually prove to be a fortunate quirk of history that, by virtue of the rotation system, a distinguished representative of the Caribbean now occupies the presidency. For, by virtue of our history, location and size, we who fashioned the Caribbean Community thirty years ago recognized that we would never be able to acquire the economic power or military might to stand alone. Multilateralism, therefore, affords us our only source of protection.

Therefore, from its inception, our Community has remained resolute in upholding the sovereign equality of States and the maintenance of an international order that protects the weak and powerless from domination.

The international situation today is filled with uncertainty and fear. There is a prevailing climate of distrust and insecurity. Humankind faces the dangers of terrorism, nuclear proliferation and weapons of mass destruction. We witness outbreaks of war and violence and a worrying escalation of confrontation and conflict. There are new doctrines and policies that threaten peace everywhere.

The pillars of international law and respect for sovereign rights are being steadily eroded. Injustice and abuses of human rights still remain manifest. These are real concerns that underscore the need to strengthen multilateralism, to restore confidence in the United Nations system, to buttress its centrality in decisions that affect us all and to thereby enhance its capacity to enforce.

The multilateral process will collapse unless the international community asserts a strong collective will to review the structures, mandates and procedures in our global system.

In relation to efforts to strengthen multilateralism, I wish to emphasize four requirements:

First, multilateralism must be equitable. This is critical for its credibility. It should promote policies that provide full opportunity for all States to benefit from the global system and that take into account the needs, aspirations and welfare of the entire global community. It should be non-discriminatory and proceed from the principle that the lives of human beings cannot be differentiated on the basis of race, nationality or religion.

Secondly, multilateralism must be democratic. This is critical for its acceptability. Its decision-making should be based on a fully inclusive process, in which all States have a voice and where dialogue and equal participation are encouraged and promoted.

Thirdly, multilateralism must be principled. This is critical for its legitimacy. It must be based on common rules and standards devised and enforced by the international community, standards without selective application or double standards.

Fourthly, multilateralism must be effective. This is critical for its efficiency. Decisions, once taken, should be implemented. Member States must exercise the political will to guarantee that policies and decisions that are agreed upon and taken are supported and upheld.

Adequate resources must also be provided where necessary. In order to promote the interests of all States, the United Nations and multilateral institutions must facilitate the creation of new opportunities for economic development, through the expansion of trade and investment flows and through technical cooperation assistance.

In order to strengthen multilateralism, we need reform and rebuilding to improve the work of the United Nations in areas such as development cooperation, humanitarian affairs and disarmament.

No one, not even the five permanent members, dares to dispute the compelling urgency of altering the design and function of the Security Council if it is to fulfil, in the realities of the world today, the mandate conferred by the Charter of 1945. The case for expansion of membership is irrefutable, as is the need to redesign decision-making to correspond with the principle of the sovereign equality of States.

Let me make it clear: reform must extend beyond composition and geographical balance. The Security Council, as presently constituted, makes no pretence at representing democracy in the global system. This must be changed if we are to not fall into a dangerous abyss, and it must be changed in a way that deters arrogant deviation from the most basic elements of the rule of international law. We have been talking for long enough; the time has come to cut the talk and walk the walk.

In 2001, from this podium, I called for a United Nations renaissance. Unless we undertake it now, only those who believe in a resurrection will still be present. None of us will then be able pretend that we are not responsible for the demise of the Organization, nor will we be able to exonerate ourselves from the condemnation of history.

With regard to the General Assembly, what is needed is a resuscitation in the use of its powers and assertion of its role as the principal organ of the United Nations. This Assembly is a forum of equals. Its pronouncements and policy decisions must carry the stamp of legitimacy as it is the voice of the international community.

But while we emphasize the importance of institutional reform, there should be equal focus on the responsibilities of membership. There is need for a revitalization in the commitment and political will of Member States to support the multilateral system and provide it with adequate resources. Irrespective of the institutional arrangements we may devise, it is, in the final analysis, the Member States alone who can make the system work. We cannot afford to fail.

The critical problems facing us concerning war and peace are compounded by the proliferation of weapons of all kinds. Globally, military expenditures now amount to over 800 billion dollars annually. Experience has shown, however, that military power and massive investment in weapons do not bring security and lasting peace. The force of arms cannot impose a lasting peace. Instead, it breeds a climate of insecurity and feeds violence, war and terrorism with increasingly destructive capacity.

At the same time, the arms industry fuels a rapidly growing underworld of trans-national organized crime, which jeopardizes law and order and impedes economic growth and social stability within our national boundaries.

It is tragic and painful to witness the continued cycle of violence and carnage and the massive destruction of property in the Middle East. No solution can result from the continued military subjugation of the Palestinians or from violence against the Israelis. A political settlement has to be found to provide security for the Israeli people, to establish an independent State for the Palestinians and to make suitable arrangements for the security of all States in the region.

We cannot begin to speak about the situation in Iraq without noting the atmosphere of fear, disorder and insecurity which now prevails in that country. We deplore the recent bombings of the Jordanian Embassy in Baghdad and the United Nations office, which resulted in the deaths of United Nations officials, including that of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Iraq, and the bombing of the Shi'ite mosque.

We must all learn from what has happened in Iraq over the past year. The immediate question is how to formulate interim arrangements for the recovery and reconstruction of that country and the restoration of its sovereignty and independence, under a Government chosen by the Iraqi people. Efforts to re-engage the United Nations must ensure that it assumes a meaningful role in the peace-building process and the transition to democracy.

The situation in Africa has not been given the level of attention that is needed, particularly by the Security Council. The continued turmoil within parts of the continent shows the need for stabilization through conciliation and dialogue between contending parties to end further fighting and bloodshed. We commend the role being played by regional organizations like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and by African statesmen to mediate and bring peace to those areas of current concern. But more should be done.

Additional resources are needed to assist to ensure that societies disrupted by conflict can be re-established and stabilized. The obstacles to eliminating poverty and disease can be overcome by providing material assistance, and we are convinced that Africa has the indigenous resources, the human potential and the leadership to prevail over adversity.

Within the global economy, the pattern continues of a widening gap between developed and developing countries. Wealth is increasing but poverty is also growing in critical areas of the world. Although we continue to raise our voices to warn of the dangers of this global trend, our partners in the developed world have given little indication of a change in policies that might reverse it. We are continually told that prosperity will come with policies of liberalization, a minimalist State and deregulation. In turn, these policies will unleash free enterprise to take advantage of economic opportunities that will lead to development and growth. But it has become painfully obvious that this model does not succeed everywhere, particularly in the developing world.

As you know so well, Sir, the countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have for a long time been a region where democracy flourishes and the rule of law prevails. The strengthening of civil and political rights in our countries has been our passion since we gained our freedom.

We know that no country is above improvement in any of these areas, but there is a fashion in the industrial world -- including countries that are new converts to these values -- to imply that their adoption is the solution to all the problems of development. Were that so, Jamaica and all our countries of the Caribbean would have been havens of prosperity long ago.

What much of the developing world needs goes beyond sermons about the precepts of democracy, about obeying the rule of law and securing respect for human rights. The help we need is help in preserving those rights from erosion by the instabilities that derive from underdevelopment and from the steady deterioration in the global political environment.

In the international community, those same values are being systematically discarded and destroyed, as if our world society deserves less than our national communities. The persistence of underdevelopment -- the denial of people's full rights as human beings -- is the major challenge that poor countries face. We make this clear, because it has become all too easy for rich countries to excuse themselves from any meaningful effort towards poverty alleviation and economic development by asserting that salvation lies simply in securing civil and political rights. This is exactly what they did at Cancun to the poorest countries in the world -- to those who live in abject poverty -- by denying their plaintive petition for a better deal in cotton.

As the current Chairman of the Caribbean Community, I assert that for us in the Caribbean, the future of our democracies lies in the strengthening of our economies, in a more favourable trading environment for our products, in more rapid and effective debt relief, in the protection of legitimate areas of economic progress like our financial services industry and in tailoring globalization and the dogma of liberalization to the needs of small economies. Our future lies, in short, in escaping the trap of poverty. That some are poorer does not make us less poor than we are; that some are less developed than we are does not alter our state of underdevelopment.

Trade and competitiveness are not everything. In developing countries there are weaknesses in production capacity and deficiencies at the micro level that can be helped through programmes of development cooperation. Regrettably, in recent years, donor resources for such cooperation have been shrinking. Where commitments have been given, there have just been too many promises broken. But we still remain hopeful that the pledges of Monterrey and the targets of Johannesburg will be taken seriously as commitments to be implemented.

Partnership should not be used as a vehicle for the imposition of conditionalities to promote bilateral political objectives. In our view, true partnership must respect the concept of ownership by recipients and the national priorities as determined by them. Decisions affecting development are being taken in different areas, in different forums and by different agencies. Increasingly, there is the need to ensure coherence in policies and programmes.

The international system currently does not have an effective mechanism for conducting such an exercise. We reiterate our belief that one of the urgent tasks of the moment is to create a mechanism within the international architecture, which will focus on trade, finance, technology and development policy in an integrated manner.

We want to draw attention to the Barbados Programme of Action, which deals with the vulnerability of small island developing States (SIDS). We call on the donor community to support the review of international economic arrangements, when the international conference meets in 2004 to review the Barbados Programme of Action.

We in Jamaica fully recognize that globalization has the potential to advance human development throughout the world. But this is not automatic. For globalization has also increased our vulnerability, insecurity and the possibility of marginalization. Small countries like Jamaica and groups like CARICOM cannot and should not be expected to follow the same policy prescriptions applied to larger, more advanced countries. Special and differential treatment of a meaningful kind is important, as we require policy space for our productive sectors. It cannot be expected that countries such as ours will abandon local production in agriculture and manufacturing, although we fully recognize the growing importance and potential of the service sector in both the regional and global economies.

In the aftermath of Cancun, we in the global community need to accept that trade rules must be asymmetrical in recognition of the diversity in levels of development and the size of economies. Trade rules must also recognize the right of all countries to protect their development priorities and vulnerable groups, especially their small farmers. Development issues as they relate to the World Trade Organization (WTO) agenda must be defined by developing countries themselves and not by others for us. The world community must recognize these principles to ensure that the global trade architecture can bring meaningful benefits for all.

Globalization may bring a more integrated world, but there will always remain significant variations in national systems, cultures and national priorities. There is no single sustainable model for political development or economic success everywhere. We live in a diverse world where different ideas, cultural norms and standards exist. These should all be respected in the framework of agreed principles within the United Nations. In a world of such diversity and pluralism, there should be tolerance, understanding, non-discrimination, self-determination, respect for equal rights and justice for all. Those, for us, are transcendental values to which we in Jamaica and throughout the Caribbean will always fully subscribe.

The United Nations should continue to promote respect for diversity while promoting the common principles and ideals that form the foundations of international law and order and international cooperation. This provides the only key for the pursuit of enduring peace, harmony and real development in the global village to which we all belong.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence of Jamaica for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear a statement by the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, His Excellency Mr. Mari Alkatiri. I invite him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Alkatiri (Timor-Leste)

At the outset, allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside over the work of this session of the General Assembly. We are confident that you will draw on all your experience and wisdom to conduct successfully the work of this Assembly. I assure you of all the support and cooperation of my delegation and wish you success in your task.

I would also like to congratulate the former President, Mr. Jan Kavan, for the exceptional way in which he presided over the work of the fifty-seventh session.

I speak today with a mixture of happiness and sorrow. I am happy to address the Assembly for the first time in this plenary in my capacity as Prime Minister of my young country, after more than two decades of having sought understanding and support for the cause of my people and having often lobbied for support in the corridors of this building. I am also deeply saddened, however, for having lost, just over a month ago, an old friend -- Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello -- an innocent victim of intolerance, extremism and terrorism. I wish to pay tribute to his memory and to all those who have served the United Nations and lost their lives in Baghdad and other turbulent regions of the world.

It was under the guidance of Secretary-General Kofi Annan, represented in Timor-Leste by Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, that exactly one year ago the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste became the 191st Member of this Organization. The President of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, Mr. Xanana Gusmão, and I bore witness to that historic act.

Since then, our country has experienced significant progress in the consolidation of our nascent democracy. My Government has presided over the strengthening of national cohesion and has given priority to the unequivocal affirmation of the Republic as a democratic State founded on the rule of law by taking normative measures in governance to implement the provisions of a modern Constitution drafted by the Timorese and adopted by an Assembly democratically elected by the people.

Open governance is one of the programmes of my Government. Based on the principles of good governance, inclusion, participation of the individual and collective responsibility, open governance was initiated in January this year. It consists of bringing the Government to the people in the remote areas of the country to hear first hand their priorities, problems and needs, as well as to clarify to the people the national development plan, the Government programme, available resources and the challenges ahead. It also seeks to instil a greater sense of responsibility in the people and to make them better understand the need for their participation in the reconstruction of the country vis-à-vis the implementation of the national plan, the methods of achieving the objectives of economic growth and of the reduction and eradication of poverty.

In relation to the legislative process, we have prioritized the adoption of laws for the foundation of the State, above all in order to avoid taking discretionary and subjective measures that are without legal foundation. Hence, more than 30 decrees and laws have been adopted by the Government for approval by the National Parliament. In this manner, we will create an institutional culture of democracy, giving basis to a democratic State founded on the rule of law and the principle of good governance.

The challenges are enormous, however. Of the 900 schools destroyed in 1999, around 700 have been rehabilitated and more than 30 new schools constructed. Despite this, 25 per cent of our children remain without access to education.

In the tertiary sector, we have a national university with more than 7,000 students. Hundreds of candidates are frustrated that their expectations of graduating from the national university have not been met. We now have a proliferation of institutions of higher learning that are not officially recognized by the Government. To deal with this situation, the Government has assumed the responsibility of preparing rules.

In health care, similar challenges are being faced. Much of the infrastructure has been rehabilitated and more is being built, but the people want more assistance and means of support. They ask for more doctors, more nurses, more midwives, more ambulances and health centres closer to their villages. A national health policy has been adopted by the Government. We hope soon to be able to reduce the difficulties in this area with the cooperation of the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Cuba in the provision of doctors to operate in the rural areas.

In agriculture, more than 60 per cent of the irrigation system has been repaired and new systems have been built. It is important now to instruct farmers in the best methods of use for their systems and to make them responsible for the maintenance of those systems while the remainder is being repaired.

In infrastructure, in general, the repairs and maintenance have been slow and difficult. There are 6,000 kilometres of roads to be rehabilitated and maintained, and our people are demanding the opening of many others. Many bridges need to be rebuilt, completed or built outright.

We also are facing problems in the electrical sector, which is in deficit. We have re-established electricity production in all districts and in 55 of the 65 sub-districts. Dili, the capital, has power 24 hours a day. In the meantime, it is the policy of my Government to identify and develop alternative sources of energy that are more accessible and sustainable. Currently, we are conducting a feasibility study of such resources, in particular in the area of hydropower.

Access to running water for consumption is very limited. However, it is undeniable that the number of people with access to running water is increasing daily, more so than in 1999.

In the area of telecommunications, we are implementing an ambitious project overseen by Timor-Leste Telecom through a concession in the build-operate-transfer system.

At the end of this year, all district capitals will have at their disposal fixed and mobile telephones, for both domestic and international purposes. With the completion and installation of the telecommunications system, we will also create the technical conditions necessary for the development of television and radio, delivering the best service in the media sector, which is free, vibrant and responsible.

The process of reconstruction is taking place in an environment of peace and stability. However, areas that are key for guaranteeing the sustainability and credibility of the entire process, such as the judicial system, defence and security, will continue to require substantial assistance and support for some time to come.

In other sectors of the Administration, we need qualified people to assist in the development of the capacity of the Timorese, in particular in the consolidation of the financial and banking systems, border control, legislative drafting and the definition of a national policy, promotion of investment and technology transfer.

With this in mind, I would like to reiterate that, in order to guarantee the sustainability of the entire process and to meet two major aspirations - that of our people for peace, democracy and development, and that of the international community to continue to promote Timor-Leste as a success story, we must not forget to say the following.

To our people, we would say -- as we have been doing -- that they should be more patient. Above all, we must demand their participation and that they shoulder their responsibilities.

We ask the international community for consistency, continued dynamic partnership and support.

To the General Assembly in particular, we ask that it endorse the Economic and Social Council's decision to include Timor-Leste in the list of least developed countries.

In keeping with its history of struggling for human dignity, my country has ratified a number of important international human rights treaties. We are aware that the ratification of these international instruments creates legal obligations, and the Timorese State will do its utmost to implement its commitments under those instruments.

With regard to external relations, we continue to develop ties of friendship and cooperation with our neighbours, namely, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand, and in particular with our two closest neighbours, Indonesia and Australia.

As Prime Minister, I have made official or working visits to Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, New Zealand, Mozambique, Angola, Portugal and the People's Republic of China.

At the beginning of this month, a meeting of the Joint Indonesia-Timor-Leste Ministerial Commission was held with a view to resolving a number of residual issues of recent years, as well as to promoting new cooperation in the areas of commerce, investment, development, education, health and security. The meeting had a positive outcome. We hope to finalize the demarcation of our land boundary this year in order to begin negotiations on our maritime boundaries. Boundaries, whether land or sea, define the territory of a country. Within a territory, one can exercise powers of sovereignty or jurisdiction. For this reason, Timor-Leste, having as its neighbours two large and friendly countries -- Indonesia and Australia -- hopes to see its borders with both countries demarcated or delimited by the end of my Government's mandate, so that all the resources belonging to the people of Timor-Leste can be exploited in a free and sovereign manner, for the benefit of present and future generations of Timorese.

The relationship between Timor-Leste and its neighbours is developing in a constructive and dynamic manner at the bilateral, trilateral and multilateral levels.

Timor-Leste enjoys special observer status in the Pacific Forum and has participated as a guest in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Timor-Leste is a fully fledged member of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries; the African, Caribbean and Pacific-European Union; the World Bank; the International Monetary Fund; the Asian Development Bank; and various specialized United Nations agencies.

The fight against terrorism, organized crime and trafficking in human beings, drugs and illegal arms is at the top of the agenda, regionally and in Timor-Leste. We will make every effort to contribute to the eradication of these ills, which are turning into a real epidemic with the development of new technology.

Timor-Leste is a country of South-east Asia which is linked to the Pacific by geography, history and culture. Our people are proud to be part of this great geographical region of Asia and Oceania -- rich in history, culture and civilization, and comprising more than one fifth of humanity. We are deeply grateful to all our Asian brothers -- Japan, the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, India, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand -- who have responded without fail to our appeal for assistance, on a major or modest scale, depending on the capacity and experience of each country. We are grateful to all of them.

I have just concluded a visit to the People's Republic of China. Within weeks, Timor-Leste will receive the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mr. Mahathir Mohamad. In December, we will be honoured with a visit from the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand.

We continue to strengthen our relationships with other countries in South-east Asia, in particular Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam.

We deem it regrettable that the process of dialogue and national reconciliation in Myanmar is at a standstill. Timor-Leste associates itself with the concerns and disappointments of our friends in ASEAN, and we join our voice with those of others in the international community to appeal for the immediate release of Mrs. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of all others who are being detained, and for the resumption of talks and of the process of reconciliation and democratization.

My Government takes note of the commitments undertaken by General Khin Nyunt, Prime Minister of the Union of Myanmar, in his speech of 30 August 2003. We would like to express our deep concern at the abandonment by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and its stated intention to produce nuclear weapons. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has three countries as its neighbours that over the years have demonstrated friendship and solidarity. None of those three countries presents any threat to its security or sovereignty, thus the production of nuclear weapons cannot be justified.

Timor-Leste is a small country with a small population. Nonetheless, it has coastlines on two oceans and is linked to two continents. Historically, we were for five centuries the only Portuguese colony in the region, and, during a quarter century, a territory occupied by Indonesia. More than 90 per cent of the population of my country is Catholic, and there are also two minority religious groups -- Protestants and Muslims.

History determined that we would be different. Our geographical situation conferred on us conditions for converging and relating. We remain different and, within that difference, we find our identity and sense of openness and tolerance. We know that we have something to give, but we also have much to receive.

I am a Muslim of Arab descent and the Prime Minister of a country with a Catholic majority. Our tiny Muslim community lives in peace and tranquillity, integrated into society in general without losing its identity and without feeling alienated or discriminated against. The Timorese Catholic leadership has been exemplary in preaching respect and tolerance in relation to all religious faiths, constantly searching for dialogue, cooperation, participation and mutual respect.

My country does not intend to put itself forward as a model of tolerance, mutual respect and coexistence between religions. I am speaking about our experience only to say that in this world of hate, violence, intolerance and extremism, there are some oases of tolerance, peace and tranquillity that deserve to be the source of new energy.

Fanatics and extremists have existed throughout history and no region or civilization in the world can claim exclusive rights to virtue or truth. In this globalized world, there is no place for racial or cultural, much less religious, superiority. Extremists and terrorists have always existed. The fundamental difference is that the terrorists of today benefit from globalization and make use of modern technology as a means of achieving their objectives.

It is rhetoric, and unacceptable, to define different civilizations and religions as a target. The fundamental reason for violence in the world is inequality in development and, in particular, the injustice of the international economic order. The target of extremists and Islamic terrorists is not the West, its culture and dominant religions. Rather, it should be stated that the West is a target as a consequence of the global order.

We are witnessing a new reality. The agenda of the extremists is primarily the toppling of moderate and elite regimes and the imposition of theocratic systems in which the universal values embraced by a democratic State are called into question, as they contradict their views. Such an agenda would mean a return to the Middle Ages, with the Islamic extremists determining the fate of their citizens.

The fight against extremism, fanaticism and terrorism must be waged on all fronts. One is the military front, where action must be seriously thought through and always implemented with great caution and clear-sightedness. The other fronts include the political, economic and social. The fight against poverty and exclusion must be integrated into our global strategy in the war against terrorism.

My Government congratulates the people of Iraq on the end of one of the bloodiest dictatorships in history. The people of Timor-Leste know only too well the significance of a dictatorship. In order to be free of it, we sacrificed hundreds of thousands of our children in decades of unequal struggle.

During our struggle for independence and democracy, we always believed that our efforts should be focused on re-establishing international legality in our country, ensuring that the United Nations take responsibility and demanding that the international community respect the Charter and United Nations resolutions on Timor-Leste.

My Government defends the concept that the central role of the United Nations must be respected by all countries, in particular those with the means and resources to strengthen the role of our Organization.

With regard to the situation in Iraq, it is urgent that international legality be re-established in that country. The only legitimate means of transferring sovereignty to the people of Iraq is to hand over power to their democratically elected representatives.

We believe that the Arab League must be a privileged partner of the United Nations in the process of transition and reconstruction in Iraq. As it is a regional organization representing more than 200 million people who mostly profess the same religion, speak the same language and are of the same cultural and historical origin, it must not be ignored or bypassed when its own interests and that of the region are at stake.

My country is a good example of the kind of a partnership that can develop when the United Nations and its obvious natural role in the resolution of conflicts and the mobilization of international consensus is recognized. Each process is unique and has its own dimensions and characteristics, but our positive experience can be repeated in other places, and can serve as a reference point for Iraq.

I would like to comment on two issues related to the Middle East, beginning with Palestine. We express our deep disappointment that the peace process has regressed and that violence has escalated in that part of the world. We feel encouraged by the presentation of the road map, and hope that it can assist in accelerating the peace process.

We reaffirm our support for the road map and for the right of the people of Palestine to self-determination, independence and the establishment of an independent and sovereign State. We appeal to all the parties in that bloody conflict to cease all forms of violence, to resume dialogue and rigorously to respect the road map as agreed to with the Quartet.

With respect to Western Sahara, the Arab and Muslim people of that former Spanish Territory continue to wait patiently for the holding of a referendum on self-determination, as agreed to by all parties in 1994. We appeal to the General Assembly, the Secretary-General, the Security Council, the Arab League and the African Union to encourage both parties to return to direct dialogue with a view to establishing a definitive date for the holding of the referendum on self-determination in the territory of Western Sahara.

My Government is closely following the situation in Guinea-Bissau. While deploring the military coup that toppled the elected President, we are relieved that there was no bloodshed or loss of life. My Government supports the holding of new elections with a view to the restoration of a constitutional democratic order, if possible within the framework of the United Nations and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, to achieve the necessary support for the bringing of peace, stable government and economic recovery.

We regret the breakdown in talks during the most recent round of the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference held in Cancun. The industrialized nations must understand that the international trade systems must be rectified. It is neither ethical nor moral for the rich countries to preach democracy, human rights and the dogma of a free market, while practising protectionist policies that condemn hundreds of millions of human beings to perpetual poverty and dependency. It is less than ethical when they teach the rules of the free market while subsidizing their farmers with billions of dollars, making the products of our countries, which have a greater comparative advantage, increasingly less competitive.

Timor-Leste has benefited from international solidarity, and we are grateful for that. But we cannot remain silent in the face of injustices and anti-economic policies that impoverish the rest of the world. We appeal for the renegotiation of debt and for debt relief for the poor and indebted countries. But we also believe that debt relief must be proportional to the measures taken by each country in adopting strategies for sustainable development and focusing on the eradication of poverty. This means increased expenditure on public health and education, reduced military expenditure, the strengthening of democratic institutions, the promotion of human rights and the independence of the judiciary. Those are conditions that are indispensable for peace and prosperity.

In conclusion, I would like to touch on the theme of reform of the United Nations. The creation of this institution was the result of the collective experience of humankind, victim of the greatest scourge in history. We congratulate the founders on their vision, but we are conscious that the institution reflects the reality of that period. In 1945 there were merely 51 Members, and it was viewed as a club for the rich and powerful, a "white man's club". But the United Nations today is a truly global institution, with 191 Members.

The recent experience of Iraq provoked a new debate on the need for the structural reform of our institution, beginning with the Security Council, which is increasingly being called upon to provide opinions and to intervene in many regions of the world. We support an increase in the number of permanent members of the Security Council to reflect the current demographic reality and the new world balance.

Many people are frequently asking themselves, and asking out loud, a few questions, such as "Is it fair for the Western Group to have three permanent seats in the Security Council, while Asia has only one and Africa and Latin America have none? Is it possible that India, the largest democracy in the world, with more than one billion inhabitants, does not have the same status as others? Is it possible that Brazil, with the world's ninth largest economy and Latin America's largest, a crossroads of races and civilizations -- Ibero-Latin American, African and indigenous people -- does not have status as a permanent member of the Security Council?" Throughout its history, Brazil has shown prudence and balance in the conduct of its foreign politics, an active and constructive engagement at the regional and international level and always a voice of moderation and dialogue.

There are certain procedures that may have been understandable during the cold war period. But today the way must be made for principles of democratic decision-making that are acceptable and universally practiced. We must question these paradigms.

We also believe that the term of the mandate for non-permanent members must be reduced to between six months and one year. That will give the 191 members of our Organization the opportunity to serve in this organ. Besides, a shorter period will allow the less privileged to feel the desire to invest their human and financial resources to serve on the Security Council.

The reform and the democratization of a number of organs of our Organization are necessary and urgent. The errors and failures of the past, when the Security Council was powerless and indifferent to human tragedy, should compel us all to have the courage to accept a fair share of the decision-making that affects us all.

Let the big, rich and powerful know that humility is the greatest virtue. Leadership means knowing how to dialogue, persuade and build alliances and consensus. There are challenges ahead. There are many threats. The resources of 191 countries are represented in this huge Organization. To respond to these challenges and threats, we must unite and build bridges of consensus and active cooperation.

Allow me to conclude by saying that the future belongs to the optimists. We are here today because we favour optimism. That is why the struggle must continue.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Morshed Khan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.

Mr. Khan (Bangladesh)

I bring a message of peace from Bangladesh.

Please allow me to congratulate the President on his election. I wish him every success in the formidable task of leading the United Nations to continued relevance and credibility in these stormy times. I am confident that he will build upon the legacy left by his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan.

We commend the Secretary-General for his stewardship in these difficult times. The United Nations has been faced with extremely challenging situations over the past year. We have lost one of our most outstanding men of peace -- Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello and many of his colleagues. Such senseless and despicable acts must not be repeated.

The new millennium, which we all heralded with so much hope, has been plunged into turmoil. Intervening events in the last three years have changed our world forever. They have left us groping for solutions. The events of 11 September 2001, the Afghan and the Iraq war, the open confrontation between Israel and Hamas and the African civil wars shape some of the dimensions of this world of disorder.

Driving these crises are new realities -- an all-out offensive against terrorism, arguments for pre-emption and unilateral action as an option for security, the targeting of Islamic radicalism and its fall-out as religious profiling. Somewhere, the coin of global cooperation has been debased.

Each year we come to this Assembly to reaffirm our faith in the United Nations and our commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter. Today, we pause to grapple with doubts that have arisen about the relevance of the world body. I hasten to add that for Bangladesh, this pause is very short-lived. The cardinal question is not what is wrong with the United Nations, but what is right with it and how we can make it serve our purposes despite seeming setbacks.

Three compelling factors stand out. The first is universality. All 191 States of the world wish to be within the fold of the international community. Second is the flip side of globalization. The bottom line is that no one State alone can deal with the intricate problems facing our world -- be it the dysfunction of the collective security system, an interlocking economic, monetary, financial and trade grid, the challenges of globalization, international terrorism, environmental degradation, new diseases, trans-border organized crime, and so on. The conclusion is clear. The United Nations is indispensable as the central organ for the collective management of world affairs.

The third factor is legitimacy. As has been underlined, the greatest strength of the United Nations remains its legitimacy, founded on the bedrock principles of international law. There is no substitute for that legitimacy. It is by this measure that we look to the United Nations.

But as the Secretary-General notes in his report on the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals, "The war exposed deep divisions in the international community, with accusations of double agendas". He goes on to observe that "The war in Iraq brought to the fore a host of questions of principle and practice that challenge the United Nations and the international community as a whole". This is a sad commentary on the state of the world body today.

In contrast, we have noted that wherever the United Nations was allowed to take up its rightful role and responsibility, and where it was provided with necessary support, it has achieved success, durable peace and stability. The experience of East Timor, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to name only a few, have vindicated the legitimacy, role and relevance of the United Nations. War can be won by military might; the challenge lies in winning peace. That is what the United Nations, with over half a century of experience in peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace-building, is best placed to do.

We in Bangladesh place our full trust -- and have total confidence -- in the capacity of the United Nations to address matters of international and global concern, including peace and security. We see the United Nations as a source of inspiration, initiative and support in our national, regional and international endeavours. It is in this forum that we establish common standards, universal values and shared programmes. In a globalizing world, no nation is an island; none can prosper alone. We therefore believe that today, more than ever before, the Organization deserves the support of all of our nations in a more active and demonstrable way.

The Secretary-General deserves our appreciation for bringing the focus of the Organization back to its socio-economic agenda. We welcome his report on the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals. His assessment of the progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goals is sobering. While signs of progress for a given region are noted, the road to 2015 is long for many of our nations. The report of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific and the United Nations Development Programme concerning the Millennium Development Goals, for instance, draws attention to the worrying declines in the flow of official development assistance to the least developed areas and countries; it described that as "unacceptable and unconscionable". The report has also called for reforms in the international trade system to help the poorest countries.

Against that backdrop, the setback at the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference, held at Cancún, warrants an early resumption of the negotiations. A breakthrough will require courageous decisions and significant compromises. Our commitment to the Millennium Development Goals also requires that the negotiations be concluded successfully. The global economic situation today dictates equitable trade policies and fair trade practices, which were sought in the Doha round. The economic survival and the socio-economic stability of many nations depend on how we handle post-Cancun challenges. The stakes are very high for all of us, in both the short and the long term.

The development policies and programmes of our Government, led by the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Begum Khaleda Zia, are based on the Millennium Development Goals. Our resource allocation in the social sector remains high, and we have prepared a three-year economic growth, poverty reduction and social development strategy. That is a major initial policy framework. We look forward to working closely together with our development partners in our implementation of those policies.

The governance paradigm in recent decades has happily embraced the fundamental tenets of democracy. In Bangladesh, we have the necessary institutions in place. We are reforming, modernizing and expanding them. As a thriving democracy ourselves, we support United Nations efforts aimed at promoting the rule of law, good governance and human rights. We believe that all human rights -- including the right to development -- should be pursued in a comprehensive manner and with a holistic approach.

The past year has seen serious developments in the international peace and security situation, especially in Africa and the Middle East. Bangladesh has taken a positive and constructive approach to all these issues. We have consistently supported the efforts of the United Nations in that regard. We have done that as a matter of our commitment to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and its Charter.

In practical terms, Bangladesh has remained a major partner of the United Nations in its peace and security mission. Over the past two decades, Bangladesh has participated in United Nations peacekeeping operations in four continents, including the most perilous ones. We are currently among the largest contributors of troops and other personnel to United Nations peacekeeping operations, with thousands of our troops in eight Missions, in Côte d'Ivoire, Western Sahara, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Kosovo, Timor-Leste and Georgia. Recently, we are also committed to taking part in the proposed United Nations mission in Liberia.

The people of Iraq have inherited a civilization that is ancient and one of the most glorious. The present situation in Iraq should be resolved while preserving the interests of the people of Iraq and ensuring long-term peace, security and stability in the region. Bangladesh reiterates its support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the country. We stand ready to take part in the reconstruction and rebuilding of Iraq in the true spirit of brotherhood that characterizes the relationship between our two nations and peoples. We reiterate our call for ensuring a clear, effective and credible role for the United Nations in Iraq's transition to democracy and in the country's reconstruction. Bangladesh supports the forthcoming international conference on Iraq's reconstruction to be convened by the United Nations, and we look forward to a successful outcome.

The recent developments in the Middle East are extremely worrying. It is clear that the progress made from Oslo to Madrid and the present is now seriously threatened. The road map that the Palestinian side accepted with great courage has not been seriously accepted or implemented by the other side. Preconditions have been imposed, making peace difficult. The Israeli practices that are well known to the Assembly continue to be applied in occupied Palestine. There are gross and systematic violations of international humanitarian law and fundamental human rights. The vicious and criminal announcement of the intention to expel and even assassinate President Yasser Arafat calls for global condemnation in the strongest possible terms. All of that runs counter to the global demand for the peaceful settlement and establishment of a Palestinian State to live as a good neighbour in peace and security.

Bangladesh reiterates its support for the early establishment of a sovereign, independent State of Palestine in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. We call for a more active role on the part of the United Nations, and we ask the Security Council to assume its responsibilities towards the people of Palestine. We urge the diplomatic Quartet to intensify its efforts to prevent further escalation and to address the threats against President Arafat, a Nobel Peace laureate and the undisputed leader of the Palestinian people. We urge that the peace process be placed back on track. We call for renewed efforts aimed at a comprehensive solution of the Middle East issues within a given time frame.

International terrorism remains a scourge. In the post-11 September 2001 context, it has taken centre stage in our global concerns. We reiterate our unequivocal condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. Bangladesh is party to several international conventions on combating terrorism, and we are in the process of acceding to the remaining ones. We are actively involved in the elaboration of an additional protocol to the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation's Regional Convention on Suppression of Terrorism. The protocol will strengthen the Convention by incorporating provisions that include those contained in recent Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 1373 (2001). Bangladesh attaches great emphasis on disarmament. We believe that it is closely related to international peace and security and has a direct relationship with development. Bangladesh is party to all international disarmament treaties covering nuclear, biological, chemical and conventional weapons. Seeking general and complete disarmament is our constitutional commitment. International peace and security, human security and the security of our planet have been the prime considerations in making our policy choices.

We have supported all efforts at disarmament. We continue to believe in the value of all measures, even partial efforts at arms control and disarmament. Our conviction has been vindicated by our progress in the control and ban of a number of weapons. The multilateral track, including the Conference on Disarmament, needs to be revived.

Bangladesh has renounced all weapons of mass destruction -- biological, chemical and nuclear. The situation along the borders of the two nuclear-armed South Asian countries has been a matter of global concern. As a close neighbour, we too have a legitimate cause for concern. In this context, we applaud the Secretary-General for his recent call for the elimination of all nuclear weapons. The imperatives, in view also of the threats to the existing regimes and their implications, do not require elaboration in this House. We would thus urge a renewed consideration of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) opinion and the report of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.

In our region, as elsewhere, particularly since we are challenged by abject poverty, hunger, illiteracy, lack of safe drinking water and disease, our priorities should be socio-economic development, not nuclearization. We need to foster cooperation, not prepare for confrontation.

It is with this thought that our late President Shaheed Ziaur Rahman conceived of institutionalized regional cooperation leading to the emergence of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). We firmly believe in the value and indeed the imperative of cooperation in our region. We hope that together we shall also be able to establish a peaceful, friendly and prosperous South Asia. We would draw inspiration from other parts of the world where such regional economic integration has worked well for the people of those regions.

In today's world, perhaps the most potential sources of conflict of interest within countries and among them would centre on natural resources, in particular, fresh water. We call for management of shared resources without depriving or causing damage to the economy or ecology of any of the countries concerned or the region.

For example, any unilateral withdrawal of water from international rivers should be prohibited, as such action would cause great damage to the environment, agriculture, industry and the overall economy and ecology of other countries. All actions in such areas should conform to international law and the norms of equity, justice and, of course, fair play. Any decision with regard to shared natural wealth should be through consultation among all concerned countries.

Bangladesh identifies itself closely with the problems of Africa. We believe in the efficacy of South-South cooperation as a mutually beneficial practice among societies at comparable stages of development. The launching of the African Union has been inspiring and that of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), encouraging. We are confident that the leadership of Africa and its people will succeed in transforming the continent into a peaceful and prosperous one.

We have developed greater knowledge, special bonds and closer friendship with many African nations through our participation in their democracy and nation-building efforts and through peacekeeping and development activities. Bangladesh will continue to work together with them in addressing the challenges of building durable peace and sustainable development.

The specific problems facing the landlocked and small island developing countries require special attention. We hope the Almaty Conference has created a fresh impetus to address their needs. We must also accord support to countries that are in the process of transition in their economies.

The 1990s have seen a series of major United Nations conferences. Each has adopted an elaborate implementable programme of action with clear and specific responsibilities at national, regional and international levels. The International Conference on Financing for Development, held in Monterrey, Mexico, the World Summit on Sustainable Development, held at Johannesburg, and the Third United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which met in Brussels, have reinforced the earlier commitments. Now is the time to focus our efforts -- individual and collective -- to implementing the programmes of action emanating from those Conferences.

The United Nations has, in recent years made significant progress in reforming itself in organizational and substantive terms. Further progress remains to be achieved in various areas, including the Security Council, where reforms are essential to make the Council more representative, democratic and effective.

Also in need for further reform are the General Assembly and other major organs, including the Trusteeship Council, which could be revived. We need certainly to go further. Bangladesh welcomes the proposal of the Secretary-General to establish a high-level panel of eminent persons for examining the challenges to peace and security. We look forward to their report. In this regard, we would underline the importance of preserving multilateralism and consensus.

Decisions on budget cuts must not compromise the functioning of the Organization and budgetary exercises must not adversely affect the interests of the developing countries, in particular the least developed ones. There should be adequate provision for mandated activities in the developing countries.

It will remain our goal to bring the United Nations to the centre of global development efforts. The Economic and Social Council can play a crucial role in this regard. It must examine innovative and creative methods in its work. Bangladesh has sought election to the Economic and Social Council during the current session. As we have done in the past, Bangladesh seeks to contribute, as a member of the Council, to the pursuit of the United Nations social and economic agenda. We hope we shall receive valuable support from all Members of the Assembly.

The Millennium Development Goals set a number of achievable targets in the most pressing areas. Bangladesh is committed to achieving them for our people. We shall also work closely with all other nations so that these objectives are realized equally for all of us. But we aspire to go beyond. We urge continued focus on the implementation of the outcome of the 1990s cycle of international conferences. They represent a comprehensive agenda for humanity for our century. We must follow up on them for our present and future generations and for the progress of humankind. Let us all try to create a better world for all generations.

The Acting President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saint Kitts and Nevis, His Excellency The Honourable Timothy Harris.

Mr. Harris (Saint Kitts and Nevis)

My Government is pleased that the General Assembly's presidency at its fifty-eighth regular session is in the capable hands of my distinguished colleague, the Foreign Minister of Saint Lucia, Senator Julian Hunte, whose election bears witness to the importance that this Organization holds, not just for the Government of Saint Lucia, but also for the Governments and people of the Caribbean Community. I trust that as he tackles the critical United Nations agenda over the coming year he will incorporate into his work the lessons of our successes as a Caribbean Community. As with his predecessor, whose steady leadership was tested during a year of unprecedented challenges, he, too, can count on my Government's continued support.

I take this opportunity to pay tribute to Sergio Vieira de Mello, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, other staff of the United Nations and the citizens of Iraq who lost their lives or sustained injuries in the tragedy of Baghdad last August. We share the sorrow of the Secretary-General and his staff, and extend our profound condolences to the bereaved families.

I intend to focus our attention on the critical importance of strategic partnership. Lest my statement be misconstrued, I hasten to assure the Assembly from the outset that my Government is neither oblivious nor indifferent to the multitude of concerns and problems that attend and threaten our quest for international peace and security. I will be pleased to share my Government's perspective on them later. But allow me first to share with the Assembly our national philosophy and policy as they relate to improving the human condition.

"How does one do that?" you ask. Improving the human condition is achieved by working towards human security. Notwithstanding the recriminations and blame, at the core of the failed World Trade Organization round in Mexico earlier this month was the issue of human security. Clearly, countries want guarantees as Governments struggle to meet the needs of their citizens. For my Government, human security means that each citizen has the right to liberty, education, employment, an improved standard of living and economic development. We believe that human security is a comprehensive and holistic concept that encompasses all aspects of the human condition.

Obviously, there is much that we in the Caribbean can and must still learn from the rest of the world. But, equally, there are many valuable lessons that the rest of the world can draw from our experiences and successes in the Caribbean. In many areas, the Caribbean is a testament to the practicality and efficacy of functional cooperation, and of how, despite the many issues that divide us, we continue to work together on matters common to us. Be it at the subregional level of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) or within the broader Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the progress we have made in forging consensus and in building common institutions to address our shared problems allows us to be able to share best practices with the United Nations and demonstrate how, by working together through cooperative partnerships, each of us can achieve more.

For nearly four decades, for example, the University of the West Indies has cultivated many distinguished academics and other notables. Today, it stands as a beacon of hope for our young people in their quest for quality higher education. To its credit, the University continues to work with several internationally recognized institutions and agencies in the areas of peace and security, health care and scientific research, to name but a few. The Caribbean Examinations Council has responded adequately and with requisite standards of excellence to the growing education needs of the English-speaking Caribbean. When our students complete their education, they stand shoulder to shoulder with their counterparts around the world. It is not my intention to boast, but for us it is a matter of national and regional pride. Further, as the Assembly's President is aware, many of our countries have adopted policies that allow nationals of other member States to travel to and work in their countries without the hassle of visa requirements and work permits. Although we are divided by the sea, the bridges of commitment and recognition of our common challenges and the benefits of shared approaches are bringing us ever closer together.

The Caribbean Development Bank and the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank are models of how financial responsibility and cooperation with and among member Governments in executing fiscal and monetary policies can facilitate stability, underpin accountability and engender progress. For decades, the Eastern Caribbean dollar, the currency of the countries of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, has remained the bedrock of monetary stability. We are also especially proud of the success of the OECS Court of Appeal, which has worked effectively and dutifully in dispensing justice throughout the territories over which it exercises jurisdiction. Further, the prudent and positive steps toward a Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), provide evidence of the determination of Caribbean Governments to cooperate in almost all endeavours to advance the human security of our citizens. These are but a few examples of functional cooperation. In every case, member countries are better off because they work together rather than unilaterally.

We continue to incorporate in our national policies many of the agreed principles of sustainable development. Additionally, our regional campaign to fight the spread of HIV/AIDS and treat its victims has witnessed encouraging results under the Pan-Caribbean Partnership against HIV/AIDS. My Government wishes to commend the World Bank and the William J. Clinton Presidential Foundation for their pledges of support for our work in this regard. We hope that our cooperation efforts will be a model for future partnerships in our region and beyond.

I promised earlier that I would share my Government's perspective on some of the decisive issues that confront us internationally. I preface my remarks with a reminder that just over a decade earlier we stood on the threshold of a new era of opportunity. We celebrated the collapse of major ideological conflicts, which previously held us captive, even, I dare say, on the brink of nuclear Armageddon. As one leader remarked, nations and peoples quietly harboured dreams that the last decade of the twentieth century and the advent of the twenty-first century would herald new opportunities to address and redress asymmetrical issues that had frustrated our collective aspirations and individual potential. None of us, I am sure, would likely admit that we may have squandered such prospects. However, a little more than a decade later, ideological rifts seem to have been replaced by political chasms and new dangers.

Consequently, we must re-evaluate our concept of security. The Organization of American States, in its meeting of foreign ministers last year in Barbados, took the bold and timely step of redefining security within its hemisphere. Security, the foreign ministers declared, is diverse in scope and multidimensional in nature, requiring multifaceted approaches to address political, economic, social and environmental issues. This concept clearly recognizes that we cannot separate national, regional and international security issues from political, economic and social stability and their security implications.

We in the Caribbean recognize that, whereas globalization is a viable instrument of growth and prosperity for some, it has become the vehicle of ruin and despair for many of the already poor people around the world. While countries that prosper praise globalization and free trade, countries that suffer see themselves as no more than the guinea pigs, the passive objects of globalization, with very little hope of advancing human security for their poor citizens.

How do we encourage our citizens to have faith in a system that punishes their legitimate efforts? How can we tell the poor farmers in the developing world, struggling to eke out an existence, to hold out hope when farmers in rich countries are subsidized and rewarded for overproduction? How do we ask our citizens in small vulnerable economies to sacrifice and adopt free trade wholesale, while larger, more developed economies devise new ways to deny them crucial market access. Unless we address such inequities, there will always be resentment and mistrust. We must therefore work together to level these bumps on the road to development. Also, we must rob the uncivil forces of the arguments they use to feed and exploit the anger and despair of the poor and dispossessed.

I turn now to the United Nations. In our view, the United Nations remains central to international peace and human security. The myriad challenges facing us today require collective action and partnership. I hasten to add that, although the United Nations still lacks important elements of transparency and democracy in the operations of the Security Council, it nevertheless represents the most practical framework our nations have to address regional and international concerns in a holistic manner.

I trust that, when the dust of discontent settles, we will appreciate that no country can act alone in pursuit of international peace, development and human security. My Government calls on the United Nations membership to embrace a bold vision and commitment to fighting the pull of isolation and the lure of economic and financial engineering. Our reality today encompasses the struggles to find positive and sustainable methods for advancing our citizens' development against uncivil forces or rogue ideologies working relentlessly to undermine them.

My Government calls on the United Nations and Member Governments to further subscribe to and promote partnership by fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals. The Millennium Goals are essential steps to improving the human condition. They are also a reliable basis for addressing many of the inequities of globalization. We urge Member States to work to meet these goals. We can relent only when the other half of the world's population ceases to live in abject poverty, when larger sectors of the world's population can find work, and when all parents are able to send their children to school.

Despite its exclusion from this international fraternity of nations, the Republic of China on Taiwan remains a valuable partner for peace and development with fullest respect for international law. We trust that its contributions and its citizens' right to adequate representation can be guaranteed in the best interest of brotherhood so that all people can live in peace and enjoy the fruits of prosperity through partnership. Saint Kitts and Nevis therefore urges the United Nations to avail itself of every possibility to facilitate a sustainable resolution of the impasse that hampers Taiwan's efforts to engage in international dialogue and contribute to the common interests of mankind.

Let me end by reaffirming my Government's commitment to multilateralism and to strategic partnership.

The Acting President

I give the floor to Her Excellency Mrs. Maria de Fátima Lima Veiga, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and Communities of the Republic of Cape Verde.

Mrs. Veiga (Cape Verde)

Let me at the very outset offer my warm congratulations to Mr. Hunte on his election to preside over this fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly. With his proven skills in the field of international affairs and his wide-ranging experience, we are confident that we will deal effectively with the many crucial tasks facing this Assembly. I assure him of the full support and best wishes of my delegation as he carries out the tasks of his high office.

Let me also extend our appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Jan Kavan, whose committed efforts guided the fifty-seventh session of this Assembly.

I wish to express my delegation's appreciation for the indefatigable efforts of the Secretary-General to preserve and enhance the role of our Organization last year, which proved to be one of the most difficult in its existence. One sad sign of this was the bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad last month, which took the lives of Sergio Vieira de Mello and 21 other persons of different nationalities. It was a monstrous act that deserved strong and universal condemnation. Nothing could justify such a senseless attack against the civil personnel of a mission whose aims were none other than to help the Iraqi people to face the tragic situation in which they are living. We thus pay our respectful homage to the memory of those dedicated persons who lost their lives in the tragedy.

My country fully cooperates with the United Nations bodies in the struggle against terrorism and organized crime. However, the fight against terrorism should not lead the international community to downplay the importance of promoting development and fighting poverty and everything associated with it, including hunger, illness, illiteracy and environmental degradation. Nor should the international community forget the need to guarantee the respect of the rights of peoples and individuals, combat discrimination and all its aspects that deprive human beings of their dignity.

Very relevant proposals concerning the future of our Organization have been presented by the Secretary-General. He stressed the need to accelerate the reform of the United Nations by adapting it to the realities of the world in which we live, namely addressing the question of enlarging the Security Council and increasing the number of its permanent members, strengthening the General Assembly and reinvigorating the role of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), as well as of the United Nations as a whole, including its relationship with the Bretton Woods institutions.

By their size, economic power, regional and international influence, there are obvious candidates to become permanent members of the Security Council. Their weight in international affairs can no longer be overlooked. We should not lose sight of the fact that their contributions to peace, security and development can bring more legitimacy to the body. The time is ripe to welcome those countries in an enlarged and more representative Security Council, in which Africa should have at least two permanent seats.

Being a member of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP), Brazil should, in our view, take a permanent seat in the Council.

The issues relating to the reform of the United Nations have been the subject of a longstanding debate that points to an overwhelming consensus among Member States. My delegation supports the proposals made by the Secretary-General and hopes that the momentum provided by acknowledgement of the challenges, threats and dangers faced by the world will be seized by this Assembly and instil its members with the sense of urgency to come up with appropriate binding and pragmatic decisions relating to these issues.

As the President of the Assembly rightly pointed out in his inaugural speech, "Many developing countries do not have a wide range of development choices available to them and in fact face serious challenges due to their special circumstances."

Among these developing countries the international community recognized small island developing states as a special case of development and environment. It will be during the mandate of the current President of the General Assembly that, by happy coincidence, an international meeting will be held in Mauritius to assess the state of implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action.

Earlier this month, Cape Verde hosted the second regional preparatory meeting in anticipation of the Mauritius event. In this context, I would like to underline the meaning of my country's commitment to the process of global support to the sustainable development of small island developing states, a process to which my Government is fully dedicated.

The SIDS denomination has now been in existence for nearly a decade. The work accomplished by the United Nations toward a greater international awareness of the problems of small island developing states has been generally successful.

I take this opportunity to express my Government's gratitude to the entire United Nations system for the central role it has played in cultivating and maintaining the high degree of international awareness that is essential to our countries.

However, the recognition of a special category of countries cannot be justified for the purposes of classification alone. One would expect that the special designation would lead to some minimal amount of special treatment of the countries concerned, commensurate with their specific disadvantages and handicaps. Regrettably that is not the case with the small island developing states. In fact, island-specific special treatment is almost non-existent, even though many SIDS are in dire need of greater differentiation in the current pattern of international cooperation.

I therefore wish to convey my Government's hope that the Barbados Programme of Action +10 process, culminating in the Mauritius international meeting, will constitute a landmark in the history of the differentiated treatment of developing countries, particularly small island developing States.

The need for special consideration that is most commonly shared by small island developing states is the need to see market-access preferences preserved, not eroded. Such a need is not a luxury, but a prerequisite for many SIDS in their efforts to maintain competitiveness and economic viability in response to the structural disadvantages resulting from their remoteness and small size.

While several SIDS do enjoy a fair amount of special treatment, such as the treatment derived from least developed country (LDC), African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP) or African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) status, there are still areas of international cooperation in which the absence of reference to island status is difficult to understand. One of these areas -- of direct relevance to the question of trade preferences -- is the ongoing debate in the World Trade Organization concerning the Work Programme on Small Economies, a debate in which small island developing states, regrettably, have not been able to advocate their case under the SIDS designation.

Cape Verde has again been deemed to qualify for graduation from least developed country (LDC) status under the criteria and graduation rules used by the Committee for Development Policy and the Economic and Social Council. As stressed by my delegation in the substantive session of the Council in July, we feel that a decision to graduate Cape Verde from least developed country status at this juncture would give the international community a gravely incorrect impression of our structural progress and prosperity, whereas Cape Verde remains one of the most economically vulnerable and aid-dependent countries in the world.

Here we are faced with a peculiar paradox: in the context of its support to small island developing states the United Nations system recognizes the permanent handicaps of a country, but, at the same time, it is considering withdrawing the special treatment this country has been eligible for, without leaving any alternative treatment available.

In this context, and in the light of the international recognition of the special handicaps of small island developing states, my Government urges the General Assembly to request the relevant bodies of the United Nations system to re-examine with care the rule whereby a least developed country would be seen as qualifying for graduation. We believe that such re-examination ought to result in a methodological reform that will do justice to the least developed small island developing States.

Africa has made a remarkable effort to respond positively to the call of the international community and its own peoples to foster development, promote democracy, transparency, good governance, the rule of law and accountability. In the wake of this call African leaders agreed to establish the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), in whose success we are all engaged in order to lead our continent out of poverty and conflict, ushering in a new era of prosperity and peace. Its adoption not only by the African Governments and civil societies but also by the international community as a framework for African development will help establish common goals and clear commitments that will lead our continent on a promising new journey. We believe that the NEPAD project should pay special attention to the situation of the island States.

Noticeable progress has been achieved, both in the manner of installing democratic Governments throughout the continent and in putting an end to conflicts.

In this particular case, we are heartened by the recent accord between the Sudanese Government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. This constitutes a very significant step towards putting an end to the suffering of the Sudanese people. If, as we all anxiously hope, this agreement brings peace to that great African nation, it will add to the successes already registered in Mozambique, Angola and Sierra Leone, along with the ongoing processes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Great Lakes and Liberia.

We must be cautious, however. Conflicts result from unsettled social and political issues. If these are not adequately tackled, the risk of new conflicts will persist. It is important to recall that democracy and the rule of law can develop unhindered only when and if the minimum conditions for survival are assured for the populations and when the rights of individuals and groups, including minorities, are respected.

The events in Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago illustrate the fragility of the institutions in a country that cannot address the basic problems of its population. While it may be true that political leaders must be held accountable for not ensuring good governance, in an environment of poverty, lack of resources and indebtedness good governance is easily set aside. These events point to the need for a stronger commitment of the international community to helping countries in distress face the tasks of fighting poverty, consolidating democratic institutions and promoting economic and social development not only with promises and advice, but also with concrete means.

Notwithstanding the serious threats that hover over mankind, a safer, more just and more peaceful world is now within reach of our living generations. Never before has mankind had such an array of means to face the great challenges that continue to defy humankind, such as hunger, poverty, illiteracy and curable diseases. Hunger is a case in point. Several experiences in different regions of the world prove that hunger can be eliminated if there is determination and available resources. It is therefore unacceptable that, in a world awash with food, one in three sub-Saharan Africans should continue to suffer from chronic hunger.

Last July, at the second ordinary session of the Assembly of the African Union, held in Maputo, Mozambique, heads of State and Government of the African Union adopted a Declaration on Agriculture and Food Security in Africa. In this Declaration, African leaders once again demonstrated their firm commitment to combating hunger on the African continent.

At the national level, fighting hunger was set as one of the main priorities of the first Government of Cape Verde immediately after independence and continues to have a prominent place in Government policies in the framework of poverty reduction strategies. That is why we support the plea made by the President of Brazil to establish a world committee to fight hunger.

Three years ago, world leaders endowed themselves with the important political tool that is the Millennium Declaration. There is no excuse for the fact that the promised resources and the proclaimed will have not been put to work to achieve and even surpass the arduously negotiated but unanimously agreed Goals adopted in this very Hall. Despite the difficulties and uncertainties looming over the Organization, the eyes of the world are focused on the United Nations because all believe that our Organization can and should be the vehicle for achieving those Goals. Let us work together to make it happen.

The Acting President

I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Harmodio Arias, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Panama.

Mr. Arias (Panama)

On behalf of the President of the Republic of Panama, Mireya Elisa Moscoso Rodríguez, and on my own behalf, I extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Hunte on his election as President of the General Assembly at this session. The delegation of Panama is deeply gratified that he has been appointed to guide our debates, because he represents here the commitment of developing countries, and in particular those of the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States, to multilateral efforts to achieve peace, respect for human rights, and sustainable development.

Stability and security, in their broadest sense, are things to which all humanity aspires. We will never achieve these objectives, however, if, in attempting to shape this new world, we counter the aspirations of our peoples or attempt to base it on the systematic development of grand military alliances. Human security, which is sought by all States, large and small, depends exclusively on our dedication to the collective security architecture that we have concentrated in the United Nations. Our duty, then, is to defend and strengthen at all costs our Organization's objectives and purposes, in particular the integrity and authority of our international legal system.

The world has been through an extraordinary experience this year, one that was hotly debated and the fallout from which is still far from clear. It is not too much to say that the trepidations over the events in Iraq that were felt here in the United Nations and beyond have had a number of repercussions both on the internal work of this Organization and on the conduct of international relations.

Nevertheless, Panama is convinced that the differences that were aired in the Security Council are a clear demonstration that it has functioned as it should; that the diversity of opinions and approaches that exist in the world were aired there without reservations; and that, although differences remained at the end of the process, it had the marginal benefit of highlighting the measurement and control requirements that must be taken into account in the Security Council.

Apart from these differences, the Security Council acted appropriately in establishing a pragmatic relationship with the occupying Powers in Iraq by means of resolution 1483 (2003) of May 22. In addition, our Organization is demonstrating that it has an irreplaceable role to play in the humanitarian field, just as it has in the political, diplomatic, economic and financial spheres.

The shocking slaughter that took place in Baghdad on 19 August and the killings of 22 September -- painful acts of terrorism that took the lives of many national and international civil servants of the United Nations, including Special Representative Sergio Vieira de Mello -- must move us to consider and adopt urgent measures to ensure that the international community takes concerted action as soon as possible towards the reconstruction of Iraq. To all their colleagues and to the great United Nations family, we express the most sincere condolences of Mireya Moscoso, President of Panama, her Government and the people of Panama.

During the Millennium Summit, Panama asked Member States, among other things, to return to the original spirit of the United Nations Charter. Consistent with that request, we hope that all of us will accept the obligation to reconcile ourselves with the general interests of the international community and to avoid acting solely in light of our particular strategic, military or political interests.

We repeat that request today, and call attention to the urgent need for strengthening the multilateral system as the guarantee of stability and security, which are fundamental for peaceful coexistence. Today, perhaps more than ever before, we must tackle the task of reforming our Organization so that the General Assembly can fulfil its proper function as the principal political body, and the Security Council can have a greater capacity to deal with the new challenges that the end of the cold war has brought with it.

To achieve this objective, Panama stresses the contents of the Declaration on the Strengthening of the United Nations and Security Council Reform, adopted at the Eleventh Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Rio Group, which met at Asunción, Paraguay, in August 1997, calling upon Member States of the United Nations to correct the present imbalances in the composition of the Security Council, improve its decision-making mechanisms, and bring greater transparency to the conduct of its work.

We firmly believe that an extremely important element in this and other tasks facing us is the announcement by the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, that he will establish a high-level panel comprising eminent personalities from all regions of the world. Panama and the world congratulate him on having proposed this initiative.

We also wish to have the General Assembly become the forum in which to seek a solution to the problem between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan. As Panama has noted on previous occasions, Taiwan has, in a sense, been left hanging in time and space, protected and yet unprotected. Recently, in response to the need to combat the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) epidemic, the World Health Organization was able to provide direct and effective assistance to Taiwan without violating or weakening the fundamental elements of the positions of the parties to that controversy. We believe that the United Nations system could act in several ways to help the People's Republic of China and Taiwan resolve their dispute in a peaceful way, while we fulfil our most cherished objective of responding, without exception, to the social needs of humanity.

Last July we held here the first Biennial Meeting of States to Consider the Implementation of the 2001 Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. We are still quite far from achieving our objectives, both nationally and internationally, but we believe that that biennial meeting injected new vigour into the efforts that we must all make to keep our commitments.

We repeat our position, put forward at that meeting, that the purposes and code of conduct put before Member States in the first two articles of the Charter must be crucial for securing peace and understanding among the nations of the world.

We would also stress that the massive clandestine trafficking in small arms and light weapons, which fuels internal conflicts, dictatorships, guerrilla movements and international terrorism, can only be blocked through close international cooperation. With equal determination, we must pursue the networks of traffickers in narcotics and diamonds, which use bogus firms and banks, thrive by corrupting public officials and are constantly working to destroy our societies.

In a follow-up to the Monterrey Summit, we in the countries of the South renew our call for creating a more just and efficient financial system, for eliminating the inequities of globalization and financing for development, and for raising the depressed prices of our raw materials and other export products. As we have stated on previous occasions, there is also an urgent need to agree on the proper mechanisms for forestalling financial crises and finding a solution to unsustainable external debt burdens, in accordance with resolution 57/240.

We now approach the High-level Dialogue on Financing for Development, which will be held in this city on 29 and 30 October 2003. We must seize this opportunity to reinvigorate this part of our activity, and to review the progress achieved in ensuring effective Secretariat support, pursuant to resolution 57/273.

At the second meeting of the Ad Hoc Committee to consider proposals for a comprehensive and integral international convention to promote and protect the rights and dignity of persons with disabilities, it was decided to create a working group to prepare and submit a draft text for negotiation among Member States and accredited observers.

Panama's position is represented in the Declaration of Quito of 11 April 2003, which, in brief, called for promoting and protecting the rights and dignity of the 600 million persons living with disabilities around the world, the great majority of whom suffer constantly from poverty and lack of understanding. The international convention that we seek, as noted in the Declaration, must reflect "the universality, indivisibility and interdependence of all human rights and the principle of non-discrimination." These concepts are thoroughly established in the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international human rights agreements and other related instruments.

It is timely to refer here to the persistent and growing worldwide HIV/AIDS pandemic. Latin American and Caribbean countries, too, are confronted with a serious situation in this area. The Pan American Health Organization met in Washington on 11 June to address this issue, and noted that the demographic and social impact of HIV/AIDS in our region threatens to undermine the ability to carry out development projects.

We therefore call on the United Nations system to make available to Latin America and the Caribbean adequate resources to prevent this scourge. As is well known, our region today has some 2.5 million people suffering from this terrible disease.

It is clear that the moral and technical presence of the United Nations is essential in efforts to eradicate political, racial and religious intolerance, and in support of negotiations for pacification, reunification, self-determination and reconstruction, in order to ensure that the peoples concerned can enjoy the benefits of development.

Having said this, I urge our Organization to find expeditious ways of helping those who are committed to the so-called road map for resolving the conflict between Palestine and Israel to secure the active cooperation of the countries of the region and of the Governments of Israel and the Palestine National Authority, so as to overcome the current scepticism over any imminent possibility of seeing the two peoples living in peace, within secure boundaries, as two sovereign States.

Ensuring that that urgent task is carried out successfully will require the ongoing participation of all of the neighbouring States. They must demonstrate a joint willingness to become guarantors of the stability and security of the Israeli and Palestinian peoples and guardians of strict adherence to the Charter of the United Nations and to Security Council resolutions.

I would like to conclude by referring briefly to the International Criminal Court. With the election of its Judges and Prosecutor, the Court has become a reality. We recognize the concern that has been aroused, particularly among the States parties to the Rome Statute, by the fact that the Security Council, in its resolution 1487 (2003), renewed for one year the provisions of resolution 1422 (2002) with regard to immunity in cases relating to peacekeeping operations, as well as by the fact that bilateral immunity agreements have been negotiated separately by several countries on the basis of article 98 of the Statute.

Panama, a firm supporter of the International Criminal Court, believes that these pragmatic agreements are a response to a temporary situation, and that they cannot and must not detract from the purposes and objectives of the Rome Statute. As States parties, we cannot shrink from the obligations imposed by our domestic jurisdictions in matters relating to war crimes, and we are therefore convinced that the political concerns and suspicions of today will disappear as it becomes apparent that persons who commit monstrous crimes against humanity can never be shielded by any State or protected by dreams of impunity. Any State that holds to a different interpretation on this point will be swimming against the tide of human progress and international law.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Mustafa Osman Ismail, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Sudan.

Mr. Ismail (Sudan)

I should like to begin my statement with a quotation from the Koran:

"O mankind! We created

You from a single (pair)

Of a male and a female,

And made you into

Nations and tribes, that

Ye may know each other

(Not that ye may despise

(Each other). Verily

The most honoured of you in the sight of Allah

Is (he who is) the most

Righteous of you." (The Holy Koran, XLIX:13)

Peace be upon you.

I should like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Julian Hunte on his well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I should also like to express the gratitude of my delegation to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan.

We would like to express our appreciation for the important role that the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, continues to play in revitalizing the work of the Organization. In this connection, we welcome his ideas regarding the institutional reform of the Organization. I would also like to take this opportunity to express to the United Nations our heartfelt condolences for the untimely deaths of Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello and his colleagues.

When I addressed the Assembly from this rostrum last year, I made clear that my Government and my country were eager to achieve peace in the Sudan. I am very pleased, therefore, to inform the Assembly that our words have been matched with deeds, and peace is now on the horizon -- peace that will put an end to an armed conflict that has squandered the human and natural resources of the country and hindered the development of the Sudanese people.

My country has continuously reiterated its desire for dialogue and negotiation with the Sudan People's Liberation Army Movement (SPLM). Our efforts, together with those of the mediators, have been continuing for more than 10 years and have recently been crowned with success in the form of an agreement by both parties as a result of an initiative put forward by the countries of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, under the patronage of the sisterly country, Kenya, and with much appreciated positive support by the IGAD partners.

At the most recent round of negotiations, His Excellency Mr. Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, First Vice-President, led the Government delegation, and Mr. John Garang led the SPLM delegation. Four days ago, it resulted in an agreement on security arrangements and the extension of a ceasefire. It is expected that that agreement will pave the way for a final round of negotiations that will lead to just and lasting peace throughout the Sudan as soon as possible.

I would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the IGAD member countries for the role they played in the Sudan peace process, under the stewardship of the President of Kenya and his special envoy. Our thanks and appreciation also go to IGAD partners, namely the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Italy and Norway. We would like to express particular gratitude for the positive intervention of the Government of the United States of America at the most critical juncture in the negotiation process. We also appreciate the considerable efforts that Egypt and Libya have continued to make in the interests of peace in the Sudan, as well as those of the Arab League and the African Union.

We are confident that Members will understand how important the ceasefire agreement is for the humanitarian situation. The report of the Secretary-General on the humanitarian situation in the Sudan demonstrates the extent of the progress made in this area. Next month will mark the one-year anniversary of the cessation of hostilities. Peace remains a basic requirement for the rehabilitation of the areas affected by war and will allow for the transition from humanitarian relief to comprehensive sustainable development.

Mr. Ismail (Sudan)

We would like to reiterate our full conviction that the peace, security and stability of the countries of the region are directly linked with peace in the Sudan. That is why my country has endeavoured to heal the wounds of the past in its relations with neighbouring countries, in particular Egypt and Ethiopia. Our relationship with those two countries has moved beyond the reconciliation stage; we now have exemplary strategic security ties with them, thereby protecting the interests of our peoples and consolidating peace and security in the entire region.

We would like to express gratitude to our friends and brothers and to the United Nations in general for their humanitarian assistance during the conflict. We call upon the international community to help in the post-conflict reconstruction of our country and the rehabilitation of internally displaced persons and refugees, and to assist in the achievement of sustainable development in support of the fledgling peace.

It gives me great pleasure to tell the Assembly that we have made appreciable constitutional achievements that will open the door wide for participation by all the Sudanese people in all areas of political life. Economic plans and policies adopted by the Government have started to bear fruit, whether in the form of reduced levels of inflation, high rates of growth or the stabilization of exchange rates. We will continue to enhance those policies with a view to reducing poverty and achieving sustainable development within the framework of the 25-year comprehensive development strategy for the period 2003-2027.

In his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General reminded us that, as the challenges facing us change, so must we alter our methods of dealing with them. It is high time, therefore, that we summon the political will to reform the Security Council by dealing with the double issues of membership and the right of veto so as to make it more representative and democratic in its membership and in its decision-making. While touching on Security Council reform, we warmly welcome Council resolution 1506 (2003), which lifted the sanctions imposed against fraternal Libya. In that connection, we wish to stress the need to lift all unilateral sanctions, used as a means for the political and economic coercion of States. We urge the Security Council not to be quick to impose sanctions on countries, particularly the developing countries, because of their adverse impact on their people.

The high-level participation at this session to discuss various international issues is clear evidence of the General Assembly's importance. We strongly support its efforts to rearrange its priorities and agenda items, in order to improve the administrative and procedural aspects of its work, to enhance its relations with the Security Council, the highest organ in the United Nations, to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security and to face ongoing challenges.

Another challenge of great concern to us lately is the increasing acts of terrorism. Terrorist acts that occurred in various parts of the world last year clearly prove that no country is immune to terrorism. All of us, regardless of our religion or beliefs, could be the victims of such crimes. As I mentioned earlier, terrorism has no religion or country. Hence, in order to face this grave threat, we need to reach an international consensus on its definition, root causes and means to combat it, under the auspices of our international Organization.

In that context, we express our support for the call of His Excellency Mohamed Hosni Mubarak, President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, to convene an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, to address the issue of terrorism. In the context of its international and regional role, the Sudan will have the honour next year to host the Non-Aligned Movement ministerial conference. We hope that the conference will consider issues of collective security and challenges.

The deteriorating socio-economic situation of the least developed countries requires the international community to make every effort to extricate them from the labyrinth of poverty, hunger and disease. Our experience in the Sudan has proved that, regardless of their endeavours, the least developed countries cannot achieve the objectives of the Brussels Programme of Action without substantial assistance from their development partners. I commend the tireless efforts of the High Representative of the Secretary-General for the Least Developed Countries in mobilizing international support for initiatives on the subject. We join the appeal to the international community by His Excellency Joaquim Alberto Chissano, President of Mozambique, as Chairman of the African Union, to extend support and assistance to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), the framework adopted by the African continent and endorsed by the United Nations and donor countries as a tool for coping with development challenges in the continent.

I am pleased to inform members that the Sudan, as Chairman of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), has tried its best to formulate policies and take steps that will further consolidate and promote links of cooperation between EGAD and COMESA member States. Such efforts are in line with the NEPAD initiative aimed at achieving peace, development and prosperity for the peoples of the entire African continent. To that end, a number of specialized conferences have been convened in the Sudan to address issues of economic cooperation, disarmament and combating terrorism, as well as issues of internally displaced persons and refugees, all with the aim of attaining the NEPAD goals.

Another agenda item subject that we think will negatively impact the future of humankind if not properly addressed is that of human cloning, which is now at the centre of a heated scientific, religious, legal and ethical debate. The Sudan strongly supports the call for an international convention against the reproductive cloning of human beings. We also condemn all medical ventures that disdain human dignity and the sanctity of the Creator.

Statements over the past few days clearly demonstrate the keen interest of the international community in maintaining international peace and security. While adding our voice to those calling for the revitalization of multilateral diplomacy, we also call for the prompt handling of the critical security and humanitarian situation in Iraq. Furthermore, we call for the empowerment of our Iraqi brothers so that they may exercise their right to sovereignty, as guaranteed to them by international law, and live in peace and harmony with their neighbours. It gives me pleasure to remind the Assembly of the important resolution adopted a few weeks ago by the Council of Ministers of the League of Arab States, which recognized the transitional Governing Council of Iraq. Such recognition is a significant step that will, hopefully, enable Iraq to regain its sovereignty and to play its regional and international role.

The question of Palestine has been a deep concern to the human conscience. For more than five decades, it has been a major threat to international peace and security. We have been firmly convinced that Israel's maintenance of a huge military presence, its aggression and its killing and suppression of the Palestinian people, will only aggravate a situation that is already deteriorating. The only viable way to achieve peace is to adhere to the relevant resolutions of international legitimacy and international law. The international community, particularly the influential parties in the peace process, are urged to exert pressure on Israel.

The conflict in Somalia has been a bleeding wound in the Horn of Africa and the time has come to stop that painful bleeding. We call upon the leaders of all Somali factions to join hands to preserve the unity and stability of their country, and to achieve development and prosperity for their people, in order to protect them from the scourge of war and fighting. We remain confident that the neighbouring and other interested countries will spare no effort to help reach an agreement that will preserve the unity, security and stability of Somalia.

The Sudan is now a genuine partner in the international efforts aimed at the prohibition of chemical weapons. One of the significant roles played by the Sudan in that regard was its hosting last August of the First Conference of the African National Authorities of the Chemical Weapons Convention States Parties. We are committed to implementing the recommendations adopted at the conference, particularly to creating a chemical-weapon-free zone in Africa and to enhancing international cooperation in the peaceful use of chemical materials.

I call upon the international community to make renewed efforts to declare the Middle East a zone free of nuclear weapons and of all other weapons of mass destruction. That inflamed region must abide by international agreements banning nuclear weapons. The nuclear facilities of all States, without exception and with complete fairness, must be subjected to the comprehensive safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Here we recall, shortly after its fifth anniversary, the unjust bombing of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical and veterinary factory by the former United States Administration which claimed that it was used to manufacture weapons. It was a baseless accusation, as Members are aware, that has been refuted by American scientific and academic institutions before relevant international organizations. The Sudan's complaint is still alive in the Security Council. In that connection, I call upon the current United States Administration to rectify the serious mistake that it inherited from its predecessor, by compensating the Sudan morally and financially.

I hope that before the end of this session my country will finally bid farewell to the longest African conflict, an achievement that would enable the Sudan to play its role at the regional level and to contribute to the stability and sustainable development of the African continent.

In conclusion, I reaffirm our deep conviction that the United Nations is the sole, irreplaceable mechanism for administering and promoting international cooperation in all fields. Therefore, we should distance the United Nations from serving narrow interests and from attempts to exploit it to pursue special agendas. In that connection, we express our readiness and our commitment to assist the United Nations system in achieving the lofty goals enshrined in the Charter.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Marwan Muasher, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

Mr. Muasher (Jordan)

Let me begin by expressing warm congratulations to Mr. Julian Hunte on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I can assure him of the full cooperation of the Jordanian delegation to ensure the fulfilment of his mandate for the benefit of all peoples and nations