General Assembly Session 58 meeting 10

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Burundi.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Domitien Ndayizeye, President of the Republic of Burundi, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Ndayizeye (Burundi)

Allow me at the outset, on behalf of my delegation and in my personal capacity, to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Julian Robert Hunte on his election to preside over our work. My country's delegation and I wish him every success and assure him of our full cooperation in bringing his noble mission to fruition.

I should also like to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for the skill and competence with which he guided the work of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session.

I take this opportunity to congratulate Secretary-General Kofi Annan on the skill and dynamism with which he has led our Organization and on his unflagging attention to the people of Burundi in helping them to emerge from the serious crisis they have experienced for the past 10 years.

I should also like to voice our profound gratitude to the Security Council for its ongoing readiness and manifest determination to assist the Government and people of Burundi in the quest for a lasting solution leading to peace and national reconciliation. The regular visits of the Security Council to my country have encouraged the inter-Burundian peace process and sent a message of hope to a people severely battered by war.

Since the signing of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi on 28 August 2000, the peace process under way in my country has made significant progress. Since 1 November 2001, we have had transitional institutions uniting all the political factions of the country. Since then, effective administrative reforms have been undertaken and reforms planned for the judiciary are gradually being made as funding becomes available.

Furthermore, the people of Burundi and the international community were gratified by the transfer of power at the highest level of State, which proceeded smoothly on 30 April 2003, guaranteeing the institutional framework of the Arusha Agreement. The Transitional Government of Burundi is now involved in negotiations with the armed groups in order to achieve a permanent ceasefire agreement and to ensure its effective implementation.

Thus, on 7 October 2002, we signed a ceasefire agreement with the factions of the Forces nationales de libération-Parti Libération du Peuple Hutu (FNL-PALIPEHUTU) and the Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Front pour la défense de la démocratie (CNDD-FDD), led respectively by Alain Mugabarabona and Jean Bosco Ndayikengurukiye. On 2 December 2002, we signed a similar agreement with the principal armed movement of CNDD-FDD led by Pierre Nkurunziza. Today, the Transitional Government is pursuing negotiations with the latter with a view to integrating that group into the Republic's transitional institutions, including the Defence and Security Corps, the National Assembly, the Senate, the Government and the Administration. The most recent negotiations were those organized in Dar es Salaam on 15 September.

Dar es Salaam served as the context and opportunity for the presentation and consideration of the strong and effective positions of all concerned. Above all, it provided an opportunity to exchange views and to understand and reaffirm the importance of the central focus of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi and for taking into consideration the national realities that will ensure the maintenance of stability. We refer in particular to respect for the allocations agreed in Arusha; the granting of visibility to CNDD-FDD in the institutions, while avoiding a raising of the stakes and the exclusion of others; the equitable sharing of power; respect for the rights of citizens; and so on.

A summit of heads of State was then planned on very short notice to arrive at the conclusions and compromises necessary to the signing of the protocol for the implementation of the ceasefire agreement of 2 December 2002 and for the entry of CNDD-FDD into the transitional institutions. We take this opportunity warmly to thank the heads of State of the region and delegations at that summit for their work leading to the steps already undertaken.

These fairly positive results should not blind us to a number of difficulties facing Burundi today. Indeed, the continuation of war is a major obstacle to implementing planned reform, even though the Government is sparing no efforts to meet this great challenge, and its commitment to implement the Arusha Agreement and ceasefire agreement for peace and reconciliation in Burundi speaks for itself.

Therefore, we continue to urge leaders of the regional initiative for Burundi, mediators and the international community to step up their pressure on Pierre Nkurunziza's FDD for a ceasefire and integration in institutions, and on Agathon Rwasa's Parti pour la libération du peuple Hutu (PALIPEHUTU) to rejoin without further delay the transitional Government of Burundi at the negotiating table, the only appropriate forum to voice its claims.

We also urge the international community to make a substantial financial contribution to the African Mission in Burundi, which is crucial to the monitoring of the ceasefire.

Finally, the Government of Burundi is impatiently awaiting the establishment of an international judicial commission of inquiry in Burundi, whose work will clearly contribute to helping Burundi to objectively confront the crucial issue of the campaign against impunity.

Another major challenge confronting us is economic growth and efforts to combat poverty among our people. Indeed, the people of Burundi are now living in unspeakable poverty. Ten years have so severely devastated the national economy that we no longer have the bare minimum required to sustain social harmony. More than 68 per cent of the population of Burundi is living beneath the poverty level.

Of course, we approve of efforts already made by the international community to ensure the survival of my country. But we also ask it to make further efforts to quickly fulfil the promises made in Paris and Geneva.

I am pleased to say that the peace process in my country is now developing in a propitious subregional environment recently characterized by significant progress in the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and a democratic breakthrough in Rwanda.

That positive change should lead to the definitive end to conflicts and also make possible the international conference on the Great Lakes region, which the Government of Burundi so ardently hopes will take place.

We wish to see the peace that we seek for Burundi and its neighbours spread to the entire world. During the Millennium Assembly in September 2000, heads of State and Government agreed, inter alia, to spare no effort to save our peoples from the scourge of war, whether it be civil war or war between States. A decision was also made to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations in the maintenance of peace and security and to take concerted steps to combat international terrorism.

On the one hand, we can justly welcome the commitment made by the leaders of the entire world to work for a better planet, and we commend the somewhat positive results in restoring international peace and security. On the other hand, our collective conscience places obligations on us all and requires sustained vigilance and efforts in the face of persistent and serious setbacks endured here and there on the path to international peace and security. Indeed, the world of the twenty-first century has not been spared from the dangers of war, poverty, terrorism, disease and natural disasters.

The efforts to combat terrorism that were stepped up by Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) have had mixed results thus far, in view of the frequency and viciousness of terrorist acts throughout the world, from which even our outstanding Organization is not spared. These terrorist attacks have done much to contribute to maintaining a general trend towards over-reliance on the military and the strengthening of doctrines based on preventive attacks, a concept that continues to fuel political and diplomatic debate.

Despite the ever-increasing commitment of the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations, hotbeds of tension among or within States have not yet been extinguished and calls for war are enduring and threatening, like the sword of Damocles. Mercenaries are increasingly being used as tools to destabilize sovereign and independent States. The threat of nuclear war continues to loom over us and poison international relations.

Trafficking in human beings, a true form of slavery in the twenty-first century, particularly with respect to the child labour market, child prostitution, the use of children as cannon fodder in conflicts and illegal migration continue to be a reality to this day.

All these abuses have as a common denominator an attack on human rights and international humanitarian law that the Member States of the United Nations are duty-bound to champion side by side within the framework of multilateralism, one of the most cherished principles of our Organization.

In light of the impression that we are experiencing a genuine crisis in the architecture of peace-building and international security, intelligent reform of institutions entrusted with the maintenance of international peace and security is urgently needed to better enable them to meet the security needs of our time.

Above all, the revitalization of the General Assembly, the most representative organ of the United Nations, must be tirelessly pursued. Careful consideration should make the General Assembly much more operational and streamlined with respect to its working methods and, in particular, to impartial follow-up and implementation of its resolutions and decisions.

Reform of the Security Council in all its aspects also continues to be a top priority for us, as the Millennium Declaration stressed, to meet the concerns about the regional balance of its membership. The credibility of the Council and our Organization are at stake here.

Moreover, multilateralism must remain a common pillar for us all, as one of the fundamental values that should underpin international relations in the framework of active solidarity and shared responsibilities, under the aegis of our Organization.

We also appeal for regular voluntary financing of United Nations peacekeeping operations and support for mechanisms of regional and subregional conflict-prevention and promotion of political stability, with particular attention given to Africa.

There is no need to recall that our world is increasingly characterized by growing interdependence, conflicts, pandemics and natural disasters that have repercussions that know no borders between States. Economic and social imbalances that result from the unfair and non-inclusive international financial structure prevent us from efficiently tackling today's very complex challenges. The needs and interests of developing countries have not been sufficiently taken into account. The gulf between rich and poor is widening. We therefore have a common duty to establish an environment that will benefit all poor peoples.

With respect to cooperation for development, the fight against poverty remains a priority. Attaining the goals set at the international level during major conferences and summits involves the elimination of poverty and hunger, in particular in rural areas.

This implies, among other things, significant investment in the agricultural and rural sectors geared towards increasing production and protecting the environment. We are all aware that, in order to be successful, the development efforts of poor countries require multifaceted international support. To that end, the commitments undertaken at the Monterrey conference regarding aid to development are encouraging, but we must promptly move from good intentions to specific deeds.

The least developed countries have weak and marginalized economies within the international financial system. They therefore require particular attention in terms of official development assistance, direct foreign investment, debt relief, the strengthening of capacities and access to international markets. We also urge the international community to advance the integral implementation of the Almaty plan of action as a response to the specific difficulties linked to the distance to the sea and to high costs of transportation that seriously handicap the economic development of landlocked countries.

Africa is the continent where the ills of destitution have attained an alarming level. In a shared impetus, Africans have created the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). The warm welcome the international community gave to NEPAD must be backed by concrete gestures of solidarity. Thus, the spirit of partnership, which also entails the active participation of local authorities and associations of civil society, can, in fact, become a reality and allow our continent to benefit from its immense riches down to a grassroots level.

The rules of the World Trade Organization need to be made more flexible to allow developing countries to benefit from the liberalization of world trade. The initiatives already undertaken along these lines in Doha deserve to be further intensified. There is a need to end all forms of subsidies for products exported from rich countries, which lead to distorted exchange rates, as well as various non-tariff obstacles. The international community must also work to remedy the instability of the prices of commodities, which are the major source of revenue for poor countries.

Another major challenge is overcoming the HIV/AIDS pandemic and halting malaria and tuberculosis in tropical countries. AIDS is a threat to mankind. It is devastating entire populations, making millions of children defenceless orphans and swallowing up all development efforts. Faced with this common danger, urgent action is necessary. We herald the establishment in January 2002 of the Global Fund to combat these three scourges, and we urge those countries that have the financial and scientific means to do so to step up their efforts to limit and ultimately stamp out those disasters.

I would not like to end without emphasizing again the critical role that the United Nations Charter bestows on our Organization in its sacred mission of humanizing international relations each day and contributing to building a better world. The obstacles in the path of the United Nations are not inevitable; rather, they are an opportunity to meet new challenges and adapt the Organization to achieve the objectives of the Charter and those of the Millennium Declaration.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Burundi for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will hear an address by the President of Serbia and Montenegro.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Svetozar Marovi, President of Serbia and Montenegro, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Marovi (Serbia)

I am honoured to address you for the first time on behalf of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. The State Union of Serbia and Montenegro was created in the interest of peace, stability, the democratic right to freedom of choice and moving quickly to a European track. We have assumed the responsibility for a policy of non-compromise in the Balkans. We have assumed the responsibility to demonstrate that in the region that used to be burdened with divisions and conflicts it is possible to work out an agreement that will push us forward together.

We are certain that our lives can be better if all of us in the region commit to that goal, if all of us in the region look to the future and if all of us in the region look to Europe and other people who share the same goals. That is why we are sure that life can be better for all peoples.

With this hope, we agree with all who perceive terrorism as one of the greatest evils facing the world today. We can defeat terrorism only if we all join forces. That is why, for us, there is no alternative to multilateralism, and the United Nations is the guarantor for that, both today and tomorrow.

Terrorism is not a problem only for the rich countries, as the Secretary-General said yesterday. It is a problem for every man and every country, just as it is a problem for parents who lost their children just because they chose to swim in a river and belonged to a different religion and nationality. We deplore the deaths of those children, the same as we deplore the terrorist attack in Baghdad, which caused the death of innocent people, among them Sergio Vieira de Mello. We condemn these deaths as all humane, civilized and progressive people do. But that is not enough. We must strive to ensure that such things happen no more.

The activities of the United Nations in Kosovo demonstrate that with good intentions on all sides there is hope for creating preconditions for dialogue, instead of hatred and conflicts, so that people discuss and resolve their problems instead of creating new ones. We are glad that one of the crucial issues for the stability of this region -- that of Kosovo -- is on the threshold of dialogue, as we have called for.

We have been encouraged by the announcements of representatives of the United Nations that the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina could start by mid-October and that it has been supported within the contact group. I hope that it will also be supported in Pristina, as it is supported in Belgrade. In this undertaking as well, the role of the United Nations and its representative in Kosovo is extremely important.

For its part, Serbia and Montenegro will do its utmost to ensure the success of the dialogue. This is an opportunity that we must take advantage of, in the interest of the European and democratic future of the region. We have to be patient and persistent.

We are aware that we cannot change the past. But we can do a great deal to improve our present and future. We seek peace for all people left without their homes. There are more than 650,000 of them in Serbia and Montenegro, and we want them to live where they believe they belong. I am sure that within the framework of the tripartite agreement with Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina we shall soon find a common solution that will ultimately resolve that problem.

From our own recent experience we know a lot about victims and suffering. That is why we call for an end to violence in all parts of the world -- in Baghdad and Iraq, and the Middle East. We are convinced that the international community and the United Nations, primarily the Security Council, will find a way to stabilization and to a life in peace and freedom for all people. The human race has only one world to live in. We in Serbia and Montenegro stand ready to contribute to peace efforts through peace operations, to protect peace and to defend each nation's right to a democratic future.

Of course, we are primarily committed to the stabilization of the situation in the region of the Western Balkans, cooperation among the countries in the region, the fight against organized crime and full cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. No crime should be left unpunished, and all perpetrators should be brought to justice. Our goal is to join the process of European integration as soon as possible, as well as the Partnership for Peace. The Thessaloniki summit of the European Union and the countries of the Western Balkans defined clear goals. Serbia and Montenegro will not let go of this chance for a European future. We have a responsibility to create a better, more peaceful and dignified life for generations to come.

That is an obligation not only for us in Serbia and That is a motive and force keeping us together in the United Nations to do all we can so that good may prevail over evil, peace over conflicts, democracy over dictatorship and economic prosperity over poverty. We can do it together. This is not a utopia; it is a realistic possibility which will be successful to the extent we are able to work together. Serbia and Montenegro trusts it can be done.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Serbia and Montenegro for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will hear an address by the President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Boris Trajkovski, President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Trajkovski (former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)

I am greatly honoured to address this distinguished gathering of the world's leaders at the United Nations, a truly unique global organization that is deeply engaged in the promotion of human values and international peace and stability.

I would like to thank Mr. Jan Kavan for his important contribution in the past year as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to congratulate Mr. Julian Robert Hunte on his election to the post of President of the General Assembly at the fifty-eighth session. I wish him every success in executing that function of great responsibility.

On behalf of all citizens of the Republic of Macedonia, I would like to pay special tribute to the United Nations and Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who delivered an indeed inspiring speech yesterday, for their relentless dedication and efforts in pursuing the righteous causes of protecting human rights and freedoms and safeguarding prosperity and security in the world.

We certainly remember a great person, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, who paid the highest price for pursuing the noble role of the United Nations in Iraq. We fully support the goals of the international community in Iraq: the achievement of a free and sovereign Iraq governed by the people of Iraq for the people of Iraq. However, that sovereignty must be based on democracy, freedom and peaceful existence with its neighbours. To achieve those goals as quickly as possible, the United Nations must play a more comprehensive and active role in the transition back to Iraqi sovereignty. I would also like to take this occasion to express our satisfaction with the work carried out by the coalition forces in helping the Iraqi people to rebuild their country after the decades of disasters of Saddam Hussein's despotic regime.

Reforming the United Nations, particularly the Security Council, and revitalizing the General Assembly are of crucial importance to us all. My Government firmly believes in the need to pursue those goals in a consistent and more efficient way.

The Republic of Macedonia strongly believes the United Nations involvement in various parts of the world will essentially improve the responses of democratically oriented Governments and reform-minded people and will add to the overall level of legitimacy of their actions. It is obvious that we need to offer more vocal support to multilateralism when dealing with the substantial issues on the international agenda to which we are fully committed: the eradication of poverty, the fight against the scourge of HIV/AIDS around the world, conflict prevention and the protection of the environment, among others.

The World Summit on the Information Society, to be held in Geneva this year and in Tunis 2005, along with two other summits held last year on financing for development in Monterrey, Mexico, and sustainable development in Johannesburg, can be regarded, in the context of globalization and the overall development process, as landmarks of a new approach in dealing with the challenges of today's world. Within the aforementioned framework, it is essential fully to implement the Millennium Declaration as a key document for peace, security, sustainable development and prosperity.

The most serious contemporary threat to humanity is identified and visible. It is the evil of terrorism. The fight against terrorism has been and must remain our highest priority. In this regard, it would be immensely helpful to make a commitment to reaching a consensus in relation to the remaining disputed points in the process of drafting conventions on international and nuclear terrorism.

Facing the challenge of the year 2001, we found a way out by signing the Framework Agreement that brought vital democratic processes back to our institutions and re-established and reaffirmed democratic procedures for addressing internal problems of any kind. Today, I am very proud to say that I come here in the same mood I was in three years ago when I took part in the Millennium Summit -- full of optimism and truly convinced that, after the hard work had been done, strategic issues of our future had been solved, once and for all, upon a broad political, social and interethnic consensus. Progress towards a real and authentic integration of all ethnic communities in the State structures is significant and has roots in our centuries-old model and tradition of multiculturalism and inter-ethnic coexistence.

In order to contribute in a constructive way to creating a more positive picture of the region and productive cooperation among nations, the Republic of Macedonia launched numerous regional initiatives in the context of integration into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union. In parallel, while pursuing very ambitious reform agendas, we achieved an internal consensus about our foreign policy priorities and realized that we will most successfully leave behind the poor legacies of our unfortunate past by promoting new substantial links among the people who live in South-East Europe.

A month ago in Ohrid, we held a very successful regional forum on dialogue among civilizations, attended by numerous heads of State, other leaders and scholars from all over the world, who spoke very openly about the importance of having cultural interchange as a permanent basis for the promotion of continuous dialogue and cohabitation among peoples and States. In the message adopted at the forum, all participants agreed that a thorough and continuous commitment would be needed by all to genuinely transform our region and to defuse once and for all this powder keg of Europe.

The Republic of Macedonia has built solid cooperation with the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and developed a network of activities aimed at easing communications and at liberalizing the movement of people from both sides of the border. The Republic of Macedonia welcomes the appointment of Harri Holkeri as the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General and gives him its full support. We are fully supportive of the implementation of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) and the political position declared by UNMIK calling for the fulfilment of the standards of democracy and the application of the rule of law before the onset of negotiations over the final status of Kosovo. We express our deep concern over the recent upsurge of inter-ethnic violence in Kosovo, which only undermines the efforts of the international community and the Kosovar people to fulfil the set standards.

In the Balkans, we are seeing collaboration and mutual respect emerging even between yesterday's enemies and opposing factions. We are witnessing the gradual but steady reconciliation of the nations. Last but not least, important regional initiatives for free trade, trade facilitation and building infrastructure are connecting businesses and binding people in a productive way, which helps to raise awareness of our common future.

My country, the Republic of Macedonia, is an indivisible part of these joint regional efforts to transform our part of the continent into a decent place to live in. To that end, we will need the understanding and concrete support of the rest of the world community, which should not neglect the call of progressive people to join efforts to secure liberty. We believe that the greatness of countries is dependent not upon the size of their armies and the number of weapons they possess, but upon the commitment and dedication of their citizens to the noble ideas of humanity and the legacy of our civilization. In this tremendous task of preserving our common treasury and of creating a better world for the generations to come, we are more than willing to participate, because we are all equal to each other, while contributing to the common aim.

We are deeply concerned about the escalation of violence in the Middle East. The parties need to recommit themselves to the road map process, because it is the only alternative that can bring security and stability to Israelis and Palestinians alike. The international community must step up its activities at this extremely difficult juncture, ensuring that it remains on the path of ending terrorism and occupation and of establishing the State of Palestine, living side by side with the State of Israel in peace and security.

On disarmament matters, bearing in mind our immediate concerns over the problem of small arms and light weapons, the Republic of Macedonia has been an advocate of strong international action towards preventing, combating and eradicating the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons, since these pose a serious threat not only to the security and stability of my country, but also to the broader region. We welcome the conclusion of the First Biennial Meeting of States to Consider the Implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All its Aspects, held in July 2003, that progress had been made worldwide within barely two years of the adoption of the Programme of Action.

For the African countries, the main priority at this moment is the fight against HIV/AIDS, a pandemic that is taking a devastating toll on the African population. The international community must work hand in hand with the African Governments to defeat this deadly disease. Africa must also work very hard to achieve the strategic goals of the New Partnership for Africa's Development in the areas of peace and security, democracy, good governance, poverty reduction and sound economic management.

I sincerely believe that we will find a common language with regard to the issue of how to strengthen our Organization and maintain its mission of peace, prosperity, economic and social justice and human rights.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Ukraine.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Leonid Kuchma, President of Ukraine, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Kuchma (Ukraine)

I should like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Julian Hunte on his election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I should also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his professionalism and very fruitful work at the helm of the General Assembly during the previous session.

Three years ago here at United Nations Headquarters we solemnly adopted the Millennium Declaration, which embodied our hopes and expectations for a more secure and just world. Shortly thereafter, however, the world had to face new and daunting challenges. Unfortunately, the tragic events of 11 September 2001 were not the last in a sequence of horrible acts of terror.

Just last month, on 19 August, the United Nations suffered irreplaceable losses in Iraq. With a feeling of deep sorrow, I bow my head in memory of the United Nations staff who lost their lives. We lost excellent, talented and dedicated people, among them the Head of the United Nations Mission in Iraq, the outstanding Brazilian diplomat Sergio Vieira de Mello.

It is a sad and disturbing fact that during recent years United Nations staff have been facing growing insecurity. This makes it all the more urgent for all members of the international community to fully comply with the relevant international treaties, first and foremost, the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel. As one of the initiators of that Convention, Ukraine decisively calls upon all States that have not yet done so to accede to the treaty.

Our country joined the anti-terrorist coalition at the very outset and has made a significant contribution to its activities. We are determined to remain in the ranks of the coalition until international terrorism as a global threat can be taken off the world's agenda. I believe, however, that not everything has been done to date to prevent terrorist activities.

I have in mind first of all effective measures to counter the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Ukraine unreservedly stands for a comprehensive strengthening of the system of universal international treaties aimed at preventing the nuclear threat.

An effective response to new challenges requires urgent action to reform the United Nations, first and foremost the Security Council. I am confident that further delay in the long-overdue reforms could result in a serious crisis of confidence for the United Nations. We cannot let that happen. There can be no viable alternative to the United Nations as a unique global Organization. As for the task of reforming the United Nations, we must admit that today there are more questions than there are answers.

In this context, the successful reforms in the area of United Nations activities for peacekeeping and conflict prevention can serve as a good example for all of us. In many situations of armed conflict, the United Nations now acts flexibly, rapidly and effectively. I am pleased to note that over the past several years Ukraine has been playing a leading role among the countries contributing troops to United Nations peacekeeping operations. I believe that conflict prevention should become a key element of the philosophy of the work of the United Nations in the new millennium. Ukraine fully supports the Secretary-General's efforts aimed at strengthening that component of United Nations activities.

In my address at the Millennium Summit, I stressed the need for the international community to elaborate a comprehensive strategy on conflict prevention. In my opinion, peacekeeping operations with a preventive mandate from the Security Council could become one of the key instruments of such a system. We also need to further develop and improve the principles and mechanisms relating to the application of international sanctions aimed at curbing the supply of weapons to conflict zones.

With regard to the situation in Iraq, I would like to express confidence that the tragic losses in Baghdad will not diminish the international community's commitment to providing support to the Iraqi people for the renewal of their country. The sense of common responsibility for the destiny of the long-suffering Iraqi nation and for peace and security in that region was the imperative that guided our decision to dispatch a military contingent to the Persian Gulf.

I hope that the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution on the establishment of an international force for the maintenance of peace and security in Iraq under the auspices of the United Nations will enable as many countries as possible to join those efforts.

After many months of a slide towards the abyss, a truly historic opportunity arose for achieving peace in the Middle East. Last May, the United Nations International Meeting in Support of Middle East Peace was held in Kiev at the initiative of Ukraine. It became, in effect, the first international forum at which the road map put forward by the Quartet gained the support of a large number of States Members of the United Nations. We sincerely hope that the resumption of the Israeli-Palestinian peace dialogue will not be blocked by obstacles created by the current controversies.

Ukraine shares the concern expressed in the report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of the Millennium Declaration that the international community is not paying sufficient attention to trying to resolve the chronic global development problems such as poverty, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, environment pollution and other issues. Despite repeated declarations -- primarily by the developed countries -- of their readiness to increase the volume of financial and other assistance to tackle issues of sustainable development, the actual efforts that have been undertaken have not been sufficient for the timely attainment of the goals set forth in the Millennium Declaration.

In this context, I would like to recall that Ukraine made a tangible contribution towards a peaceful and safe world in the twenty-first century by renouncing its nuclear arsenal -- one of the most powerful on Earth -- and by decommissioning the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. In assuming the burden of the large-scale effort to transform the area of the catastrophe into an ecologically safe zone and to resolve unprecedented economic, social and humanitarian problems, we relied upon the understanding and support of the entire international community.

Today, welcoming the work of this Organization and its Member States with regard to the implementation of the United Nations strategy on Chernobyl, I express the hope that more decisive steps will be taken in support of our efforts. I am confident that the adoption of a resolution on this question at the current session of the General Assembly will provide additional impetus for our cooperation on the Chernobyl issue.

Finally, I would like to draw the attention of the participants of this meeting to one other matter. Seventy years ago the totalitarian Soviet regime engineered an artificial famine in Ukraine, which claimed the lives of between 7 million and 10 million of our compatriots.

Unfortunately, the world did not respond to our tragedy back in 1933. The international community believed the cynical propaganda of the Soviet Union, which was selling bread abroad while, in Ukraine, hunger was killing 17 people every minute. From this rostrum, I should like to call upon all Members to support Ukraine's initiative that the United Nations pay tribute to the memory of those who perished. We do not want to settle scores from the past; we simply want as many people as possible to learn about our tragedy. That knowledge will help us to avoid similar catastrophes in the future.

As the Secretary-General recently stated -- and quite rightly -- thanks to the past century's achievements, the world became "a world of increasing openness and freedom; of growing mutual confidence; above all, a world of hope." Today, we are demonstrating the ability to take concerted and responsible action in the face of conflicts, challenges and global threats. In that, the principal guarantee I see is that we will be able to achieve the noble goals solemnly proclaimed three years ago in the Millennium Declaration.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Ukraine for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Senegal.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Abdoulaye Wade, President of the Republic of Senegal, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Wade (Senegal)

As a Vice-President at this session, Senegal, through me, expresses to the President its heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth regular session. In that election, I see a mark of confidence and a tribute to his wonderful country, Saint Lucia, but also to our entire sister community, the countries members of the Caribbean Community. He may therefore be assured of Senegal's full cooperation in the exercise of his important duties. Let me also express my sincere thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan of the Czech Republic, for the decisive results achieved during his term of office.

I should like to express my fraternal and friendly greetings to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to tell him how proud I am of the spirit of initiative, commitment and resolve that he has displayed with vigour and determination in his noble mission in the service of our common aspirations to peace, universalism and solidarity.

It is precisely in the name of those shared ideals that my country, Senegal, reaffirms once again its fervent support for the readmission of the Republic of China on Taiwan as a full-fledged Member of the United Nations. By doing that -- without calling into question the participation and the legitimate status of any other Member of the great United Nations family -- we would do justice to that country's 23 million hard-working and disciplined inhabitants, deeply attached to the values of peace, freedom and democracy enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

Two years ago, on 11 September 2001, the world discovered the new face of international terrorism, right here and in all its horror. Certainly, other bloody attacks have taken place, here and elsewhere, before and since those tragic events; even the United Nations has not been spared. The attack that cost the life of Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, High Commissioner for Human Rights, and those of many other United Nations staff, is a sinister reminder that the terrorist threat is now global in its targets and pernicious in its means of action. Indeed, a defender of human rights has been deprived of the most basic human right: the right to life.

Consequently, a collective, united, coordinated response is required at all levels. In that spirit, Senegal took the initiative on 17 October 2001 to call for an African anti-terrorism summit with a view to strengthening cooperation in that regard at the continental level, thus joining its efforts with the Algiers Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. It is still our conviction that Africa must not remain the soft underbelly of the system that is gradually being established to combat international terrorism in all its forms, in the wake of the armed conflicts and the humanitarian tragedies that have been causing bloodshed in the world.

With regard to the situation in Africa, Senegal salutes the significant progress achieved in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in Liberia. Those two friendly countries, afflicted by so many years of civil war, seem at last to have embarked on the path of negotiation and dialogue, an essential condition for a definitive return to peace. Moreover, Senegal welcomes the Security Council's decision to send a peacekeeping force to Liberia in support of the troops of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), including the Senegalese troops already in place.

In the sisterly Republic of Côte d'Ivoire, Senegal welcomes the progress made in the national reconciliation process on the basis of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreements, in the hope that the incident that occurred two days ago will prove to be only a hitch. I encourage my Ivorian sisters and brothers to persevere on the path of reconciliation, cooperation and mutual confidence in order to safeguard that country's national unity and territorial integrity with the help of the ECOWAS interposition force under Senegalese command.

In many respects, sources of concern persist on the continent, particularly in West Africa, formerly known for its stability. I am thinking in particular of those who would call into question democratically elected regimes. We must say forcefully that the time must be past for coups d'état in Africa. Everyone must understand from now on that legitimate power, whose sole agent remains the people, cannot be acquired, preserved or transferred except by means of the ballot box -- that is, through the force of law, not the law of force or that of weapons.

Senegal, for its part, is complying strictly with the Declaration of Algiers of 1999, which enshrines the principle of excluding from the proceedings of the African Union any regime established in violation of internal constitutional order. Last July, it was on the basis of that Declaration and thanks to the vigorous reaction of African countries -- including mine -- that constitutional legality was re-established only a few days after a coup d'état in Sao Tome and Principe. That example -- that precedent -- should serve as a lesson to anyone who might yet be tempted by this practice, which runs counter to democratic values.

Only 10 days ago in Guinea-Bissau, a democratically elected President was deposed by a group of officers. As soon as I was informed of this, I cited the position of the African Union in calling for the military to relinquish power. President Kufuor, Chairman of the Economic Community of West African States; President Chissano, President of the African Union; President Obasanjo of Nigeria; and I immediately took the situation in hand. This led to the establishment of an entirely civilian Government. From this rostrum, I should like to make a solemn appeal to the international community. Guinea-Bissau, a fraternal country bordering on Senegal, needs immediate assistance. Only diligent and consistent economic assistance can create the conditions for a lasting return to social peace and political and institutional stability in that country.

As Chairman of the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Senegal remains gravely concerned by the deadlock in the peace process in the Middle East. Too much blood has been shed and too much suffering endured in that land holy to the three great revealed religions. And yet, one must face the fact that a peaceful solution is the sole, best guarantee of survival for all the peoples affected by daily death and anguish. We must pursue efforts to ensure a return to the negotiating table on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the principle of land for peace and the parameters established in the road map so that, at last, this long nightmare can yield to the oft-aborted dream of peoples who cherish peace and freedom.

However, if the words attributed to one Israeli authority are well founded, my country would warn against any attack on the physical integrity of President Yasser Arafat and against any decision of expulsion. Any such act would have incalculable consequences. Senegal rejects and condemns violence in all its forms, regardless of who the victims and perpetrators may be or the reasons invoked, and reiterates its unfailing support for the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian State within secure and internationally recognized borders, just as we have always recognized Israel's right to exist in the same conditions. I have the feeling, however, that if we confine ourselves to issuing statements without making any real effort to find a concrete solution, the tragedy that is unfolding before our eyes in cycles of violence will last a very long time.

The Israeli and Palestinian authorities have asked me, without my seeking it, to help them to settle this conflict, which is beginning to look like the Thirty Years War or even the Hundred Years War. Those authorities may recall simply that Senegal has resolved for itself one of the greatest contradictions of our time: the coexistence in one land of Muslims and Christians, who live in a ratio of 95 per cent to 5 per cent in our country. Christians, far from suffering from any discrimination, are fully integrated into national life, to the extent that a Christian has been the President of our Republic for 20 years and supported by Muslims. That is why I myself have turned to great thinkers and theoreticians on the issue of conflict to see if their words might be useful to us.

A compatriot of Jacques Chirac, Mr. Gaston Boutoul, invented the science of war and, more generally, of conflict known as polemology, the objective of which is to understand, through scientific analysis, the motivations and mechanisms of war and conflict. A sociological approach includes individual psychology, collective and social psychology, economics and the environment. I should like to subscribe to this approach and, in the light of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, to make a modest contribution.

It seems to me that there are two possible approaches to the conflict: that of the "aggressor aggressed" theory and that of the "occupier occupied" theory. If we seek to identify who is in one category and who is in the other, we find ourselves in a complete impasse. Unfortunately, that is what each of the parties is doing. In the first scenario, Israelis and Palestinians each claim to be the aggressed and accuse each other of being the aggressor. In the second, while Israel is undeniably the occupier, it justifies this state of affairs by pointing to the so-called aggression of Palestinians. Hence, we return to the first theory and set in motion an endless cycle.

Let us not play this game, which is one of massacre for the parties to the conflict and of hide-and-seek on our side, where political and diplomatic interests cloud the search for an equitable solution.

The aim of my proposal is to move beyond the subjective approaches of the two parties by introducing external action, specifically on the part of the international community. Instead of pursuing the course of mutual accusation -- which, it may be noted, leads nowhere because each party is subjective -- I would simply propose that we eliminate the two problems by merging them into a single, unique problem. The dispatch of international forces to secure uncontested borders and the placing on "stand-by" status of the parts of the territory on which there is no consensus would eliminate de facto the two approaches of "occupier occupied" and "aggressor aggressed". I believe that this approach is all the more feasible and realistic in that Israel has declared itself prepared to return all the occupied territories -- 90 per cent of them first and then negotiating a border correction to compensate for the other 10 per cent. That would allow us to abandon the two theories, which can only eternally pit the two parties against each other and divide the international community.

The greatest war of all time, that of 1939-1945, pitted French against German. Today, they no longer agonize over the question of who was the aggressor and who the aggressed, or of who was the occupier and who the occupied. All such issues have today been confined to history. All the parties have decided to join efforts in a cooperative project: the European Union. I would ask, therefore: Can we not dream of a post-war period in which Israel and Palestine can embark on real cooperation to the benefit of their two peoples?

As Members know, the Fifth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization ended in acknowledged failure just a few days ago in Cancún. Beyond that specific event, we need to reflect more in depth on the international trading system. There is something paradoxical in this system based on a liberal philosophy, but in which the rich countries spend over $1 billion a day in various subsidies for their own agricultural sectors. This ruinous practice leads to the freefall of the prices of our peasants' agricultural commodities and threatens millions of jobs and the lives of over 2 billion human beings.

The hypothetical mechanism of limiting the perverse effects of subsidies can in no way be a credible solution to the enormous damage done to the developing countries. I believe that the time has come radically to rethink the mechanisms of international trade in order to break away from this implacable logic of injustice and inequity. In that context, I have taken the initiative of proposing to convene, every two years in Senegal, an "agricultural Davos" -- an agricultural Dakar, rather -- to encourage thinking on a credible alternative to the current system.

It is indeed in no one's interest for the present imbalances to persist, because they promote poverty, favour unemployment and destitution, and fuel the feelings of exclusion and despair that lead to extremism of all types. Once again, for us it is a question of calling not for assistance, but for the implementation of a minimum level of fairness in trade -- free trade, but fair trade.

The challenges of globalization and interdependence that it entails forces us to devise new approaches that go beyond the obsolete assistance policies to create the conditions for a new kind of partnership, which alone is capable of breaking the vicious cycle of poverty. Senegal reiterates its commitment to implementing the 2001-2010 Brussels Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries and renews its support for the Office of the High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, whose activities deserve to be strengthened by the donor community in the framework of a trust fund established for that purpose.

The vision put forward by the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is also relevant to the new kind of partnership just mentioned. For two years now, our continent has been carrying out a quiet revolution to firmly take its destiny in its own hands against the background of key factors such as peace, stability, good governance in the public and private sectors and regional cooperation. Specific plans have been developed and are available to all our partners.

We have been learning as we go along, by creating a gas pipeline in West Africa, for example, which will supply along 600 kilometres 3,640,000 cubic metres of gas starting from Nigeria to Benin, Ghana and Togo. The electricity grids in southern African that brings together the national electricity companies of 12 countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is another example of Africa's will to pool our resources. Today NEPAD has designated 14,000 kilometres of roads and just as many kilometres of railways to be laid, and this is one of our top priorities. In the area of new information and communications technology, fibre optics now link Europe and the United States to Dakar, Pretoria and Kuala Lumpur, with connections extending inside the continent. Those specific examples fully show our determination to make NEPAD a reality rather than a good intention or unrealistic plan.

On a continent where everything still needs to be built, it is not a matter of the need to identify opportunities but rather to seize them. On the whole, we are committed to creating an environment in which there will be a clear interest in investment and secure business operations. On a different order, the African Peer Review Mechanism has been launched, and colleagues before me have already spoken about it.

Together with our partners, we are ready to fulfil the goals of NEPAD. In a few days, some African heads of State will be in Tokyo to establish cooperative ties between Japan and Africa through the Tokyo International Conference on African Development.

In a report on the state of the international community, the Secretary-General made an analysis that sounded alarm bells: the world does not seem to be sharing much anymore. The collective security machinery established by the Charter is already threatened. The United Nations system inherited from the Second World War no longer sufficiently meets the challenges of the twenty-first century. He therefore calls for the implementation of reform, as spelled out in the Millennium Declaration.

Let us explore together the guidelines that were established by the Secretary-General. Let us make way for a culture of peace and dialogue among civilizations, which bears the fertile seeds for consensus, understanding and peaceful coexistence. Let us resist the temptation of isolationism and rule of force, for as Jean-Jacques Rousseau rightly said in "The Social Contract": "The strongest is never strong enough to be always the master, unless he transforms strength into law, and obedience into duty." Let us ensure that, however diverse we may be, the universal values of peace, freedom, democracy and respect for human rights will always be safeguarded.

I take this occasion to voice my support for the position expressed by President Bush against the heinous sex trade and other forms of slavery. Instead of vague, futile statements of intention, let us all agree to a realistic platform and guarantee that specific measures are taken. In that regard, we can justly raise questions on the follow-up to commitments undertaken at the Monterrey International Conference on Financing for Development.

Concerning all these issues vital to humanity's survival, the United Nations must, in accordance with the Charter, ensure that its mission remain clearly in sight, a mission that is a focal point at which our efforts towards humanity's common goals are harmonized.

I strongly believe that this need corresponds to the legitimate aspirations of all the peoples whom we represent here.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Senegal for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will hear an address by the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Major-General Joseph Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Kabila (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Allow me, Sir, to discharge the agreeable duty of congratulating Mr. Julian Hunte on his unanimous election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth regular session. I would also like to commend your predecessor, His Excellence Mr. Jan Kavan, who fulfilled his mandate to the satisfaction of all.

I note the efforts and specific involvement of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, in the peaceful resolution of the complex crisis in the Great Lakes region and Central Africa. The Congolese people continue to be grateful to the United Nations system for the assistance that it gave it through the United Nation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Interim Emergency Multinational Force deployed in Bunia and especially for strengthening the peacekeeping mandate of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC).

The Congolese delegation associates itself with the spirit of sympathy and solidarity elicited by the terrorist attack committed in Iraq against the great family of the United Nations. Indeed, the Congolese people were also deeply moved to learn of the brutal and tragic death of the ardent defender of freedom and human rights, Sergio Vieira de Mello, to whom I pay tribute.

At a time when the entire world remembers the tragic events of 11 September 2001 in this very city of New York, the United Nations was still mourning the loss of its staff and fell victim yet again to a terrorist attack in Iraq. The Congolese people renew their unequivocal condemnation of international terrorism. Africa is not spared from the scourge of terrorism. It is enough to recall the tragic events in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Casablanca.

This session coincides with the final phase of the process of the establishment of transitional institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is here that I would like to express my gratitude to the international community, because its efforts, support and assistance in this peace process led to the signing and implementation of the Comprehensive Agreement.

It is the hope of the people of the Congo and the Transitional Government to see the United Nations redouble its efforts and pursue its support for the process of peace and reunification now underway. At a time when this lengthy war is coming to an end, it should be noted that the Ituri district is still a gaping wound that the slightest careless mistake could inflame. While the deployment of the Interim Emergency Multinational Force in Bunia allowed for a sharp reduction in acts of violence and contributed to stabilization of the security and humanitarian situation, the situation in the provinces of North and South Kivu remain of concern.

It is important that neighbouring countries respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the Democratic Republic of the Congo so as to recreate a climate conducive to a return to the normalization of relations in the region.

Aside from the numerous human lives affected by this war, the plants and the animals have also endured immeasurable damage. Our determination to restore everything that was destroyed is equalled only by our hope of turning our country into an oasis of peace for all. We believe that a United Nations fund to support this effort would be fair compensation.

All the present efforts of the Transition Government for the reunification of the national territory, the pacification of the country, the reconstruction of infrastructure and the restoration of State authority are working to achieve the ultimate objective of transition, namely, the holding of free, transparent and democratic elections. It is in that context that my country voices the hope that the international community will provide the necessary assistance at all stages of the electoral process.

In the peace process now underway, an area which is of critical importance and an imperative is that of independent justice, whose equitable administration would mark the end of impunity. On the domestic level, the Transition Government is working to conclude successfully the reform advocated here, for equitable justice is the real proof of national reconciliation.

On the international level we believe that the major objective is the establishment, with the assistance of the United Nations, of an international criminal tribunal for the Democratic Republic of the Congo to deal with crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, including rape used as a weapon of war, and mass violations of human rights. Moreover, to ensure the best possible coverage for protection of human rights, as well as of humanitarian rights, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has ratified several international conventions, including the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.

Given the important provision for the protection of human rights contained in that Statute, the Congo, on the basis of respect for fundamental principles that govern international relations, intends to see that there is strict respect for the implementation of that instrument.

As one can see, a new era has dawned in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, an era of peace and reconciliation, of national unity and the re-establishment of State authority, an era of reconstruction, economic recovery and development to consolidate and put to use the gains of arduous political negotiations.

Aware of challenges and looking toward the post-conflict period, the Transition Government has placed the well-being of the Congolese people at the centre of its concerns. It intends to imprint on its programme the requisite good governance, as well as macroeconomic management that ensures the security of investments, respects social rights and guarantees protection and legal and judicial security for employment, business and foreign investment.

We remain aware of the importance of sharing those resources likely to contribute to economic integration, and we intend to conduct a policy of dialogue, openness and good-neighbourliness. The priority given to regional integration is a sign of our adherence to the initiative of the international conference on peace, security, democracy and development in the region of the Great Lakes and of Central Africa. The Congolese people consider the holding of this forum a historic opportunity that must be seized so that it can lead to the application of fundamental principles of international law.

As we are determined to maintain good neighbourly relations and relations of mutual respect with border countries, and thus refuse to serve as a rear-guard base for subversive movements against the countries surrounding us, we in turn will reject interference or destabilization from neighbouring countries.

For us there is a need to do everything possible in order to build peace in the region and to effectively affirm: a spirit of solidarity, of sharing and of peaceful coexistence at the regional and global level; the fight against poverty and the HIV/AIDS pandemic; control of the movement and proliferation of small arms and light weapons, which are claiming victims every day; and the campaign against the proliferation of antipersonnel mines.

Throughout my statement I have condemned terrorism in all forms. I also spoke of the consequences of the bloody, unjust and unacceptable war which has just devastated the fundamental infrastructure of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I have also referred to the significant progress made in the peace process underway while emphasizing the importance of the support of the international community for the success of that process, which will culminate in the organization of elections.

We are aware and convinced that it is within our power to play a stabilizing role in Central and Southern Africa upon which the stability and economic recovery of the region depend.

I conclude by reaffirming the will of the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to cooperate with the international community in building a better world that is designed to build peace and greater solidarity among peoples and nations.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will hear an address by the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (Equatorial Guinea)

The delegation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea joins preceding delegations in congratulating the President on his election to preside over the work of the fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We know that it is a very difficult task, Sir, because it is your task to organize the debates of this the greatest deliberative organ of the United Nations at a time when the Organization -- and the international community -- are experiencing a crisis unprecedented in its history.

However, Sir, we have confidence in your political and diplomatic ability and in the maturity and prudence of your country in dealing with international problems; thus we are optimistic that our deliberations will meet with the greatest success.

We also congratulate Secretary-General Kofi Annan on his tireless efforts to ensure that the United Nations fulfils its mission of peace in the various armed conflicts, its humanitarian action in response to the disasters affecting many countries and its efforts to promote peace negotiations and multiple forms of cooperation in order to achieve sustainable development in the world.

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses before the Assembly its serious concern at the current international situation, which is manifestly affecting international peace and security, which the United Nations was created to safeguard. Indeed, since the end of the cold war, which gave rise to hope for a more united, cooperative, integrated and peaceful world of greater solidarity, it has seemed that the principle rules governing international relations have been steadily losing force, with the risk that each State will act according to its own will.

The concepts of democracy, human rights and technical cooperation and assistance are being misused to the detriment of some, and are being exploited to the benefit of others. The concept of democracy, which is understood as governing according to the will of each people, has today been transformed into a demand imposed by certain States in violation of the universal principle that every State is free to adopt the political system that best suits it. Furthermore, the principles of State sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, enshrined in international law, have been violated in recent years under the pretext of the need for humanitarian intervention, which are often conducted without United Nations approval.

The efforts to establish a new international economic order that ensures cooperation for global development have ended in the division of the world into North and South, and political conditions are now being imposed on the cooperative assistance that is offered. Efforts towards the globalization of economic policies have not recognized the weak position of underdeveloped countries, which suffer grave disadvantages in participating and competing in the so-called globalization of the world. We believe that the policy of globalization needs to include a special programme for the sustainable development of developing countries in order to help them attain the level of maturity necessary to benefit from such an integration. In all these efforts to achieve international cooperation for global development, there are good intentions, but the decisive will needed to build a fairer and more equitable world has been lacking. Meanwhile, the situation of the weakest countries deteriorates, the economic crisis worsens, political upheaval spreads and Governments are taking a harsher stance to protect their power.

Internal warfare, mercenaries and terrorism are taking root because, as occurred in the Middle Ages, the people cannot bear hunger and poverty and are driven to civil disobedience. At the same time, the United Nations is losing its authority because its decision-making organs are not democratic, and its capacity for humanitarian assistance falls short because of the proliferation of disasters caused by wars and acts of terrorism.

In our opinion, and most regrettably, humanity is already dehumanized and the United Nations has lost its authority. We must now shoulder the responsibility of rebuilding our policies and of morally rebuilding the Organization and restoring its authority. It is the only world body capable of representing humanity with authority and the only one in which we can achieve universal consensus.

It is here that we can fight terrorism and organized crime, because everything is listened to and everything is discussed in this forum. The use of weapons against terrorism could turn us into terrorists ourselves. Thus my delegation naturally and energetically condemns the terrorist attack against the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad, which caused the death of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, and those of some 30 staff working in the service of peace. We express our deep condolences at the loss of those noble workers in the service of humanity. We therefore believe that now is the time to adopt strategies so that United Nations peacekeeping missions will not be confused with any interests other than the peaceful settlement of hostilities.

As for my country, Equatorial Guinea is faithful to its commitments as a full-fledged Member of the United Nations and a member of the African Union, committed to the maintenance of peaceful relations of friendship and cooperation with other countries. We respect the sovereignty, national unity, territorial integrity and inalienable rights of other States within their borders, and we favour the promotion of the socio-political development of nations.

In that connection, Equatorial Guinea is a party to all international conventions that protect the political, economic and sociocultural rights of peoples. Democracy, as the consensus of the people, is a reality in which our country is immersed, with the coexistence of the 13 political parties that constitute it, observing the commitments of the binding national political pact between the Government and the opposition. Undoubtedly, today the formation of a broad-based Government is the greatest exponent of peace and political stability that my country has ever known.

In order to ensure such internal political consensus and cooperation with other countries and international organizations, we believe that transparency is absolutely necessary, because it benefits all parties. Equatorial Guinea offers open and unrestricted cooperation to everyone, on the basis of transparent action, for everyone's mutual benefit. Nevertheless, we are aware that our possibilities are very limited as far as acquiring modern technology and laying the foundations for sustained and sustainable and development are concerned. Therefore, we request international cooperation in that regard from friendly countries and from international assistance organizations.

I conclude by expressing the hope that the United Nations will recover its leadership in promoting the peace and development of our world.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho.

The Acting President

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Right Honourable Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho and invite him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Mosisili (Lesotho)

My delegation associates itself with the compliments expressed to Mr. Julian Hunte on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session; to his predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan of the Czech Republic; and to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan.

As we converge upon this city of New York, we are once again reminded of the stark reality of the scourge of terrorism, whose effects have reverberated across the world. Earlier this month two years ago, in this very city, humanity suffered the worst threat ever visited on it by terrorism. We continue to share the grief of those who will forever miss the love and the support of their loved ones. We must therefore reaffirm our resolve to join together in partnership to eliminate those elements which threaten to destroy humanity and its way of life.

Our best hope for success is -- and should be -- our collective strength. We owe it to ourselves and to future generations of humankind to pool our resources and strategies to annihilate the scourge of terrorism. In doing so, we must simultaneously and genuinely examine and begin to understand what forces and factors drive an inherently good human being to commit such desperate actions and drastic acts of violence, in the process committing them not only against others, but against himself. Our preventive measures must address such forces and factors in order to disarm potential terrorists.

The progress report on the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals in Lesotho documents that the single greatest obstacle to the development of our nation -- and indeed to reaching the objectives laid out in the Goals -- is the scourge of HIV/AIDS. In our part of the world, Southern Africa, Governments are overwhelmed by high levels of morbidity and mortality, especially among the working-age group in all sectors, including health and agriculture. HIV/AIDS has become the leading cause of the food insecurity and famine that plague so many of our people today.

We are also frustrated because our efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goal of education for all by 2015 through the introduction of free primary education is faltering due to the high rate of absenteeism by both teachers and pupils. Teachers are sick and dying. Children -- especially girls -- are dropping out of school to take care of their sick relatives. The number of malnourished, traumatized, orphaned and out-of-school children is increasing at an alarming rate. We therefore stress the need for urgent assistance to Lesotho and the southern African region and increased supplies of the anti-retroviral and other related HIV and AIDS drugs, in order to curb the scourge. Lesotho and the region also need financial and technical resources for training and capacity-building in HIV and AIDS programme implementation and management.

Lesotho is concerned that the goal of poverty eradication, which is the first Millennium Development Goal and one of the cross-cutting themes of all major United Nations conferences and summits, could elude the international community. Indeed, this critical state of affairs is highlighted in the Economic Report on Africa, 2003, which indicates that in 2002, of the 53 countries in Africa, only five achieved the 7 per cent growth rate required to meet the Millennium Development Goals, while 43 countries registered growth rates below 7 per cent and five countries registered negative growth rates.

Against the backdrop of a democratizing continent -- a precondition set for assistance by the developed North -- there is a growing consensus that the decline in official development assistance and other financial flows to Africa is increasing the marginalization of the continent in the global economy. Without new inflows of external resources, the pace of development in Africa will forever remain elusive. My delegation therefore wishes to reiterate its appeal to the developed countries to fulfil the commitments made at all the major United Nations conferences, as well as at the Millennium Summit.

Furthermore, we wish to stress the need for a review of the list of heavily indebted poor countries and those on the borderline, so that all poor countries that, like Lesotho, face debt servicing difficulties, can be considered under the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative. My delegation also shares the view that debt cancellation for the least developed countries should be considered as a viable option so that such countries can inject that money into their economies.

My delegation reiterates the call for increased support to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). We are aware that Iraq today dominates the world spotlight, as was confirmed in recent testimony before the Congress of the United States of America, which was asked to approve $87 billion for the rehabilitation of that country. In sharp contrast, an injection of only about $6 billion into NEPAD would go a long way towards achieving what is a continentwide agenda.

African leaders need extensive support as they address, inter alia, the root causes of the agricultural crises in the continent. For us in Africa, agriculture is the engine of overall growth, as it is at the very core of people's livelihoods, especially in the rural areas. It is linked to issues of food security and affects growth in other economic sectors.

Lesotho is deeply concerned that armed conflicts continue to hinder economic growth in Africa and elsewhere. We have also been shocked by several reports of an extreme lack of respect for the basic principles of international humanitarian law on the part of parties to armed conflict. Equally regrettable are incidents of egregious violations of the rights of women and children. We therefore commend the United Nations for all its efforts aimed at the elimination of human suffering in armed conflict. Indeed, the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunals, the birth of the International Criminal Court and the setting up of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, are cause for considerable optimism and prove beyond any doubt that the world has grown weary of impunity. It is our fervent hope that Member States will continue to provide the necessary support and cooperation to those institutions.

Mr. Mosisili (Lesotho)

Africa hungers for peace. The continent must never again have to witness acts of violence and atrocities such as those that were recently committed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Liberia. We hope that the international community will continue to support all endeavours aimed at attaining lasting peace, security and stability in those countries.

My delegation is encouraged by the progress to date to restore law and order in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the establishment of an all-inclusive transitional Government of National Unity. The international community must intensify its efforts to assist millions of Congolese people who are not only displaced but also facing serious food shortages. My delegation is confident that, with the necessary support, the Government of National Unity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will restore peace and security in the country and heal the deep wounds caused by war and ethnic hatred. We are also gratified that the Security Council has mandated a special Panel to investigate the plunder of natural resources in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is our hope and wish that those responsible will be brought to book.

The people of Angola have peace at last, now that one of Africa's longest-running fratricidal wars has come to an end. The scars of war in Angola will remain forever, deeply embedded in the memories of the most vulnerable of the population -- the women and children of that country, where motherhood was abused and children were deprived of their childhood. Reintegration and rehabilitation assistance to Angola, therefore, should, in the main, target those groups.

The future of Somalia continues to hang in the balance, despite the efforts by Kenya, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, the African Union and all other stakeholders to put an end to the carnage in that country. Somalia has been turned into a breeding ground for warlords who have no respect for human life but are greedy for power and money. We tend to agree with those who argue that the deployment of an international force would help to facilitate the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process. At the end of the day, however, the responsibility for bringing peace and reconciliation to Somalia lies with the Somalis themselves.

Although there have been positive indicators in the search for a peaceful and acceptable solution to the conflict between Israel and Palestine, we are concerned that the recent resumption of the cycle of violence will render the road map for peace futile. The drastic and repressive measures, the unilateral erection of a wall dividing the two, the reoccupation of Palestinian towns and villages, and the targeting of Hamas leaders with the aim of killing them are all measures which cannot help the course of peace or ensure that the Palestinian people enjoy their inalienable rights, including the right to self-determination in a sovereign and independent State. In like manner, the continuing suicide missions by militant groups to kill Israelis indiscriminately cannot, and must not, be condoned or justified.

But then two stark realities must be addressed: first, that the root cause of the problem is the illegal occupation of Palestinian lands; and secondly, that no one country can be an honest broker in the Middle East. History itself positions some countries so much with one party to the conflict that they cannot -- even with the best of intentions -- be non-partisan. Consequently, my delegation strongly urges the United Nations to take the initiative and to lead the process, and thus to lend legitimacy and credibility to the efforts to find an abiding solution.

The same goes for the people of Western Sahara. In the civilized world of the twenty-first century, it is simply untenable that we still have colonizers in some parts of the world, in disregard of the widely accepted principles of self-determination and democracy. The international community must intervene so as to bring finality to the status of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic. The brotherly people of Sahara have suffered unduly and long enough.

On a positive note, we welcome the lifting of sanctions against Libya by the Security Council. Nevertheless, it is our contention that the lifting of the sanctions would have been more significant if all the members of the Security Council had raised their flags in favour.

By the same token, it is now time to collectively address all issues relating to the unilateral economic blockade against Cuba. It is simply untenable for the United Nations to look on helplessly when a Member State strangles another Member State of this body, simply because it holds or practices different economic philosophies or political viewpoints. Those truths must be confronted and discussed in honesty and without malice towards anyone. Otherwise, our credibility and our raison d'être are called into question.

In conclusion, I wish to refer to the question of the reform of the Security Council. It is now a trite fact that the credibility of the United Nations -- including its adherence to multilateralism -- is being openly questioned. It will take a lot of work to change that perception on the part of many, especially in the developing world. The Secretary-General, Mr. Annan, has on several occasions stressed the need for radical reform to restore United Nations credibility. We therefore applaud the statement that he made before this body yesterday that he intends to establish a high-level panel of eminent persons to look into the challenges to peace, security and other global issues. It is our hope that the recommendations of that panel will pave the way to a better international order.

It has been almost 10 years since the establishment of an open-ended working group to study all questions relating to equitable representation in the Security Council, including increasing the membership of the Council. My delegation is of the view that there is an urgent need to accelerate the pace and to redouble our efforts to bring this matter to a conclusion. Let us face it: the very concept and practice of a veto in the Security Council is simply untenable and is totally at variance with the democratic principles of our modern times. For one member with a veto to overrule 14 others is simply undemocratic. It is patently unjust and contrary to every principle underpinning fair play and world order. My delegation cannot -- in all honesty and without malice to anyone -- understand how and why leading champions of democracy can cling so desperately to such an outmoded, primitive and unjust system. The same sacred convictions, truths and beliefs that guided and forced our forbears to abolish slavery, to declare racism and genocide crimes against humanity and to preach and uphold the equality of all humans must of necessity guide us in this instance. Otherwise, history will judge and chastise us severely -- but justifiably -- as dishonest. Such is the naked truth staring us in the face.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Immigration and Labor of Tuvalu.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Honourable Saufatu Sopoanga, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Immigration and Labor of Tuvalu, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Sopoanga (Tuvalu)

The people of Tuvalu, on whose behalf I have the honour to speak, wish me first of all to convey their warmest greetings to the fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly. We express congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election. Coming from a small island country as well, we hold your election in high regard and wish you success in your presidency. We also commend the outgoing President, Mr. Jan Kavan, for his excellent leadership in the General Assembly this past year.

A year ago, we reflected on the events of 11 September 2001. On the eve of this session, we were horrified yet again by the brutal terrorist attacks on the United Nations in Iraq, which killed some of the Organization's finest, including its Special Envoy, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello. Tuvalu strongly condemns those acts and has joined in the great number of condolences to the Secretary-General, to his staff and to the families of the victims.

The recent wave of terror attacks and the havoc they have created worldwide have instilled a sense of fear and uncertainty. They have not only proved the existence of forces bent on destroying the very foundation of the United Nations, they have also underscored the urgency with which we must collectively combat those forces. As a small island developing country, Tuvalu's greatest fear is that, in the wake of such events, developed countries will lack the resolve to address as well the developmental and environmental issues that are so fundamental to lasting international peace and security.

In Tuvalu, and the Pacific in general, our isolation, fragmentation and lack of infrastructure and manpower leave us vulnerable to terrorism. This threatens our security, especially the security of our traditional and cultural practices upon which our very existence depends. Likewise, this also threatens the security of the world. We are therefore grateful for the anti-terrorism efforts of the United Nations in cooperation with the Pacific Islands Forum and through direct contact with national authorities.

For our part, I am pleased to say that Tuvalu is committed to acceding to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its three protocols, as well as United Nations conventions against terrorism, including the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel. In this spirit, we are also committed to regional security arrangements, as set out by the Pacific Islands Forum.

But to fulfil our international obligations on anti-terrorism, we need technical and financial assistance. More importantly, capacity-building through appropriate education and human development, for which we seek the support of the international community, is vitally important to strengthen our resilience in the face of such vulnerabilities.

Conflict prevention is vital to national, regional and world peace. Tuvalu shares the view that conflicts are best resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding of the root causes. The United Nations must continue to address the underlying causes of conflicts and be the common forum where nations resolve their differences. Attempts to resolve conflicts by unilateral means outside the United Nations inevitably result in ongoing mistrust and instability. The stakes are too high to allow this to happen. We must continue to engage in constructive dialogue.

Let me briefly speak on a related matter. Each year, highly radioactive and toxic material passes through the Pacific by ship on its way to and from north Asia and Europe. It is known that some of the materials are weapons-grade. We are concerned about these shipments because of the massive threat they pose to the Pacific Ocean -- a vital source of our livelihoods and economic development. We would like these shipments to cease for the sake of the inhabitants of the islands and stability of the broader Pacific basin.

We believe the United Nations has a very important peacekeeping role to play, and are therefore grateful for the progress made by the United Nations in restoring peace in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea. We hope that the United Nations will continue its support there, to ensure meaningful opportunities and peace for the people of Bougainville.

Tuvalu noted, however, the manner in which the United Nations has handled the conflict in the Solomon Islands. As a small island and a least developed country, similarly susceptible to instability, we strongly feel that the United Nations must better respond to Member States' concerns, irrespective of political affiliations. The United Nations is a body for all nations, and all nations should be afforded the assistance required of it.

In the same spirit, Tuvalu places significant importance on the need to treat everybody equally, as enshrined in the Charter. Accordingly, Tuvalu believes that to deny representation at the United Nations to the 23 million people of the Republic of China on Taiwan, who are active and responsible participants in world affairs, especially in trade, commerce and international development, is unjust and morally wrong. Their significant contributions to technology and their own need for access to international support to combat the challenges of terrorism and health epidemics such as HIV/AIDS and severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) cannot be continually ignored.

In our view the United Nations, which prides itself on the protection of fundamental human rights, including the right to self-determination, and which upholds the dignity and worth of the human being, cannot continue to turn a blind eye to ignore the obvious realities of the situation. Just as the people of Taiwan have so responsibly contributed to international development, they also need the support of the international community. Their continuing isolation could potentially give rise to serious conflicts.

Tuvalu would therefore like to call on this august body to seriously and urgently consider the issue of membership of the Republic of China on Taiwan in the United Nations and its agencies.

On 1 October, Tuvalu will mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of its independence. On reflection, we are grateful for the support of the international community, particularly from Tuvalu's traditional development and regional partners over the past quarter century. Guided by the principles of good governance, respect for the rule of law and human rights, democracy and self-determination, to which we are deeply committed, and with the help of such support, Tuvalu has been able to prosper and enjoy a peaceful and equal coexistence with the rest of the world. Our future survival as a nation is founded on these basic United Nations values.

Despite relative stability, we live in constant fear of the adverse impact of climate change. For a coral-atoll nation, sea level rise and more severe weather events loom as a growing threat to our entire population. The threat is real and serious, and we liken it to a slow and insidious form of terrorism against us.

In this respect, Tuvalu is actively participating in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, and we are extremely grateful to all the nations that have joined us in resolving this threat. Nevertheless, we are deeply dismayed that key industrialized nations do not share our concern. Climate change affects all nations.

This is not just a problem for small island States like our own. We believe that all nations must take positive steps to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. But we also believe that the industrialized world must act first. It is the emissions from the past that are creating the problems of today. Steps must be taken to account for and redress the emissions of the past. We implore all nations to ratify the Kyoto Protocol, as this is the only appropriate process that will bring about effective collective action to resolve this growing threat.

As Tuvalu moves into the twenty-first century, we are also challenged by the many changes that are taking place in the world, especially those brought about by globalization. Never before have we faced such complex challenges. Yet, for Tuvalu and others like us, while we witness every day the forces of trade, communications and travel creating a single global community, the problems of poverty, marginalization and environmental decline continue to plague many parts of the world.

The recent breakdown in discussions on international trade in Cancún, Mexico, clearly shows that we live in a very complex world. If nothing else, the Cancún meeting was a significant step forward for the voice of the developing world. No longer are the developing nations willing to accept the rhetoric of those who want to impose a trade regime that tends to favour the wealthy and marginalize the poor.

Tuvalu and many island States are in a particularly weak position to take advantage of the opportunities presented by globalization. There is a genuine need to better recognize the special case of small island developing States and of their need to participate in a more equitable globalized world.

Sustainable development, particularly for the most disadvantaged and vulnerable States, especially for small island least developed countries is crucial. Of course, we recognize that the primary responsibility for sustainable development rests with each country, on its own terms. However, as a poorly resourced small island least developed countries, even the best efforts to escape the cycle of poverty and marginalization are doomed without the support of the international community, civil society and the private sector.

Tuvalu and those like us are encouraged by the commitment of the international community to addressing poverty and development challenges, as contained in the Millennium Development Goals, Millennium Declaration and other various United Nations development frameworks. But these will remain mere rhetoric unless they translate into real development that can make a difference on the ground.

In that regard, proper and effective implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States is crucial for the development of countries like Tuvalu. To that end, conducting a full and comprehensive review of the implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action in the lead up to the International Meeting in Mauritius next year is imperative. We kindly request the United Nations Secretariat to undertake this analysis as a matter of high priority so that we can learn from the past and move forward in a more positive way.

That said, however, the overall decline in official development assistance in real terms is cause for serious concern. Despite pledges at the Monterrey Conference, major industrialized nations are not fulfilling the minimum target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product. For small island States, that reluctance translates into lower economic growth, as well as into widening the gap between the least developed countries and the industrialized nations. Tuvalu therefore appeals to the donor countries to make serious efforts to meet the United Nations minimum official development assistance target to enable the least developed countries to attain a better quality of life for all their peoples.

In conclusion, for atoll island States like Tuvalu, efforts aimed at sustainable development, peace and security will be meaningless unless the issue of climate change is addressed with urgency. As has been warned by the Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change in its Third Assessment Report, the threat of global warming and rising sea levels is serious business. Addressing these threats requires a global effort by both industrialized and developing countries, consistent with the objectives of, and the commitments made in, the Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Again, Tuvalu's interest in enforcing the Kyoto Protocol is not self-serving. The consequences of not urgently enforcing Kyoto will be felt everywhere around the world. Tuvalu appeals to the countries that can make the difference to ratify the Kyoto Protocol as a matter of urgency. As we in Tuvalu celebrate our Silver Jubilee anniversary, and as we look forward into the future, it is our hope that out of this great Hall there will emerge better understanding and good will, to further solidify the foundation upon which the long-lasting security and survival of Tuvalu and many others is built and for peace in the world.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Immigration and Labor of Tuvalu for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will hear a statement by Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Right Honourable Sir Anerood Jugnauth, Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Sir Anerood Jugnauth (Mauritius)

Let me first extend to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation and in my own name, our sincere congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. Indeed, it is a matter of pride for all small island States, and Mauritius in particular, to see you presiding over the Assembly. My delegation wishes to assure you of its full support and cooperation during your tenure of office.

Let me also express my Government's deepest appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jan Kavan of the Czech Republic, for the remarkable manner in which he presided over the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his dedicated leadership of our Organization. I wish to assure him of our full support in his appeal for radical reforms of our Organization and the setting up of a high-level panel to address the issues of peace and security, and institutional reform.

Since we were here last autumn, many events of global importance have occurred. The war against Iraq was waged and hostilities were declared at an end, but peace and stability in Iraq have yet to be restored.

Terrorism has continued relentlessly on its path of ghastly attacks and indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians. The geographical shift, however, in the terrorist attacks is becoming increasingly a disturbing development.

Multilateralism, which was almost condemned to a premature burial, is being re-energized. Unfortunately, the recurring problems of HIV/AIDS, malaria, poverty, lack of development, conflicts and the ready supply of small arms and light weapons have continued to inflict death and suffering on an unprecedented scale, particularly in Africa.

The attack against the United Nations compound in Baghdad contains countless messages. The most significant of them is that our Organization is in urgent need of major overhaul and reform, as rightly stated by the Secretary-General.

The premature deaths of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General to Iraq, the late Sergio Vieira de Mello, and other dedicated staff members of the United Nations, whom we deeply mourn, should make us reflect on the dangers behind foreign policy initiatives that undermine or ignore the United Nations.

The international community is deeply attached to the legitimacy the United Nations confers on its actions. It is our collective duty to refrain from taking any measures likely to weaken it.

These horrendous terrorist acts have demonstrated anew the crucial need for the international community to tackle the root causes of terrorism.

As all small islands, we in Mauritius remain highly vulnerable in respect of our security and terrorist threats. With limited means at our disposal, coupled with the multiple demands on our scanty resources, we find that it is only through international efforts and cooperation that we can win the war against terrorism. We are particularly anxious that there should be concerted and sustained action and a commitment to cooperation at the international level with a view to eradicating the scourge of terrorism. All countries must cooperate to stem the flow of cross-border infiltration. The financing of terrori