General Assembly Session 56 meeting 44

The President

I would like to welcome the heads of State and Government, as well as other heads of delegation, who have assembled here for the general debate at this important and challenging time. I am particularly heartened by such high-level participation from all Member States despite the rescheduling of the general debate. Let me also express my gratitude for the special arrangements that our host country, the United States of America, and the host city, New York, have made to ensure the maximum convenience and security of all participants.

The heinous terrorist attacks of 11 September were an unspeakable tragedy not just for the United States, but for the entire international community. They deeply affected the work of the United Nations, forcing us to postpone and reschedule various events, including the start of the fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The general debate has had to be postponed for seven weeks and the special session on children for an even longer period. Thus, the opening of the general debate today carries with it both a special meaning and a renewed sense of responsibility.

The actions of the United Nations in the past two months give proof of our united response to the challenge. Beginning with the unanimous resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 12 September and the two important resolutions of the Security Council, we have moved quickly and decisively to address the overriding issue of terrorism. Also, progress has been made by the Sixth Committee towards finalizing a comprehensive convention on terrorism. Taking this opportunity, I would like to appeal to all Member States to further strengthen cooperation for an early conclusion of the convention.

But our work has by no means been limited to the issue of terrorism. In view of the time constraints imposed after 11 September, the Member States have acted with increased harmony and expeditiousness to deal with wide-ranging issues of global concern. I congratulate the delegations on what they have achieved thus far and urge them to carry on in the same spirit.

For the United Nations, the last two months were also marked by a uniquely reassuring and encouraging development. We were all delighted and honoured to learn that the Nobel Peace Prize for 2001 had been awarded to the United Nations as such, jointly with its Secretary-General Kofi Annan. I believe that the award should be seen as both a recognition of past achievements and a summons to even greater efforts in the future. It is this heavy responsibility that will be uppermost in my mind when I travel to Oslo in December, along with our Secretary-General, to accept the Prize on behalf of the United Nations.

The issues that we are going to address during the next week in this Hall bear a heightened importance and urgency in view of the current international circumstances. Therefore, I would like to solicit the full cooperation of all participants to ensure a productive outcome worthy of our high expectations and of the ideals for which the United Nations stands.

I now give the floor to the Secretary-General.

The Secretary-General

Let me welcome all who have come to New York for this general debate, and especially the President of our host country.

We meet nearly seven weeks later than we had intended -- and we all know why.

No words can express our revulsion and sorrow at the senseless loss of life on 11 September. We share in the pain and grief of our host country and host city. Like them, we are determined to overcome the forces that inflicted this ordeal upon us. The United Nations is indeed "the indispensable common house of the entire human family", as our heads of State and Government declared last year, and seldom has the need for it been more widely understood. When a family is under attack, it is in their common house that its members gather to decide what to do.

From the very day after the tragedy, while Members took action in their own countries and regions, their representatives here have been at work -- first expressing their condemnation and resolve, then working out in detail how the world can protect itself. The United Nations has also been straining every nerve to bring relief to the suffering people of Afghanistan and to help them reach agreement on a broad-based Government.

One is tempted to say that we must now focus all our energies on the struggle against terrorism and on directly related issues. Yet, if we did so we should give the terrorists a kind of victory.

Let us remember that none of the issues that faced us on 10 September has become less urgent. The number of people living on less than one dollar a day has not decreased. The numbers dying of AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and other preventable diseases have not decreased. The factors that cause the desert to advance, biodiversity to be lost and the Earth's atmosphere to warm have not decreased. And, in the many parts of the world afflicted by the scourge of war, innocent people have not ceased being murdered or mutilated, dragged or driven from their homes.

In short, my friends, the agenda of peace, development and human rights set for us in the Millennium Declaration is no less pressing. If anything, it has taken on new urgency. Seldom have the danger of division within the human family, and the need to resist that danger, been more clearly understood.

We face two possible futures: a mutually destructive clash between so-called civilizations based on the exaggeration of religious and cultural differences, or a global community, respecting diversity and rooted in universal values. The latter must be our choice, but we can achieve it only if we bring real hope to the billions now trapped in poverty, conflict and disease. That is why the current meeting of the World Trade Organization is so important. Never was agreement among nations rich and poor on the rules of the international trading system so vitally needed.

But even more decisive will be the use that Member States make of this Organization in the years ahead. Let me recall some fundamental principles by which I believe all our work must be guided.

First, the United Nations must always stand for the rule of law in international and domestic affairs.

Secondly, we must cherish our multilateral institutions and procedures and use them to full effect.

Thirdly, the United Nations must place people at the centre of everything it does, enabling them to meet their needs and realize their full potential. That can be achieved only in a world of effective, accountable States which use sovereignty as a means to ensure the security of their peoples and to uphold, not violate, their rights.

Fourthly, all the actors of the international system must work together in pursuit of common goals. The United Nations should concentrate on those areas where it has comparative advantage. Where others have greater expertise and resources, it must seek to ensure that they apply them to the common needs of humanity. In other words, it must reach out to the widest possible range of partners.

Finally, what the United Nations does, it must do well. We must continue improving our ability to give our Members the service they expect, and to fulfil the priorities that Members have identified.

Let me now mention four burning issues on which our performance will be decisive.

First is the eradication of extreme poverty. In the Millennium Declaration, heads of State and Government resolved to halve, by 2015, the proportion of the world's population whose income is less than $1 a day, who suffer from hunger and who are unable to reach or to afford safe drinking water. Achieving this objective is a shared responsibility. Much must be done by the developing countries. But, to reach the point where they can really benefit from market opportunities, they need generous help from the developed countries. I will do my utmost to ensure that this fundamental issue is addressed.

Secondly, I shall intensify my commitment to the struggle against HIV/AIDS -- the spread of which our heads of State and Government pledged to halt, and begin to reverse, by 2015. To have any hope of redeeming that pledge, we must all make it a genuine priority for years to come.

Thirdly, I shall maintain and strengthen the focus of our work on preventing deadly conflict. We must not wait passively for crises to erupt, but tackle the root causes of political violence.

We need systems of governance that promote free expression and social justice, while protecting civil liberties and minority rights. We must attack the gross inequality of opportunity, which so deeply divides people in different parts of the world -- and sometimes different parts of a single country.

Fourthly, I take very seriously the pledge made in the Millennium Declaration to spare

"our children and grandchildren ... from the threat of living on a planet irredeemably spoilt by human activities, and whose resources would no longer be sufficient for their needs." (resolution 55/2, para. 21)

We must put the issue of sustainability where it belongs, in the centre of the policymaking process.

The common thread connecting all these issues is the need to respect fundamental human rights; and Africa is the region where all of them present the greatest challenge. I am determined to integrate human rights even more fully into every aspect of our work. And, taking my cue from the Millennium Declaration, I intend to ensure that the United Nations fully supports the priorities established by the African leaders in the New Partnership for African Development.

Inevitably, we shall be dealing with all these issues over the next five years, day in and day out. But there are two events next year that I want especially to bring to the Assembly's attention: the Conference on Financing for Development in March, and the World Summit on Sustainable Development in September.

Those meetings, if properly prepared and managed, can mark a real turning point in our struggle to eradicate poverty and achieve genuinely sustainable development. I shall do everything in my power to ensure their success. Let me entreat all of you to do the same.

Now let me turn to the last of my fundamental principles: the principle that what this Organization does, it must do well.

During my first term I have worked with Members to improve the efficiency and coordination of the Secretariat, and to bring greater coherence to the United Nations family.

Have we achieved something? Yes, we have. Our Organization is better and more effective than it was five years ago. Its financial situation has at last improved -- thanks to full payment of dues by many Member States, and significant arrearage payments from a few. In future, let us keep it on a firm financial footing.

But have we yet succeeded in giving the world's peoples the effective instrument they need? No, we have not. We need to sit together and think afresh about the way we work, and whether our system is adequate for its tasks.

For instance, are we really devoting our resources and energies to the priorities Members have given us? How can the contributions of civil society -- including the private sector -- be better organized? How can the United Nations function more effectively as a single entity, in each country where it works? And how can we ensure not only that we attract the best possible staff, but that staff at all levels are encouraged to think and act creatively?

This may seem a prosaic note to end on. But the world's people will judge us by our ability to perform specific tasks: not by the resounding speeches we make, or the number of decisions we reach, but by the quality of those decisions, and of the service we provide.

For the sake of all those whom we hope to save -- whether from terrorism, from war, from poverty, from disease or from environmental degradation -- let us resolve that only the best is good enough. And let us equip ourselves so that, in future, the best is what we give.

The President

I thank the Secretary-General for his statement.

Before we hear the next speaker, I should once again to like to appeal to Member States to limit their statements to 15 minutes so that all the speakers inscribed for each meeting of the seven-day period of the general debate can be accommodated at that meeting.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, President of the Federative Republic of Brazil, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Cardoso (Brazil)

I greet you, Mr. President, and pay tribute to the Republic of Korea, which offers the world an example of dedication to the cause of peace and development.

I reaffirm my admiration for Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who, together with the United Nations, was rightfully honoured with the Nobel Peace Prize. More than ever, we need his clear vision and courage in seeking to build a peaceful and democratic international order that is based on solidarity. Only fanatics fail to acknowledge the great mission undertaken by the United Nations and by Kofi Annan.

In a tradition that extends back to the beginnings of this Organization, the month of September in New York is dedicated to a celebration of dialogue: the opening of the general debate of this General Assembly. It was not so this year. In New York as well as in Washington, the month of September was marked by the very denial of this dialogue and understanding between peoples: the senseless violence resulting from an odious and treacherous attack against the United States of America and against all peace- and freedom-loving peoples.

It was an infamous act of aggression against a city that, perhaps more than any other, is a symbol of cosmopolitanism; a city that has welcomed immigrants from all parts, such as the Dutch Jews of Portuguese ancestry who, in the seventeenth century, left Brazil for what was then New Amsterdam.

New York has grown, prospered and reached maturity guided by pluralistic values. It became great, and was admired, not only because of its Jewish and Anglo-Saxon heritage, but also because of its Arab, Latin, African, Caribbean and Asian presence. The attacks of 11 September 2001 were an act of aggression against all of those traditions -- an act of aggression against humanity.

As the first head of State to speak in the general debate at this session of the General Assembly, I wish to be very clear. As I had occasion to say on the very morning of those horrendous attacks, and as I have said during my conversations with President George W. Bush, Brazil extends its full solidarity and support to the people of the United States in its response to terrorism.

To our understanding, the American hemisphere as a whole was attacked. That is why we suggested convening the consultative organ of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. Terrorism negates all that the United Nations stands for. It destroys the very principles of civilized behaviour. It fosters fear, and threatens the security and peace of all countries.

The victims of any act of terrorism will not be forgotten; nor will the perpetrators of such acts go unpunished, whether they are individuals, groups or the States that give them support. The march of folly will be vigorously resisted by the solid alliance of all free peoples.

The Charter of the United Nations acknowledges the right of Member States to act in self-defence. That is not in doubt. But let us keep in mind that the struggle against terrorism cannot rely exclusively on the effectiveness of self-defence measures or on the use of military force by individual countries.

In 1945, the United Nations committed itself to the task of laying the foundations for peace and the protection of future generations against the scourge of war. War always takes a heavy human toll -- a cost in lives cut short and lives overtaken by fear and flight. That underscores the responsibility of terrorists for what is happening today. Brazil hopes that, notwithstanding these circumstances, humanitarian assistance efforts in Afghanistan will not be frustrated. Furthermore, we will, to the best of our abilities, welcome refugees wishing to settle in our country.

Certain things may be obvious, but they warrant repeating. As Secretary-General Kofi Annan said, the struggle against terrorism is not, and must never become, a clash between civilizations, much less between religions. Not one of the civilizations that have enriched and humanized our planet has not known, within its own historical experience, episodes of violence and terror.

Around the world, problems related to crime, drug abuse, drug-trafficking and money-laundering are evils related to terrorism that must be eradicated. From this rostrum, I would like to call for a worldwide public awareness campaign to make drug users in all countries realize that they are helping -- even if inadvertently -- to finance terrorism.

If we are to stem the flow of resources to the terrorist networks spreading death and destruction, it is crucial that drug use in our societies be drastically curtailed. Furthermore, we must not allow differences in national tax regimes in various countries to be used as an instrument to foster capital flight, to the detriment of economic development, or to help finance organized crime, including terrorist actions. If the existence of tax havens is inseparable from these problems, then tax havens should not exist. We must put an end to such safe harbours for corruption and terror, with regard to which some Governments have, to date, been complacent.

It is only natural that, since 11 September, issues of international security should have been given high priority. Yet terrorism must not be allowed to stifle the debate on cooperation and other issues of global interest. The road to the future requires the forces of globalization to be harnessed in the pursuit of lasting peace -- a peace sustained not by fear, but rather by the willing acceptance by all countries of a just international order.

On this theme, I have sought to mobilize numerous world leaders. Brazil wishes to do its part to ensure that the world does not squander the opportunities that are contained in the present crisis. Let us focus on our fundamental imperative of promoting development. The process of globalization is tainted by an undeniable sense of unease. I am not referring to the ideological disquiet of those who oppose globalization on principle or who reject the very notion of universal values which inspire freedom and the respect for human rights. Rather, I have in mind the fact that globalization has not lived up to its promises. There is a governance deficit in the international sphere, and it results from a democratic deficit. Globalization will be sustainable only if enriched by a sense of justice. Our aim should be "globalization in solidarity", rather than the asymmetrical globalization of today.

In the field of trade, it is high time that multilateral negotiations were translated into greater access for goods from developing countries to the more prosperous markets. The ministers meeting in Doha have a heavy responsibility: to ensure that the new round of multilateral trade negotiations is a development round. To this end, it is crucial for priority to be given to those issues most conducive to the dismantling of protectionist practices and barriers in developed countries.

Brazil has taken the lead in negotiations to ensure greater market access and better humanitarian conditions in the fight against disease. We will seek to strike a balance between the requirements of patent rights and the imperative of providing care to those most in need. We favour market practices and the protection of intellectual property, but not at the cost of human lives. This is a point that must be carefully defined: life must prevail over material interests.

The Bretton Woods institutions must be revamped if they are to respond to the challenges of the twenty-first century. The International Monetary Fund must be allotted greater resources so as to allow it to function as a lender of last resort. The World Bank and regional banks must be given a more active part in fostering economic growth and development.

The volatility of international capital flows must be contained and the financial system made more predictable and less crisis-prone, as proposed by the G-20.

Similarly, although measures such as the Tobin tax present practical difficulties, it should be possible to look into better and less compulsory alternatives. I submit that these issues should be given special attention at the United Nations International Conference on Financing for Development, to be held next year in Monterrey.

We must also envisage practical forms of cooperation to alleviate the tragedy of AIDS, above all in Africa. How long will the world remain indifferent to the plight of those who might yet be saved from disease, deprivation and exclusion?

The twentieth century came to an end amid a growing sense of global citizenship and universally shared values. Brazil is determined to forge ahead in this direction.

The International Criminal Court will be a historic victory for the cause of human rights. The protection of the environment and sustainable development are equally pressing challenges of our time. The process of climate change has been scientifically ascertained as a fact, but it is not unstoppable. What the future holds depends on what we do today, in particular as concerns the Kyoto Protocol.

President Cardoso (Brazil)

I have just been informed of the successful outcome of the Marrakesh meeting. Brazil warmly welcomes this development, which is a fundamental step towards controlling, and eventually reversing, the warming of the atmosphere. I will submit to the Congress a proposal for the prompt ratification of the Kyoto Protocol.

President Cardoso (Brazil)

Recent events in this city and elsewhere have clearly demonstrated the grave threat posed by weapons of mass destruction. No matter the nature of the menace -- be it bacteriological, such as anthrax; chemical; or nuclear -- there is no alternative to disarmament and non-proliferation.

It is an ethical imperative that science and technology must not be turned into a weapon in the hands of the irresponsible. This requires the active and legitimate involvement of the United Nations in the control, destruction and eradication of these arsenals.

Just as it supported the creation of the State of Israel, Brazil today calls for concrete measures towards the setting up of a Palestinian state that is democratic, united and economically viable.

The right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and respect for the existence of Israel as a sovereign, free and secure State are essential if the Middle East is to rebuild its future in peace.

This is a moral debt owed by the United Nations. It is a task that must not be postponed.

It is equally urgent that a lasting solution be found to the conflict in Angola, which deserves the opportunity to get back on the road to development. This is the same future that Brazil wishes for East Timor, which we hope will soon take its rightful place in the Assembly as a sovereign state.

A strong and flexible United Nations is required if the world is to respond to increasingly complex problems. The United Nations will only be strengthened if the General Assembly becomes more active and more respected, and if the Security Council becomes more representative. Its composition should no longer be a reflection of arrangements among the victors of a conflict that took place over 50 years ago, and for whose triumph Brazilian soldiers gave their blood in the glorious campaigns in Italy.

Brazil joins those who appeal for more democracy in international relations in calling for the enlargement of the Security Council. Common sense requires the inclusion, in the category of permanent members, of those developing countries with the necessary credentials to exercise the responsibilities that today's world imposes upon them.

By the same token, Brazil believes that an enlargement of the G-7/G-8 is called for in view of the transformations the world is presently undergoing. It is no longer admissible to restrict to such a limited group of countries the discussion of issues pertaining to globalization and its inevitable impact on the political and economic life of emerging countries.

An international order that is more just and based on solidarity will come about only through a concerted effort on the part of the community of nations. This is too precious a goal to be left to the vagaries of market forces or to the whims of power politics.

We do not aspire to a world government, but we cannot sidestep the obligation to ensure that international relations are not left rudderless, but reflect the legitimate aspirations of the majority. The nefarious shadow of terrorism points to what can be expected if we do not enhance mutual understanding among peoples.

This Organization was created under the sign of dialogue -- a dialogue among sovereign States that are free nations, whose peoples actively participate in national decision-making.

With their help, we can ensure that the twenty-first century will not be a time of fear, but rather of the flourishing of a freer humanity, at peace with itself, and rationally oriented towards the building of an international order that is acceptable to all peoples and that provides a guiding framework for States at the global level.

This is the challenge of the twenty-first century. Let us face it inspired by the grand vision of the founding fathers of this Organization, who dreamed of a pluralistic world, founded on peace, solidarity, tolerance and reason, which is the ultimate source of the rule of law.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the United States of America.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Bush (United States)

We meet in a Hall devoted to peace; in a city scarred by violence; in a nation awakened to danger; in a world uniting for a long struggle. Every civilized nation here today is resolved to keep the most basic commitment of civilization. We will defend ourselves and our future against terror and lawless violence.

The United Nations was founded in this cause. In the Second World War, we learned that there is no isolation from evil. We affirmed that some crimes are so terrible they offend humanity itself, and we resolved that the aggressions and ambitions of the wicked must be opposed early, decisively and collectively, before they threaten us all.

That evil has returned, and that cause is renewed. A few miles from here, many thousands still lie in a tomb of rubble. Tomorrow, the Secretary-General, the President of the General Assembly and I will visit that site, where the names of every nation and region that lost citizens will be read aloud. If we were to read out the names of every person who died, it would take more than three hours.

Those names include a citizen of the Gambia, whose wife spent their fourth wedding anniversary, 12 September, searching in vain for her husband. Those names include a man who supported his wife in Mexico, sending home money every week. Those names include a young Pakistani who prayed towards Mecca five times a day and who died that day trying to save others.

The suffering of 11 September was inflicted on people of many faiths and many nations. All of the victims, including Muslims, were killed with equal indifference and equal satisfaction by the terrorist leaders.

The terrorists are violating the tenets of every religion, including the one they invoke. Last week, the sheikh of Al-Azhar University, the world's oldest Islamic institution of higher learning, declared that terrorism is a disease and that Islam prohibits killing innocent civilians. The terrorists call their cause holy, yet they fund it with drug dealing. They encourage murder and suicide in the name of a great faith that forbids both. They dare to ask God's blessing as they set out to kill innocent men, women and children. But the God of Isaac and Ishmael would never answer such a prayer. And a murderer is not a martyr; he is just a murderer.

Time is passing. Yet for the United States of America, there will be no forgetting 11 September. We will remember every rescuer who died in honour. We will remember every family that lives in grief. We will remember the fire and ash, the last phone calls, the funerals of the children.

And the people of my country will remember those who have plotted against us. We are learning their names. We are coming to know their faces. There is no corner of the Earth distant or dark enough to protect them. However long it takes, their hour of justice will come.

Every nation has a stake in this cause. As we meet, the terrorists are planning more murder -- perhaps in my country, or perhaps, fellow members, in yours. They kill because they aspire to dominate. They seek to overthrow Governments and to destabilize entire regions. Last week, anticipating this meeting of the General Assembly, they denounced the United Nations; they called our Secretary-General a criminal and they condemned all Arab nations here as traitors to Islam. Few countries meet their exacting standards of brutality and oppression. Every other country is a potential target.

And all the world faces the most horrifying prospect of all: those same terrorists are searching for weapons of mass destruction, the tools to turn their hatred into holocaust. They can be expected to use chemical, biological and nuclear weapons the moment they are capable of doing so. No hint of conscience would prevent it. That threat cannot be ignored; that threat cannot be appeased. Civilization itself -- the civilization we share -- is threatened. History will record our response and will judge or justify every nation in this Hall.

The civilized world is now responding. We act to defend ourselves and to deliver our children from a future of fear. We choose the dignity of life over a culture of death. We choose lawful change and civil disagreement over coercion, subversion and chaos. Those commitments -- hope and order, law and life -- unite people across cultures and continents. Upon those commitments depend all peace and progress. For those commitments, we are determined to fight.

The United Nations has risen to this responsibility: on 12 September, these buildings opened for emergency meetings of the General Assembly and of the Security Council. Before the sun had set, these attacks on the world stood condemned by the world, and I want to thank you, fellow members, for that strong and principled stand.

I also thank the Arab and Islamic countries that have condemned terrorist murder. Many of you have seen the destruction of terror in your own lands. The terrorists are increasingly isolated by their own hatred and extremism. They cannot hide behind Islam. The authors of mass murder and their allies have no place in any culture, and no home in any faith.

The conspiracies of terror are being answered by an expanding global coalition. Not every nation will be part of every action against the enemy. But every nation in our coalition has duties. Those duties can be demanding, as we in America are learning. We have already made adjustments in our laws and in our daily lives. We are taking new measures to investigate terror and to protect against threats.

The leaders of all nations must now carefully consider their responsibilities and their future. Terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda depend upon the aid or indifference of Governments. They need the support of a financial infrastructure and safe havens to train and plan and hide.

Some nations want to play their part in the fight against terror but tell us they lack the means to enforce their laws and control their borders. We stand ready to help.

Some Governments still turn a blind eye to the terrorists, hoping the threat will pass them by. They are mistaken.

And some Governments, while pledging to uphold the principles of the United Nations, have cast their lot with the terrorists. They support them and harbour them. And they will find that their welcomed guests are parasites that will weaken them and eventually consume them. For every regime that sponsors terror there is a price to be paid, and it will be paid. The allies of terror are equally guilty of murder and equally accountable to justice.

The Taliban are now learning that lesson. That regime and the terrorists who support it are now virtually indistinguishable. Together they promote terror abroad and impose a reign of terror on the Afghan people. Women are executed in Kabul's soccer stadium. They can be beaten for wearing socks that are too thin. Men are jailed for missing prayer meetings.

The United States, supported by many nations, is bringing justice to the terrorists in Afghanistan. We are making progress against military targets -- and that is our objective. Unlike the enemy, we seek to minimize, not maximize, the loss of innocent life. I am proud of the honourable conduct of the American military. And my country grieves for all the suffering the Taliban have brought upon Afghanistan, including the terrible burden of war.

The Afghan people do not deserve their present rulers. Years of Taliban misrule have brought nothing but misery and starvation. Even before this current crisis, 4 million Afghans depended on food from the United States and other nations, and millions of Afghans were refugees from Taliban oppression.

I make this promise to all the victims of that regime: the Taliban's days of harbouring terrorists, and dealing in heroin, and brutalizing women are drawing to a close. When that regime is gone, the people of Afghanistan will say, with the rest of the world, good riddance.

I can promise, too, that America will join the world in helping the people of Afghanistan rebuild their country.

Many nations, including mine, are sending food and medicine to help Afghans through the winter. America has airdropped over 1.3 million packages of rations in Afghanistan. Just this week, we airlifted 20,000 blankets and over 200 tons of provisions into the region. We continue to provide humanitarian aid, even while the Taliban try to steal the food we send.

More help, eventually, will be needed. The United States will work closely with the United Nations and development banks to reconstruct Afghanistan after hostilities there have ceased and the Taliban are no longer in control. And the United States will work with the United Nations to support a post-Taliban Government that represents all of the Afghan people.

In this war of terror, each of us must answer for what we have done or what we have left undone. After tragedy, there is a time for sympathy and condolence. My country has been very grateful for both.

The memorials and vigils around the world will not be forgotten. But the time for sympathy has now passed. The time for action has now arrived.

The most basic obligations in this new conflict have already been defined by the United Nations. On 28 September, the Security Council adopted resolution 1373 (2001). Its requirements are clear: every United Nations Member has a responsibility to crack down on terrorist financing. We must pass all necessary laws in our own countries to allow the confiscation of terrorist assets. We must apply those laws to every financial institution in every nation.

We have a responsibility to share intelligence and coordinate the efforts of law enforcement. If you know something, tell us. If we know something, we will tell you. And when we find the terrorists, we must work together to bring them to justice.

We have a responsibility to deny any sanctuary, safe haven, or transit to terrorists. Every known terrorist camp must be shut down, its operators apprehended, and evidence of their arrest presented to the United Nations.

We have a responsibility to deny weapons to terrorists -- and to actively prevent private citizens from providing them.

These obligations are urgent, and they are binding on every nation with a place in this Hall. Many Governments are taking these obligations seriously, and my country appreciates it. Yet even beyond resolution 1373 (2001), more is required -- and more is expected -- of our coalition against terror. We are asking for a comprehensive commitment to this fight.

We must unite in opposing all terrorists, not just some of them. In this world, there are good causes and bad causes, and we may disagree on where that line is drawn. Yet there is no such thing as a good terrorist. No national aspiration, no remembered wrong, can ever justify the deliberate murder of the innocent. Any Government that rejects this principle -- trying to pick and choose its terrorist friends -- will know the consequences.

We must speak the truth about terror. Let us never tolerate outrageous conspiracy theories concerning the attacks of 11 September -- malicious lies that attempt to shift the blame away from the terrorists themselves, away from the guilty. To inflame ethnic hatred is to advance the cause of terror.

The war against terror must not serve as an excuse to persecute ethnic and religious minorities in any country. Innocent people must be allowed to live their own lives, by their own customs, under their own religion. And every nation must have avenues for the peaceful expression of opinion and dissent. When these avenues are closed, the temptation to speak through violence grows.

We must press on with our agenda for peace and prosperity in every land. My country is pledged to encouraging development and expanding trade. My country is pledged to investing in education and combating AIDS and other infectious diseases around the world. Following 11 September, these pledges are even more important. In our struggle against hateful groups that exploit poverty and despair, we must offer an alternative of opportunity and hope.

The American Government also stands by its commitment to a just peace in the Middle East. We are working towards a day when two States -- Israel and Palestine -- live peacefully together, within secure and recognized borders, as called for by the Security Council resolutions. We will do all in our power to bring both parties back into negotiations. But peace will come only when all have sworn off -- forever -- incitement, violence and terror.

Finally, this struggle is a defining moment for the United Nations itself -- and the world needs its principled leadership. It undermines the credibility of this great institution, for example, when the Commission on Human Rights offers seats to some of the world's most persistent violators of human rights. The United Nations depends, above all, on its moral authority -- and that authority must be preserved.

The steps I have described will not be easy. For all nations, they will require effort. For some nations, they will require great courage. Yet the cost of inaction is far greater. The only alternative to victory is a nightmare world where every city is a potential killing field.

As I told the American people, freedom and fear are at war. We face enemies that hate not our policies, but our existence -- the tolerance of openness and the creative culture that define us. But the outcome of this conflict is certain.

There is a current in history, and it runs towards freedom. Our enemies resent it and dismiss it, but the dreams of mankind are defined by liberty -- the natural right to create, and build, and worship, and live in dignity. When men and women are released from oppression and isolation, they find fulfilment and hope, and they leave poverty by the millions. These aspirations are lifting up the peoples of Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas, and they can lift up all of the Islamic world. We stand for the permanent hopes of humanity, and those hopes will not be denied.

We are confident, too, that history has an author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. We know that evil is real, but good will prevail against it. This is the teaching of many faiths. And in that assurance, we gain strength for a long journey.

It is our task -- the task of this generation -- to provide the response to aggression and terror. We have no other choice, because there is no other peace. We did not ask for this mission, yet there is honour in history's call. We have a chance to write the story of our times -- a story of courage defeating cruelty, and light overcoming darkness. This calling is worthy of any life, and worthy of every nation. So let us go forward -- confident, determined and unafraid.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the United States of America for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of South Africa.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Thabo Mbeki, President of the Republic of South Africa, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Mbeki (South Africa)

Please accept my congratulations, Mr. President, on your assumption of the stewardship of this important Assembly.

We also wish to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri, for the skilful manner in which he guided the work of the Millennium Assembly of the United Nations.

Allow me also to salute the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, on being elected to a second term and, together with the United Nations, being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 2001. This is because of the tireless work of both the Secretary-General and the United Nations to realize the ideal that we all cherish: a world in which all people can live in peace, security, freedom, equality and justice.

As has already been noted and as we all know, this general debate has begun later than usual. The reason for this is that two months ago, the forces of terror struck at this city, New York -- the Headquarters of this Organization -- and Washington, D.C., the capital city of the United States of America.

It is proper that we take advantage of this occasion once more to convey our condolences and deepest sympathy to the people and the Government of the United States for the immense loss of life and property imposed on them through a callous act of murder. We extend the same sympathy to all other peoples who lost citizens as a result of the colossal outrage of 11 September. We speak here about the terrible tragedy of 11 September on behalf of our Government and the people of South Africa. We speak also on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth.

There can be no doubt but that the peoples of the world have to unite in action to defeat terrorism. There can be no hesitation among any of us in the resolve to work together to ensure that those responsible for the heinous actions of September 11 are brought to justice.

This is so not only because many nations lost their citizens on that terrible day, important as that is. It is so, because terrorism has demonstrated that it has no respect for borders. It has shown in a very graphic, tragic and painful manner, as it did also in Kenya and Tanzania, that our very humanity renders all of us, without exception, potential targets of cold-blooded murder.

Where we might have used the concept of a global village loosely in the past, on 11 September terrorism taught us the abiding lesson that we do indeed belong to a global village. None within this village will be safe unless all the villagers act together to secure and guarantee that safety. All must act to promote the safety and security of one and all, on the basis of a shared responsibility born of a shared danger.

Accordingly, we have no choice but to get together in the village square to agree on the threat that confronts us. Together, in that village square, we have to determine what we do about this commonly defined threat. This is the ineluctable conclusion we must draw from the terrorist attacks of 11 September.

To guarantee world peace and security in the light of the threat posed by terrorism requires that this Organization, the United Nations, must discharge its responsibility to unite the peoples of the world to adopt an international convention against terrorism.

Necessarily, all of us must experience a shared sense of ownership of this convention, precisely because it would not be merely a statement of principles, but a set of injunctions and prescriptions that will be binding on all of us as States. Thus should each one of us be ready to integrate our respective sovereignties within a global human sovereignty, defined and governed by all of us, with none treated as superior or inferior.

The challenge to unite the peoples of the world to fight the common threat of terrorism brings to the fore the need to speed up the transformation of the United Nations so that it is able to respond to the global challenges we face together, in an equitable manner. This means that it needs to be efficient, effective and responsive to the needs of humanity as a whole.

11 September emphasized the point that, even as the democratic system of government is being consolidated throughout the world, even as we all work to sustain the possibility of a serious and meaningful global dialogue, there are some who are prepared to resort to force in pursuit of their goals. Clearly, there must be a response. But what should that response be?

Immediately, it is correct that we must achieve global security cooperation so that the perpetrators of the 11 September acts of terrorism are apprehended and punished. Correctly, the Government of the United States has emphasized that all action that is carried out must be clearly targeted against the terrorists. It has stated that such actions, including military actions, should not degenerate into collective punishment against any people on any grounds whatsoever, including those of religion, race or ethnicity. Accordingly, it is indeed necessary that humanitarian assistance be extended to the people of Afghanistan. We fully agree with that approach. The United States Government has also said that these actions should be of the shortest duration possible, consistent with the objective that must be achieved. Again, we agree with this without reservation.

The call has gone out that all Governments and countries should contribute whatever they can to ensure that the common efforts to find and punish the terrorists responsible for 11 September are met with their just results. We have responded positively to this call because it is timely, correct and just.

All these are important elements of what has to be done to respond to those who committed the mass murders of 11 September. But they also indicate the way forward as we consider the rules that should guide us as we confront the threat of terrorism over the longer term and beyond the critically important operations and activities focused on the events of 11 September. They put the matter firmly on our common agenda: We must also achieve global cooperation for the speedy resolution of conflict situations everywhere in the world.

In this regard, it is clear that the situation in the Middle East cries out for an urgent and lasting solution. In this context, we might recall the words of the Irish poet, William Butler Yeats, when he said "too long a sacrifice can make a stone of the heart". The sacrifice of the Palestinian people should not be allowed to drag on any longer. Whatever these long-suffering people might themselves think and feel, it is clear that there are some in the world who will justify their destructive rage by claiming to be front-line fighters for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

Beyond this, we must act together to determine the issues that drive people to resort to force and agree on what we should do to eliminate those issues. At the same time, we must make the point patently clear that such determination does not in any way constitute an attempt to justify terrorism. Together, we must take the firm position that no circumstances whatsoever can ever justify resort to terrorism.

The need to realize together the goal of determining the matters that make for peace once again underlines the need for properly representative international institutions to build the necessary global consensus. It would seem obvious that the fundamental source of conflict in the world today is the socio-economic deprivation of billions of people across the globe, coexisting side by side with islands of enormous wealth and prosperity within and among countries. This necessarily breeds a deep sense of injustice, social alienation and despair and a willingness to sacrifice their lives among those who feel they have nothing to lose and everything to gain, regardless of the form of action to which they resort.

As the Durban World Conference concluded, racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance remain a critical part of the practices that serve to alienate billions of people and contribute to mutual antagonisms among human beings. The international community should spare no effort to ensure that this affront to human dignity is totally eradicated.

Last year, we convened in this very Hall in the historic Millennium Summit. Solemnly, and with serious intent, we adopted the Millennium Declaration. The heavy and urgent obligation we now face is to implement the programme of action spelt out in that Declaration. This constitutes and must constitute the decisive front of struggle against terrorism.

Africa, for its part, has developed a New Partnership for Africa's Development, which is a product of the consciousness among the African people that they themselves hold the key to the continent's development, security and stability. Africans across the continent have arrived at the correct determination that human rights, democracy, peace, stability and justice are the fundamental building blocks for a prosperous continent. Concomitantly, African countries are taking measures, jointly and severally, to improve the conditions for much-needed investment, economic renewal and development. Naturally, the United Nations has a pivotal role to play in this regard.

As we meet here, members of the World Trade Organization are engaged in critical negotiations in Doha, Qatar, hopefully to agree to a new equitable trading relationship that is fair and just. It is imperative that there be a non-discriminatory and equitable trading system that promotes sustainable development.

Soon, ministers of health, the World Health Organization and others concerned will be finalizing the details relating to the global health fund to deal with the major communicable diseases, including malaria, tuberculosis and AIDS.

The International Conference on Financing for Development, to be held next March in Mexico, will cover a range of pertinent issues, such as debt relief, official development assistance and foreign direct investment. As we all know, substantial capital flows into the developing countries are critical in the struggle to defeat poverty and underdevelopment.

All these constitute vital component parts of what must inform the outcome of the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development in September next year. We are confident that the Summit will reach positive conclusions that will include firm global, regional and national commitments to the elaboration, integration and implementation of economically efficient, socially responsible and environmentally sound development policies.

There is no doubt that our global village has the resources and capacity to meet the needs of all its citizens. What is needed is the collective will of the international community to act decisively to meet this challenge, inspired by a sense of human solidarity. Peace and security for all, freedom and democracy for all, prosperity for all and genuine equality in conditions of diversity must surely be the outcomes towards which the United Nations and all of us must strive. Our actions must affirm the seriousness of our intent.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of South Africa for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani (Qatar)

It is my pleasure to address the General Assembly today in my capacity as the Emir of the State of Qatar and as Chairman of the Ninth Summit of the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

It is our duty to make this important session of the General Assembly a session for rebuilding confidence and realizing the aspirations and expectations of our peoples for a world where peace and prosperity prevail.

I take this opportunity to extend to you, Sir, my congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session, and would like to extend my thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Harri Holkeri. I must also congratulate Mr. Kofi Annan on his re-election as United Nations Secretary-General and on receiving the Nobel Peace Prize along with the United Nations.

We are all aware of the critical and extraordinary circumstances in which this session is being held and of the political situation prevailing in the world in the wake of the events of 11 September. An analysis of these terrible events, which we condemn, prompts us to say that humanity has actually reached a tremendous turning point.

Personally, I believe that the way to offer the greatest peace and serenity to the souls of the victims of that criminal act, the sincerest consolation to their families and the most effective support to the friendly United States of America, where these events took place, is for the international community as a whole not only to confront what happened but also to act decisively to avoid the repetition of such acts.

What happened in New York and Washington is unprecedented and almost beyond our imagination. There may be some strategic planners who see the events as confirming their predictions, but for the rest of us they would have seemed like fiction only a short time ago. Sadly, the events were all too real, and we watched with amazement, horror and sympathy as we realized their full import for the future of humanity.

Dealing with the repercussions of these events should not be a matter of merely punishing those whose guilt in masterminding and carrying out these criminal acts is proved. Inflicting punishment, though imperative, will not, in my opinion, prevent the repetition of similar or even more terrible acts in the future.

We face an extremely serious situation. We are seeing what could be described as a globalization of terrorism through the evil utilization of the revolution of technology and communications. Thus, we are all involved in an unconventional war for which we are not yet prepared.

As we know, terrorism is neither a temporary phenomenon nor confined to a certain continent, creed, culture or race; it is everywhere, concealed like time bombs in our midst.

We should therefore ask ourselves, what have we done as an international community about this situation? Have we actually faced up to it? What have we done to rebuild confidence among people? What have we done to contain the fear that is demoralizing our citizens? What are we going to do now to stop the economic recession and social anxiety that threaten us all? Furthermore, is this the world we promised at the Millennium Summit a year ago -- a world that would be ruled by amity, peace and cooperation?

If anything, we have moved away from these ideals. We now live in a world where liberties are increasingly restricted, where democracy is in retreat and where caution and isolation are replacing freedom and openness.

The State of Qatar, along with all other Islamic countries, has condemned the terrorist acts that took place on 11 September. This stand was explicitly expressed at the emergency meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference Ministers for Foreign Affairs held in Doha last month. Our unanimous agreement condemning what happened emanated from the values of our true Islamic religion and its sublime sharia, which is based on tolerance, justice, equality and cooperation among people and forbids the unjust taking of human life. It urges us to rebuild and to propagate peace and tranquillity.

In this connection, I would like to stress that what deepens our conviction and strengthens our stance towards these eternal cultural values is our realization and understanding of the geopolitical importance of the Muslim nation, with its diverse peoples, which makes it a strategic partner in the process of building balanced international relations.

In fact, this is what makes Muslims deplore those who deliberately and desperately try to link Islam with terrorism. Our peoples condemn and reject terrorism as well as all attempts to distort the image of Islam, which is the last of divine faiths, and those who abuse and terrorize its adherents and jeopardize their lives, dignity and interests.

Therefore, it is now necessary to stand resolutely against all forms of harassment against Arab and Muslim communities in any country that take place under the pretext of combating terrorism and the pursuit of terrorists.

We need to have a clear definition of terrorism and distinguish between this phenomenon, which is based on criminal practices and attacks against innocent civilians, and legitimate struggles to throw off the yoke of colonialism and subjugation.

Terrorism has taken root not only because of our inability to tackle the sources of tension in the world's hot spots, but also because we have tolerated for too long those who pursue policies of repression and deny their citizens fundamental liberties and basic human rights. The seeds of terrorism lie in places where pluralism is rejected, corruption is allowed to spread, authority is exploited and political opponents are hounded in the guise of protecting the security of homelands and people. It is neither just nor logical for anyone to claim to improve internal conditions by resorting to oppressive practices or to suspending democracy.

In this context, we feel it is high time to put an urgent end to the tragedy of the Palestinian people at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces. We call on the international community to shoulder its responsibilities in providing the necessary international protection for these people against the unjustified and unacceptable daily aggression to which they are exposed.

That is indispensable if we want to avert an imminent human catastrophe, which would lead only to a further cycle of violence, terrorism and destruction in our region. We urge everyone to support their political leaders when they call for restraint so as to avoid the loss of innocent civilian life and so that the right climate can be created for a just peace to prevail in that troubled region.

In this context, we should like to put on record our support for the positive stance of the President of the United States, George W. Bush, and his Administration, with regard to the establishment of a Palestinian State. We would also like to pay tribute in this respect to friendly European countries and other international bodies concerned with the settlement of the crisis. The ultimate test will be whether they implement measures reflecting the positions that they have taken and move from making statements to taking action.

We must emphasize the need to address the human tragedy of the people of Afghanistan. We believe that it is our duty to provide all possible assistance to those people, most of whom are living under extremely difficult conditions -- conditions that further exacerbate their suffering, which was already acute years before the crisis brought about by the events of 11 September.

We therefore appeal to the international community to provide assistance and aid to save the lives of millions of Afghans who are facing a bleak future. There is an urgent and immediate need for relief as the Afghan winter approaches. We urge the Taliban authorities to cooperate fully with relief organizations to ensure that essential food and medicines can reach all of their people. We urge the international community to designate a safe corridor for such supplies before winter sets in.

In addressing these urgent humanitarian concerns, we believe that it is essential to seek a long-term solution of the Afghan problem, as proposed by the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Such a solution would be based simply on maintaining the territorial integrity and Islamic identity of Afghanistan, and forming a government representing all factions of Afghan society, excluding none.

It is the responsibility of the international community to elaborate comprehensive programmes and plans to confront all forms of global challenges. In this respect, we are convinced of the necessity of reforming the United Nations so as to step up the effectiveness of its organs and agencies and to promote its efficiency. Equally, as States Members of the Organization, we are required to shoulder our political responsibilities and honour our financial and moral obligations towards the Organization. In this context, we support the idea of expanding the membership of the Security Council to make it more democratic and more representative of the international community in our contemporary world. We also support the idea of expanding the permanent membership of the Council in order to secure wider international representation. We also support restrictions on the use of the veto on the part of permanent members, regulating the ability to exercise that right within limits established by specific conditions and provisions to be agreed upon by the international Organization.

From this rostrum, I would like to say that the time has come for us to take steps immediately to activate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In implementing it, international organizations should not confine their role to merely recording the violations of its principles. They should move towards a comprehensive, democratic dialogue that consolidates its provisions guaranteeing people's right to participate in governance, expands its scope and makes it more responsive, not just for today's requirements, but also for those of the future.

The State of Qatar is convinced of the importance of -- indeed, the necessity for -- such a dialogue. As we would be one of those to benefit from the outcome of such a dialogue, we are willing to contribute in many different ways in order to make this a year for democratic dialogue that would truly reflect the principles of the United Nations Charter at the beginning of this millennium.

If approached with conviction and resolve, this endeavour will lead to the interaction of different views, and could help to unify our efforts against current threats and future challenges and dangers. In this way, our cultural distinctions could be turned into a source of strength and wealth, our social disparities could become an element of diversity and contribution, and our political and geographical borders could become points of cooperation, convergence and communication among our peoples and nations. That would provide an opportunity for all of us to live in a world whose inhabitants take pride in their humanity and look forward to a future of prosperity and well-being for their children and grandchildren without any discrimination or distinction.

May the peace and blessings of God be upon the Assembly.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Emir of the State of Qatar for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the United Mexican States.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Mr. Vicente Fox, President of the United Mexican States, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Fox (Mexico)

Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly. I should also like to extend my congratulations to all the other members of the Bureau. I am sure that your prestige and acknowledged diplomatic skills will contribute to the successful work of the General Assembly at this session.

I should also like to extend sincere congratulations to this Organization and to the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. Mexico welcomes the fact that they were awarded this year's Nobel Peace Prize. That is a well-deserved recognition of the dedication and clarity of vision that have marked the work of the Secretary-General. It fills us with hope regarding the efforts that this Organization will have to make in order to meet the international challenges of the twenty-first century.

I am addressing the General Assembly on behalf of the women and men of my country, Mexico -- a country that is in the process of a profound transformation, determined to strengthen democracy and development, as well as to take on greater responsibilities in shaping the new international system with a view to fostering the prosperity, peace and security that every inhabitant of the world deserves.

Mexican society is firmly committed to making Mexico a country that contributes positively to the worthiest objectives of human well-being. Aware that there is a diversity of views on ways to achieve this end, Mexico favours dialogue and agreement as benchmarks to guide our endeavours. For Mexico the United Nations is the best example of a global forum where the voices of all men and women can merge into a veritable concert of nations.

This is a Mexico that today renews its full commitment to the United Nations -- which not only demands full respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, but that is also committed to the development of new, universally observed rules and standards for the regulation of international relations.

This is a Mexico that acts firmly in the defence and protection of human rights and of democracy, at all times and in all places, beginning, of course, within our own territory, promoting full respect for fundamental freedoms on the basis of tolerance, plurality and equity. That is why my Government has initiated formal talks with the various political parties in Mexico in order to create favourable conditions for the promotion of a constitutional reform that will allow Mexico to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which our country signed last year.

My Government has also started a necessary updating of Mexico's international obligations in the field of human rights and international humanitarian law. I have submitted for consideration by the Mexican Senate the ratification, accession or acceptance of 11 other legal instruments in areas such as the forcible disappearance of persons, the rights of the child, the elimination of discrimination against women and the protection of victims of international armed conflicts.

This new commitment on the part of Mexico to the defence of human rights was also reflected in the recent release, for humanitarian reasons, of Rodolfo Montiel and Teodoro Cabrera, two environmental activists in Mexico. This effort in the field of human rights was also reflected in the broad disclosure of State security agencies files, which will contribute to increasing transparency regarding both present and past events, thus making it a central element of my administration. Mexico is taking concrete steps to demonstrate that its commitment to the norms of the international community is profound, sincere and resolute.

The establishment of the United Nations more than 50 years ago was the triumph of hope and freedom over the suffering inflicted by the two world wars on humanity, Today, however, threats to peace and security do not emerge only from acts of aggression among States. The new threats also arise from internal conflicts that have cross-border effects, such as the massive movement of displaced peoples, humanitarian tragedies, grave violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the exacerbation of nationalism and religious fanaticism. These threats also derive from worldwide phenomena such as transnational organized crime, environmental degradation, AIDS, and, of course, terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.

There is no doubt that the magnitude and the cruelty of the 11 September attacks have underscored the vulnerability of States and the fragility of world peace. It is a matter of concern to us that terrorist groups can gain access to weapons of mass destruction and that they also benefit from the traffic in arms, organized crime, money laundering and drug trafficking.

International terrorism not only flouts international law, but it also endangers the stability of the community of nations and economic development processes, increasing unemployment and preventing headway from being made in the alleviation of poverty. For this reason, Mexico categorically rejects any argument that seeks to justify terrorist activities. Nothing -- not the justness of a cause, the inequality of forces with respect to an antagonist, poverty, or any other grounds -- can justify resorting to violence for political ends.

Mexico reiterates its commitment to the fight against terrorism and its decision to fully implement resolution 1373 (2001) of the Security Council, which establishes a series of measures for fighting international terrorism and cutting its ties to practices such as money laundering and organized crime.

We are firmly committed to the fight against new threats to international peace and security. We believe that the international community should meet these challenges on the basis of three principles: first, the supremacy of the United Nations; secondly, the strengthening of international cooperation in resolving global problems; and thirdly, the shaping of an international order based on universally observed rules and standards that meet the needs and aspirations of the community of nations.

The Government of Mexico is determined to assist in this effort. For that reason, Mexico feels deeply honoured to have been elected, after a 20-year absence, as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for 2002-2003. It wishes to express its deep commitment in this respect. We thank the international community for its support and express our determination to work actively and responsibly in favour of the maintenance of international peace and security. Our intention is that Mexico's participation in the Security Council will amplify the voices of countries that are not usually heard on the international scene.

In the search for lasting solutions to the new threats now facing the international system, we must not fail to address situations that have contributed to their emergence, such as the lack of economic development in many nations, the deepening of poverty and exclusion. The challenges of development not only remain with us, but have gradually increased with the growing economic and social inequalities.

Mexico therefore calls on the international community to give priority to the fight against poverty and social exclusion. My country reaffirms its interest in taking a lead in promoting the Agenda for Development, providing it with renewed impetus and a more effective approach, so that the United Nations and the multilateral institutions can fulfil the commitments contained in the Millennium Declaration.

It is because of the importance we attach to this issue that Mexico offered to host the International Conference on Financing for Development, to be held next year in Monterrey. I invite all heads of State or Government to contribute, through their active participation in the Conference, to strengthening the international community's efforts to promote world development that is more just and more equitable, thus creatively helping to improve the institutions responsible for development financing.

We face the complex task of integrating our societies, without exclusion, in the process of the joint creation and equitable distribution of the opportunities and benefits of globalization. We must ensure that all citizens become stakeholders in that process; to do that, we need an enabling international environment, including sufficient levels of public and private funding, along with the consolidation of an inclusive international economic system that is conducive to more equitable human development.

It will be impossible to make the world more just if we permit the exclusion of the most vulnerable groups. That is why my Government has just proposed the establishment of a special committee to draft a broad, comprehensive international convention to promote and protect the rights and dignity of disabled persons. The convention's ultimate goal should be to put in place a binding universal legal instrument for the benefit of the disabled, guaranteeing the fundamental rights of millions of men, women and children worldwide. Mexico hopes that this important endeavour will enjoy the support of the States Members of the United Nations.

The history of relations among nations reflects successes, but also sadly missed opportunities. Today, our efforts to combat terrorism and to promote development -- the two focuses of my statement today -- may be the start of a new history of successes for the United Nations.

The brutal events of 11 September make it imperative that we, the international community, engage in multilateral negotiations to formulate new rules and standards to guarantee international peace and security. There is no doubt that the way in which our nations face the challenge of terrorism will have an impact on the principles and priorities of international relations in coming years.

As a country that is a bridge between regions and cultures, Mexico is determined to play an active and leading role in shaping an international system that can meet the challenges facing us today.

This is a defining moment. Our fundamental values and the vitality and viability of the United Nations are being put to the test. The community of nations must show that it can meet this extraordinary challenge. This can be a new founding stage in the history of the Organization, which will yield the mandates and competences that are indispensable in a world that is starkly different from that of 1945 but whose aspirations to peace, respect for human dignity, justice and freedom still remain those of the San Francisco Charter.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the United Mexican States for the statement he has just made.