General Assembly Session 55 meeting 15

The President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Lloyd Axworthy, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Canada.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

I would like to begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly. Your experience and wisdom will doubtless guide us in carrying out the important work ahead.

As we all know, that work is to immediately and resolutely transform the high hopes of the Millennium Summit into a better reality for the peoples for whom the United Nations was founded.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

This means assuming responsibility for our actions and our inaction. It also means that Governments must be ready to assume their responsibility for their citizens.

Last week our leaders delivered here a message of hope and determination. Their words clearly showed that we all need the United Nations. The United Nations is the only organization that embodies universal values; that offers a global forum to address common problems; and that is on the front line around the world fighting for people. (spoke in English)

There was another message from the Summit about whether the United Nations is keeping up with the times; about whether we, the Member States -- custodians of the Organization and guardians of the Charter -- have the political will to support renewal and modernization.

When the lights turned off last Friday night here in New York, did other lights go on around the world -- in our Chancery offices, Parliamentary assemblies and Cabinet meeting rooms -- to illuminate the way forward? Are we all, each in our own way, asking how we can change our ways to better help the United Nations manage a new global agenda?

Clearly, globalization has brought unprecedented benefits and possibilities. But it also clearly brings new risks to people in all our countries. Many of those new risks cross State lines, while most violent conflict now occurs within States' borders. In both cases, the impact is felt directly by ordinary people.

Yet the debate within the United Nations remains driven -- and too often circumscribed -- by rigid notions of sovereignty and narrow conceptions of national interest. And action by the United Nations remains hampered by inflexible institutional structures that have become increasingly inward-looking, driven by their own interests rather than by those they were designed to serve.

The Secretary-General has, with a courage rarely seen in public life, given us a vision of a way forward. It is a vision that serves the world's people, and one that resonates with them, even though it may aggravate some of their Governments. He has challenged us to follow his lead, to adopt a people-centred approach to international relations, to move this Organization from the sidelines to the forefront of change.

This is not a new agenda for Canada. Indeed, over the past five years, promoting human security has been the focus of our own approach to our changing world. And it has been encouraging to see the shift in attitude toward a more realistic sense of what it means to be secure in the world as an individual.

Our leaders endorsed this new vision in their Summit Declaration. But if we have truly come to the understanding that security means more than protecting borders, we must now act to turn last week's good intentions into effective action. This means taking responsibility to adapt our institutions, broaden participation in their functioning, and increase transparency and accountability to make a tangible difference for the people we represent.

It also means responsible, accountable global behaviour, sharing and protecting the common space that sustains life.

Aggressive pursuit of the global arms control and disarmament agenda is the ultimate responsible act. Our generation built the nuclear arsenals that are outmoded and rotting; we produced the chemical weapons that poison people; and today we still make and distribute the small arms that are found everywhere: in the hands of children, the arsenals of drug dealers and the garrisons of guerrilla fighters.

But we have also had a certain foresight to begin building a system of international obligations and principles to contain such behaviour. We now have to validate and implement these instruments. Above all, we must do nothing to damage them.

Certainly, Governments must prepare for the defence of their people. Responsible defence is an element of responsible government. But surely, our responsibility to defend our citizens begins not with the development of new weapons systems, but by dismantling old ones: by ratifying the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT); by joining the 104 States parties to the Ottawa Treaty on landmines; by implementing the international non-proliferation norms and disarmament obligations embodied in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT); by developing comprehensive action plans to stop the proliferation of small arms and missile technology.

The collective action of States working for the long-term security of their people is clearly the preferable path. But where States are unable, or unwilling, to protect their citizens, the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, has a special responsibility to act.

Today, most wars are fought within failed States. In these wars, it is the victimization of civilians that is the motive, the means and the manifestation of a conflict.

If the Council is to acquit itself of its responsibility to these people, their protection must be at the core of its work, not at its periphery.

This is the agenda that Canada has brought to the Security Council over the past two years. It has not been an easy task, but I would like to acknowledge that the Security Council is meeting the new challenges. In recent months, the Council's work has increasingly focused on the protection of civilians, with action in the areas of AIDS, physical protection, war-affected children and sanctions reform. The Council has recognized that dealing with these issues is critical to building effective peace-support operations, and has embodied this recognition in recent resolutions. Today, we are providing members a checklist, a checklist of responsible action in the Security Council.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

The Brahimi report also proposes a plan of action. It is a comprehensive strategy for strengthening the United Nations capacity to help people. Canada supports the panel's findings. We will be its strongest advocate and can be counted upon to work tirelessly to build the political support required to implement both the spirit and the letter of its recommendations.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

By far the most difficult challenge in protecting civilians in armed conflict is in situations where abuse is most severe: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, massive and systematic violations of human rights and humanitarian law which cause widespread suffering, loss of life and abuse.

We need a new form of deterrence against such forms of behaviour. The establishment of an International Criminal Court (ICC), which makes impunity illegal and which holds individuals directly accountable for their actions, is that deterrent. And if its power to deter the abuse of people fails, the Statute provides both a basis and a structure to take concrete legal action to redress injustice.

The Court's Statute provides us with a unique opportunity to fix one of the worst failings in the international system. Today I appeal to every Government here that has not done so to sign the Rome Statute by December and to ratify it on an urgent basis, so that the world's people can finally have the justice they deserve.

Canada seeks to systematically put in place the building blocks for a new type of international system, one that is inspired and guided by the United Nations Charter, but that is also prepared to deal with the underside and underworld of globalization.

Of course, prevention is the best form of intervention. But when preventive measures fail; when the quiet diplomatic efforts and the targeted sanctions do not work; when the fact-finders find facts too horrendous to imagine; then there must be recourse to more robust action.

The question of intervention in these instances, including, as a last resort, the use of military force, is fraught with difficulty and controversy. Many would sweep it under the rug as too divisive, too difficult, too damaging to the status quo. But Rwanda, Cambodia, Srebrenica and Kosovo remind us that it is important to focus on this question. It would be easy to pretend that the humanitarian tragedies associated with these places are a thing of the past. It would be easy, but it would be wrong. There is no certainty that similar atrocities will not happen again. Indeed, the opposite is more likely. The spiral into extremes of human suffering cannot always be constrained.

Reading the editorial page of The New York Times on Tuesday, 12 September, we realize that some would have us believe that the United Nations Charter was written only to protect States and State interests:

"intervening in civil conflicts takes the United Nations a step too far".

I disagree. I say that in the face of egregious human suffering it is a step in the right direction. Nothing so threatens the United Nations very future as this apparent contradiction between principle and power; between people's security and Governments' interests; between, in short, humanitarian intervention and State sovereignty.

Last fall I stood before this body and argued that the United Nations Charter was written for people. Our collective agenda here is not the nation States' agenda, or the ministers' agenda, or the diplomats' agenda. It is the people's agenda. Indeed, "We the peoples" are the opening words of the Charter. Those who would seek to hide behind that document to justify inaction need only to read its preamble to reacquaint themselves with its original intent.

Secretary-General Annan has challenged us to rethink what it means to be responsible, sovereign States. Canada has responded by creating an independent international commission on intervention and State sovereignty. Its purpose is to contribute to building a broader understanding of the issue, and to foster a global political consensus on how to move forward. The commission will be led by two co-chairpersons -- one from the developing and one from the developed world -- with the participation of a wide range of representatives of Governments and non-governmental organizations from all regions and under the overall guidance of an advisory board composed of ministers, former ministers and distinguished practitioners from the academic, humanitarian and legal fields.

The commission will undertake its work during this Millennium Assembly year, and will present its recommendations in 12 months' time. I ask those present here in the Assembly Hall to join in this enterprise, difficult as it may be, so that we can seek to reconcile these concepts to find the space that we can all share.

It is difficult, but it is not impossible. We have done it before. Thirteen years ago, the Brundtland Commission's report, "Our Common Future", took two seemingly contradictory ideas -- economic development and the protection of the environment -- and out of that contradiction forged a synthesis called sustainable development. That new concept fundamentally changed the way in which the world thinks about those issues, and its work informs our thinking to this very day. It is Canada's hope that this new commission can diffuse the anxiety that surrounds the issues of intervention and sovereignty by building a similar bridge between our current notions of these concepts, and in so doing help to define the way ahead for Governments and the United Nations to tackle the most challenging international dilemma of the twenty-first century.

However, the responsibility no longer stops just with Governments. The private sector must also take its responsibility for the communities on which it depends for its business. Ethical business is good business. The many companies that have joined the Secretary-General's Global Compact with Business recognize that profit made on the backs of exploited and abused children -- by gun-running, drug dealing or conflict diamonds -- is no longer acceptable. In the globalized economy, the world's people are the ultimate shareholders. If they do not profit, no one will. We must therefore work on all of these fronts and with all of these new players to build a future where human security is universally respected and protected. In the meantime, there are steps that we can take to protect the most vulnerable.

To build a world that values human security we must start with concern and action for those who will inherit it. It is fitting, therefore, that in this year of fresh resolve the future of our children is a key element of the agenda, particularly through the special session on children that is to be held next year. Nowhere is the safety and well-being of children more at risk than in conflict situations. Children should have no part in war. Yet today they are among its main victims, counting in the millions.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

Four years ago, Graça Machel brought attention to the horrific plight of war-affected children. Since then, action has been taken too reduce their suffering, most notably with the appointment of Olara Otunnu as the Secretary-General's Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict and, more recently, with the historic agreement last January on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict.

This week, with Graça Machel as honorary Chairperson, Canada is hosting in Winnipeg the International Conference on War-Affected Children. This meeting, the first of its kind, brings together more than 130 Governments, 60 non-governmental organizations and private sector groups, international organizations and young people from every region of the world.

Mr. Axworthy (Canada)

I am pleased that so many ministers and senior officials from the Organization will join us in Winnipeg this weekend. I encourage those not already represented to attend.

The aim of the conference is twofold: to formulate a comprehensive, global action plan and to forge the necessary political will to implement it. Together, we hope it will help children traumatized by war, and ultimately eliminate their involvement and victimization in conflict.

Earlier this week in Winnipeg, as we opened the conference, a young Ugandan girl named Grace spoke to me, at a meeting of young people affected by war, about her experience as a child soldier. Her story was one of victimization and chilling brutality. Her belief that the international community could help her and others like her was touching and inspiring. Her plea for us to do so is the essence of the Organization's vocation. Indeed, it is one of our basic responsibilities. For me, that young woman's simple appeal makes it clear that we have no option but to be ready, to be willing, and to be able to forge a United Nations for the twenty-first century.

In view of the daunting challenges ahead, any attempt to retreat, to shut out the world or to turn away from international engagement would be to follow a dangerous path that is neither practical nor desirable. The truth is that we share a common humanity. The reality is that we are linked by the forces of history into a common destiny. The fact is that the answers to our problems lie in strengthening, not diminishing, global cooperation and global solutions.

In today's world, the security of States and the security of people are indivisible. Providing for that security is a necessary precondition for success in other important endeavours, such as advancing economic aid and trade development. In this new century, too many people like Grace are still subject to the worst of the past century: to the scourge of war, to human rights abuses and to too few prospects for social progress and a better standard of living. Yet the hopes contained in the United Nations Charter still have meaning for them, and indeed relevance for all of us. Fulfilling its aspirations is our enduring goal and fundamental responsibility. With human security as our guide, let us make it our focus as we renew our commitment to the purposes of the United Nations and to a better future for Grace and for all the people that we represent.

This goal is a responsibility that I have been honoured to share with many of those present here over the past five years. It is a goal that we must all continue to strive towards -- whatever our position in life, whatever our title -- in order to ensure that this system we have built does not surrender to the cynics who offer no alternatives, or to the game players who paralyse the transcendent purposes of the United Nations for simple transitory diplomatic points.

Only in so doing will we truly live up to the promise contained in the Charter: to serve the majesty of the people and to make this Organization work for them.

The President

I give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Jamaica, His Excellency The Honourable Paul Robertson.

Mr. Robertson (Jamaica)

Sir, I offer you Jamaica's warmest congratulations as you assume the high honour of the presidency of the Millennium Assembly of the United Nations.

At the same time, I wish to express our appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Foreign Minister of Namibia, who, by his astute and judicious leadership, brought to a successful conclusion the work of the fifty-fourth session.

I also take this opportunity to welcome Tuvalu, a fellow small island State, to the United Nations family.

We meet in the wake of the historic gathering of world leaders last week, when the international community sought to redefine and articulate a common vision for the future of all its citizens. We now have the opportunity -- indeed, the responsibility -- to evaluate just how far we have come in the mission we set for ourselves through this Organization; to address honestly our shortcomings in commitment and action; and to examine practical, realistic strategies that will result in measurable progress in areas identified for urgent action.

The Secretary-General, whom we commend for his stewardship during the past year, has urged us to consider a world in the future free from poverty. Indeed, promoting development that ensures the well-being of all peoples is one of the fundamental goals of this Organization. However, a review of our efforts to achieve this ideal shows uneven progress through an increasingly diffused institutional structure.

Over the past decade, we have sought to refocus and articulate the development agenda by addressing key issues in a series of special global conferences. Through the respective political commitments and plans of action which we agreed to implement, we have sought to devise a network of policies and programmes to promote people-centred, sustainable development.

Yet economic strategies embracing these goals have brought little tangible benefit to the majority of citizens of the international community. Nearly half of the world's people languish in extreme poverty, and still more remain on the fringes of the global economy.

Development efforts have been frustrated by the challenges posed by globalization and trade liberalization. Sustainable development ultimately involves an enhanced capacity for income and employment generation, as well as the provision of equitable health, education and other social benefits. But this cannot be achieved without economic growth and expansion. It is this opportunity that globalization, which indeed carries the potential, has so far failed to deliver to the majority of developing countries.

For small island States like Jamaica, there is another dimension to the development challenge. This is because of the well-known economic limitations of size, market and resource base, a fragile ecosystem and susceptibility to natural disasters. Decades of investment in infrastructure and industry can be wiped out during a single hurricane, destroying the economy and diverting resources to reconstruction and rehabilitation for a number of years.

Small economies attempting to compete effectively in the international trading system are just as vulnerable. There is a need for an urgent review of the inequities in the global trading system whereby selective application of the regulations permits developed countries to maintain protectionist policies and subsidies that work against developing country exports, while stripping the more vulnerable of preferential market access. We are deeply concerned that a mechanism established to promote free trade for growth and development could be so manipulated that it exposes the smallest and weakest to a hostile trading environment while removing their means of survival. Special and differential treatment provisions have not been implemented, and the request for duty-free, quota-free treatment for the least developed countries has not been agreed to.

We are particularly disappointed that, in ongoing negotiations to reach agreement on a marketing regime for bananas that is compatible with the World Trade Organization (WTO), we have found little flexibility, no empathy and an unwillingness to compromise on the part of those challenging the regime. Meanwhile, implementation of the WTO panel ruling has resulted in a dramatic loss of export markets in some Caribbean Community (CARICOM) States, spiralling unemployment, increasing poverty and many other social ills. For there can be no development without growth, and no growth without trade.

Deteriorating terms of trade adversely affect the balance of payments, exacerbating external debt. Many developing countries continue to experience severe debt burdens, and, in some cases, the debt problem has worsened over the past decade, trapping those countries in a vicious circle of poverty and underdevelopment. We must address the debilitating effect of debt servicing, which undermines growth prospects and compromises governments' capacity to finance basic social programmes. The international community should implement the debt-relief schemes already agreed to and design new mechanisms appropriate to different countries' circumstances.

The globalization of trade, finance and swiftly advancing information technology will present unprecedented opportunities well into the twenty-first century. For developing countries, however, the challenges of the trading system, limited access to international financial flows, a crippling debt burden and a low capacity to assimilate information technology will prevent meaningful participation in the international marketplace. Hence, the widening gap between rich and poor nations in the face of unlimited opportunity is the disturbing irony that we now contemplate.

If we are now to lay the foundation for a world free from poverty, then a new ethos in global governance must prevail: one that gives more than lip service to the development aspirations of developing countries; one that addresses responsibly the need for economic adjustment, reform and closer monitoring of the international financial infrastructure; and one that promotes greater coordination and cooperation between the major institutions and intergovernmental organizations responsible for international trade, finance and development.

That such cooperation is already being explored is indeed encouraging. But we will need serious commitment. Until now, there have been no parallel discussions on reforming the international financial architecture and the international trading system. The work of the Preparatory Committee for the High-level International Intergovernmental Event on Financing for Development, including consultations with the Bretton Woods institutions, has progressed uneasily, leaving uncertainty regarding the outcome and likely success of that landmark meeting. We will wait to see whether meaningful World Trade Organization (WTO) participation will take place, as we consider it important to successful deliberations.

Of course, we applaud the evolving relationship between the Bretton Woods institutions and the Economic and Social Council. Each brings to the partnership its unique characteristics and strengths, which should make for successful collaboration. Perhaps similar relationships might also be established with the World Trade Organization. That cooperation, long overdue, reinforces the integral role that we believe the United Nations should play in key international decision-making on all issues which affect sustainable human development. We look forward to the extension of this cooperation beyond the co-financing of development projects, towards the harmonization of mechanisms and policies.

The importance of South-South cooperation as an effective instrument for the promotion of development among developing countries cannot be overemphasized. The historic meeting of the leaders of the South, held at Havana this year, strengthened our commitment to forge a common strategy for our future, sharing resources, expertise and best practices in partnership with one another. We strongly urge the continued strengthening of mechanisms that advance South-South relations and promote self-reliance. Increasingly, we must look to each other for our survival in the existing global environment.

We continue to look to the organs and agencies of the United Nations system to play a central role in supporting and advancing the development efforts of Member States. We are deeply concerned at the decline in contributions to core resources for operational activities, and at the effect this has had in the narrowing and re-ordering of priorities in programme delivery. It is impossible to reconcile the contraction in core contributions with the donor community's expressed commitment to multilateral development assistance. The capacity of United Nations funds and programmes to maintain current levels of programme delivery is a matter deserving the urgent attention of Member States. We take this opportunity to place on record our appreciation for the valuable work of United Nations operational agencies in Jamaica.

Next year's special session of the General Assembly on children will give the international community an opportunity to renew its commitment and to consider further action to improve the quality of life for the world's children in the next decade.

The role of the United Nations as defender of international peace and security has undergone major transformation in the past decade. As inter-State tensions dissolved with the end of the cold war, civil conflicts developed in Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe to take their place. The Security Council is now searching to adjust and redefine an effective strategy to deal with the new imperatives of peacekeeping and peace-building. This has meant seeking a delicate balance between respect for sovereignty and the urgent need for humanitarian intervention.

In too many cases the resolution of conflict has remained elusive owing to political ambitions or to racial or ethnic intolerance. Furthermore, the brutality and violence of conflict have often taken their toll on innocent civilians and children, creating still more new challenges with an increasing number of refugees and internally displaced persons. Humanitarian intervention in such cases is imperative.

The effectiveness of peacekeeping missions is under scrutiny in the face of sharply escalating peacekeeping budgets. Rather than waiting until conflicts spiral out of control, we need to place more emphasis on conflict prevention. Jamaica therefore strongly supports the formulation of a comprehensive United Nations strategy to address the root causes of conflict.

It is time that we acknowledged that economic deprivation and social injustice lead to political and economic instability. Therefore, effective conflict prevention, peacekeeping and peace building must incorporate a development component, and provide for the strengthening of civil institutions, particularly in post-conflict reconstruction.

And we must not forget the importance of adequately equipping the United Nations machinery to ensure robust intervention at every stage of the peacekeeping process, particularly for rapid deployment when necessary. This should also include resources adequate to ensure the safety of our troops deployed in missions across the world. It is the very least that we owe them. Jamaica pays tribute today to those who have paid the ultimate price in the service of peace.

The deadly flow of illegal small arms around the world continues unabated, sustained by greed and lawlessness. This illicit arms trade contributes significantly to the escalation and perpetuation of violence in conflict and post-conflict areas, undermining peacekeeping operations and frustrating efforts at disarmament, demobilization and the restoration of civil order. But this phenomenon is not unique to countries in a state of war. The illegal traffic in weapons is also linked to the illicit trade in narcotics, and this undermines stable democracies like Jamaica, destroying the social fabric of our communities.

This situation simply cannot stand. Urgent action is needed. Global interdependence warrants collective action to stem the flow of these guns from producer to receiving States. The responsibility to curb this illicit traffic cannot rest with the receiving States alone.

Jamaica looks with anticipation to the convening of the first International Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects next year. It is our hope that this meeting will address comprehensively and decisively national, regional and international measures to regulate and control the legal manufacture, acquisition and transfer of small arms; measures related to the marking, registration and tracing of these weapons; and mechanisms for the systematic exchange of information.

The transhipment of nuclear and other hazardous waste through the Caribbean Sea poses yet another kind of danger to the security of small island States of the subregion. The Caribbean Community has repeatedly expressed concern at the threat to the fragile marine and coastal environment of the Caribbean posed by this continued practice. A single nuclear accident in this semi-enclosed sea would have consequences we dare not even contemplate.

This concern was again brought to the attention of the international community during the 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on Nuclear Non-Proliferation, held earlier this year. We look forward to cooperating with like-minded States, and we propose to work towards ensuring that a regime is established for liability and compensation to our countries in the event of an accident.

On Friday, 8 September, Jamaica signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. We now look forward to the contribution that the Court will ultimately make to the strengthening of international jurisprudence, by addressing the serious crimes of global concern committed by individuals who hitherto escaped the reach of the law.

We are also very pleased to report that the International Seabed Authority has completed its drafting of the Mining Code. This marks an important first step in the process toward the full establishment of operations of the Authority that will ultimately enable all nations to share in exploitation of the resources of the seabed. Jamaica encourages wider participation in the work of the International Seabed Authority and urges Member States to act to ensure its continued financial viability.

While the United Nations is by no means perfect, we still meet here because we hold an enduring faith in the principles and ideals that it represents. We are convinced that it remains the best forum for dialogue and resolution of disputes. Let us now face the future together responsibly, with full respect for the needs, aspirations and rights of our fellow man. This may well be difficult to achieve, but shared objectives, shared commitment and shared responsibilities will ensure a better world for all humankind.

As we contemplate the challenges for the future, let us resolve to begin a new dialogue within the United Nations system to forge a global partnership for peace, democracy and economic progress.

The President

I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Oskaras Jusys, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Lithuania.

Mr. Jusys (Lithuania)

I would like to say, Mr. President, that I take special pleasure in seeing you preside over this Millennium Assembly session. I wish to assure you of my delegation's full support in all your endeavours. As one of the Vice-Presidents of the past session, I want to convey my special appreciation to my colleague and your predecessor, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, Theo-Ben Gurirab. I would also like to extend my gratitude to the Secretary-General for presenting his report "We the Peoples" to the world community.

Allow me also to convey my delegation's warm welcome to Tuvalu as a new member of the United Nations.

It is both remarkable and profoundly logical that in the beginning of the new millennium high representatives of almost 200 nations have gathered for one sole purpose -- to comprehend challenges of the contemporary world. The fact that we all have gathered here, representing all regions of the world, cultures and religions, means that we all share the belief in the value, viability and potential of the United Nations. Heads of State and Government, during the course of the Millennium Summit, have guided us towards strengthening the United Nations, including its central role in peacekeeping and poverty eradication. Our task now is to act upon their guidance.

Globalization, the digital revolution and the triumph of free trade have transformed the world into a vibrant world economy. Interdependence within the world economy emphasizes collective problems and solutions. Thus, the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and many other international organizations are indispensable mechanisms in achieving stable peace, in assisting in shaping the course of development, and in ensuring that the world economy provides benefits for all.

Never has the world been so well off. Yet, never has it been confronted with so many problems on the global scale. The nature of threats has entirely changed. The phenomena are so complex that they defy easy generalization. These phenomena comprise extreme poverty and marginalization of entire communities; gross violations of human rights; ethnic conflicts and genocide; arms proliferation; terrorism; and environmental degradation.

No effort should be spared to free people from dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty. The goals adopted at the Millennium Summit are challenging. Assistance, new trade arrangements, and debt relief will hardly constitute a panacea, unless necessary and strong commitments to poverty reduction, economic equality, combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic and supporting education are reflected, first and foremost, in national policies of individual States, and concurrently on the agendas of international organizations. Good health, literacy, and education are critical assets for economic development. Human capital, combined with a high level of economic equality, good governance, and abiding by the rule of law can really make a difference. This is the course we strongly uphold if we aim at reducing by half the level of extreme poverty by 2015 and achieving sustainable development.

The realities are that most of the economic thinking and ruling is being done within the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization or the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OSCE), and a fully coordinated approach to the problems of peace and development should be sought between these organizations and institutions and the United Nations.

We have yet to learn how to manage the spin-offs of globalization and how best to make use of international mechanisms to address new forms of threats. Better yet, prevention is preferable to cure. For really effective prevention, a broader definition of security is vital and must encompass pressing economic and social problems. The root causes of conflicts should be addressed as a fundamental part of efforts to establish secure peace and stability.

Should preventative strategies yield no results, the United Nations must have a truly effective peacekeeping capacity at its disposal. Lithuania will support every effort to fix structural deficiencies within the United Nations and adequately to staff and finance relevant departments. Provided the determination, resources, capacity and willingness are available, I believe, humanitarian catastrophes and crises can be averted. Proposals to improve the United Nations peacekeeping capacity and performance, especially those contained in the Brahimi report, have been widely endorsed by our leaders. Now we have to work on it with a view to shifting the historically prevailing conception of peacekeeping as an ad hoc job to one of the core functions of the United Nations.

Great challenges to the new international way of containing and resolving ethnic conflicts await in Africa. A prospective strategy could be to encourage and assist regional organizations, especially the Organization of African Unity and the Economic Community of West African States; involve civil society and the business community; and, most notably, enhance the United Nations, especially the Security Council's capacity to act well in advance, before a crisis gets out of hand. Pledges to contribute to a safer world add up to nothing if mounting demands for adequately trained and equipped peacekeepers and civilian policemen, judges and administrators fall on deaf ears. East Timorese, Kosovars and Sierra Leoneans are pinning their hopes on us. Failure to respond to them would mean in the end that we do no more than celebrate our own individual security.

Lithuania has always been and remains committed to building collective security. On the international level, Lithuania emphasizes active participation in international organizations and its substantial contribution to peacekeeping efforts, such as its participation in the United Nations standby arrangements system or, from the very beginning of the international engagement in the Balkans, making our civilian policemen and military available to the missions in Bosnia and Kosovo. Moreover, additional commitments will promptly follow as more highly trained policemen and troops become available. In this regard, I wish to voice our strong desire to place a Lithuanian part of the joint Lithuanian-Polish peacekeeping battalion under the United Nations standby arrangements with a view to joining the Stand-by Forces High-Readiness Brigade.

On the regional level, we have made membership in alliances of democratic nations -- the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization -- our top priority. We regard the OSCE principles, including a country's right to choose its own security arrangements, to be of fundamental value to ensuring peace and security. We believe that, by taking this way, we will meet our economic, cultural, social and other concerns and enhance European security as a whole.

On the subregional level, we stress practical cooperative efforts to uphold democratic and economic transformation throughout the region. Over the past decade, our engagement with Poland has turned into a close partnership that has already produced remarkable results. Good bilateral relations with the neighbouring states of Latvia and Estonia have grown into a dynamic trilateral Baltic cooperation, which has expanded into a broader Baltic-Nordic cooperation. We also seek to further develop mutually beneficial good-neighbourly relations with Russia. Joint Lithuanian-Russian projects on cooperation with the Kaliningrad region are a good example of our pursuit of a foreign policy of friendly relations, which also fully coincides with the European Union's Northern Dimension policies endorsed at the Feira European Union summit this June.

Mr. Jusys (Lithuania)

Cooperation requires wisdom and patience. Yet, all too often, guns have been a choice of cure for ethnic strife and social or economic collapse. Vigorous and urgent efforts are needed to curtail the proliferation of small arms. We deem it vital for the 2001 United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects to address critical issues in the field of transparency, legitimate transfers, accountability, enforcement of sanctions and observance of moratoriums. A commitment to the elimination of landmines should now be coupled with an effort towards putting small arms off limits to belligerent causes.

Against the background of gains in disarmament, a number of setbacks have made the picture less encouraging. We share the profound concerns aroused by the abundance of weapons of mass destruction and the proliferation of missiles. I fail to see any way to create a safer world other than reducing, eliminating and outlawing weapons of mass destruction. In the wake of the successful outcome of the 2000 Review Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), Lithuania will work with other committed nations to achieve unequivocal commitment to nuclear disarmament.

Certain fundamental values are essential to international relations. Such are human responsibility and human rights. At the Millennium Summit, President of Lithuania Valdas Adamkus spoke about his belief that

"in the face of a globalized tomorrow, the United Nations will increase the scope of its human-dimension activities. Human rights should become a cornerstone of the emerging world structure". (A/55/PV.5)

The concept of the human dimension must be at the centre of all United Nations activities.

If we are to address the root causes of conflict, we have to admit that respect for human rights, the protection of minority rights and the institution of political arrangements in which all groups are represented are vital. For my region, of particular interest is determining how the international community can promote the rights of people coping with the post-communist transition.

The limits of human rights applicability are being constantly questioned. The United Nations should move ahead in the search for new and more effective instruments to fend off the challengers of human rights. Persons responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression should be brought to justice. If that is the goal which the international community is after, an effective International Criminal Court should start working as soon as possible. For its part, Lithuania will make good on its commitment to ratify the Rome Statute by the end of this year.

Based on the experience of my own country, I wish to stress that increasing the equality of social, economic, educational and political benefits across gender has a positive impact on economic development. These issues have been at the forefront of the agendas of all Lithuanian Governments since regaining independence, which have worked actively to help solve the question of equal rights and other problems which women face. One of our achievements is the adoption of the Law on Equal Opportunities, which is the first law of this kind in Central and Eastern Europe. Being a signatory State to the Second Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, I call for its early entry into force.

The attainment of freedom, security and welfare for people is feasible only by embracing the effects of globalization and not defying them. We have a global instrument readily available for that purpose, yet we keep arriving at the same conclusion: we need a United Nations with greater capacity and better performance. A number of measures have been carried out. The outstanding efforts of the Secretary-General cannot be overestimated. Lithuania supports the Secretary-General's greater emphasis on the United Nations as a results-based Organization. We also endorse the stress on better management, mobilization of new resources and new forms of partnership. The Security Council should play its part in this regard. The lessons drawn from the Secretary-General's reports on Srebrenica and Rwanda have to be paid more than lip service.

Within the complex of measured designs for revitalizing the United Nations, our efforts to reform the Security Council occupy a prominent place. The Security Council would only win if it acquired a new power and authority base. I would like to reiterate Lithuania's position that the Security Council should be increased, both in permanent and non-permanent membership categories, and that the Eastern European Group should be given one additional non-permanent membership seat. In turn, even with a revitalized Council, cooperation with regional organizations should be strengthened.

The reforms, no matter how far-flung, may only remain a partial success as long as the United Nations is not given necessary resources. The Organization needs a sound and predictable financial footing. Therefore, Lithuania strongly supports a comprehensive review of both the regular-budget scale and the scale of assessment for peacekeeping operations. In the latter case, an ad hoc arrangement of 1973 has lost its touch with present day economic realities. We need to adjust the United Nations peacekeeping scale of assessment methodology to better reflect the current economic conditions of all Member States. I hope that the revision will enjoy support by all countries of the United Nations and will be carried out in an expeditious manner.

The United Nations symbolizes and guards the humankind hope for a better future. Let's make it happen!

The Acting President (Tunisia)

The next speaker will be Mr. Nizar Obaid Madani, Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Mr. Madani (Saudi Arabia)

It gives me pleasure at the outset of the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations to convey to His Excellency our sincerest congratulation for his election to the presidency of this session. His election to this important position reflects the respect of the international community for him personally, as well as the appreciation of the Member States for the positive role played by his country, Finland, in the international arena. I am confident that his presidency of this session will contribute effectively to our efforts to achieve the objectives towards which the international community aspires under the present, delicate international circumstances.

I also wish to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Foreign Minister of Namibia and president of the previous session of the United Nations General Assembly, who managed the affairs of the session with great competence and experience and who deserves our compliments and appreciation.

I am also pleased to express my thanks and appreciation to His Excellency, the Secretary-General of the United Nations Mr. Kofi Annan, for his continuous and tireless efforts to achieve peace and enhance security and stability in our contemporary world, as well as for the competence and ability he has demonstrated in leading the affairs of this Organization, relying on his rich and exceptional experience in the international arena. In particular, I wish to commend His Excellency for his sincere and extensive efforts in organizing the Millennium Summit, which, God willing, will contribute to achieving fruitful results with positive effect on our peoples and nations while ushering in a new century full of challenges and opportunities.

On this occasion, I wish to welcome the Republic of Tuvalu to the membership of the United Nations, hoping that its membership will enhance the effectiveness of the Organization and its noble objectives.

The present session of the General Assembly has followed immediately the Millennium Summit, a unique historical event. World leaders met in a dignified gathering that exemplified the unity of the human race and their collective endeavour to live in peace, security and prosperity. That Summit represented a valuable opportunity to reflect on and to discuss whatever might lead to a better life for humanity. The world leaders pledged in the final Declaration of the Summit to exert all possible efforts to achieve peace, security and disarmament and eradicate poverty and disease. They affirmed the sovereign equality of nations, respect for their territorial integrity and political independence, and non-interference in the internal affairs of States. The Summit also provided a valuable opportunity to evaluate the course of this Organization throughout its history, which has been full of opportunities and challenges, so as to enable it to achieve its declared principles and purposes.

In this regard, a thorough and candid evaluation of the role of the United Nations was presented by His Royal Highness Prince Abdullah Bin Abdul-Aziz, the Crown Prince and the head of the Saudi delegation to the Millennium Summit. He discussed the challenges and problems that have impeded the United Nations from achieving the goals and objectives to which the human community aspires.

His Royal Highness presented a number of ideas and notions that represent a valuable contribution to efforts aimed at promoting and vitalizing the role of the United Nations. He mentioned the importance of linkage between modernizing the Organization's mechanisms and the nature of the issues it confronts. The effects of these reforms should consider the viability and performance of United Nations bodies in a way that enables the United Nations it to fulfil its required role in dealing effectively with the new developments in modern international relations.

One of the most apparent features of the new world order is the emerging phenomenon of globalization, which, as a developed framework for international relations, has occupied a large portion of the current political thought of nations. We view globalization as a phenomenon that should reflect the natural closeness between nations aimed at achieving social justice, overall development, equality among nations, and broadening the scope of cooperation in a manner that serves the issues of peace and security and stability throughout the world. However, and I read here from a statement by His Royal Highness Prince Abdullah Bin Abdul-Aziz at the Millennium Summit:

"We hope that the United Nations will support us in standing against a globalization that results in the hegemony of the strong over the weak, increases the causes of the oppression and exploitation of nations, and fosters injustice and inequality in international relations. We particularly warn of the ramifications of unbridled globalization and its use as an umbrella to violate the sovereignty of States and interfere with their internal affairs under a variety of pretexts especially from the angle of human rights issues."

The United Nations call for a civilized dialogue and declaring 2001 a year for Dialogue among Civilizations comes at an appropriate time as a civilized response to those who propagate the themes and doctrines of conflict and inevitable clash of civilizations. A dialogue among civilizations represents, in fact, a constructive beginning towards achieving globalization in its positive sense and its human aspect, something to which all peoples and nations aspire. A dialogue among civilizations would contribute to strengthening the values and principles of understanding and cooperation among cultures and civilizations. It will further promote respect for other religious beliefs and the cultural legacies of other nations in a way that consolidates the principles of peaceful coexistence and proliferates the culture of peace and tolerance.

Deviation from the values and principles of justice, equality and non-compliance with the rules of international legitimacy in resolving differences and disputes through peaceful means has led to the proliferation of wars and armed conflicts in many parts of the world. This has caused painful humanitarian suffering that continues to arouse the conscience of the world community. In our region, Israel continues to take intransigent positions and to reject the requirements for peace. This became evident during the recent talks at Camp David where the Israeli side insisted on maintaining positions that are diametrically opposed to the principles of peace that were agreed to in Madrid and to what was stated in United Nations resolutions with respect to the status of Al-Quds Al-Sharif. Both the final communiqué of the Al-Quds Committee, which convened recently in Agadir, Morocco, and the resolution of the Council of the Arab League, adopted at its 114th session, reaffirmed the unshakeable Arab and Islamic positions with respect to the issue of Al-Quds Al-Sharif. It also reaffirmed the impossibility of attaining a durable and comprehensive peace without reaching a just solution to this problem in a way that preserves Arab and Muslim rights, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, and that respects complete Palestinian sovereignty over Al-Quds Al-Sharif.

Israel is making a big mistake if it believes that the peace process can proceed without total respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinians to return to their homeland and establish their own independent State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. Al-Quds Al-Sharif is an integral part of the occupied territories and is subject to Security Council resolution 242 (1967). Moreover, a comprehensive peace cannot be achieved without Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Syrian Golan to the 4 June 1967 line.

We continue to feel for the suffering of the fraternal Iraqi people as a result of the continuing refusal of their Government to abide fully by United Nations resolutions, which would allow for the lifting of the sanctions. In reiterating its concern over the suffering of the Iraqi people, the Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia proposed an initiative that would allow Iraq to import all the materials and goods it needed -- except those that fall within the context of military items that threaten Iraq's neighbours. If such an initiative had been accepted, the needs of the Iraqi people would have been met and their suffering alleviated. However, the Iraqi Government was swift in rejecting this gesture, and thus it has prolonged the suffering of the Iraqi people. We once again express the hope that the Iraqi Government will act quickly to comply with Security Council resolution 1284 (1999) and the mandate of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and of other international committees concerned with the release and repatriation of all Kuwaiti and Saudi prisoners, as well as with the return of Kuwaiti property. We once again reiterate the need to respect Iraq's independence, unity and territorial integrity.

We also strongly desire the removal of the causes of tension in the Gulf region. Accordingly, we hope that the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran will cooperate with the efforts of the tripartite committee, which has been entrusted with creating a conducive climate for direct negotiations between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to reach an amicable and acceptable solution to the issue of the three islands.

As regards Somalia, my country welcomed the outcome of the national reconciliation conference, which took place in the town of Arta in Djibouti and which included the election of President Abdikassin Salad Hassan. We hope that the other Somali factions will join the reconciliation efforts aimed at promoting national accord and at achieving unity and stability in Somalia.

In Afghanistan fierce fighting continues and is denying Afghanistan and its people the fruits of liberation from foreign occupation.

The Pakistani-Indian conflict over Jammu and Kashmir remains a source of tension between the two neighbouring countries. We call on both sides to exercise the utmost restraint and to solve the conflict through negotiations, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, which give the people of Jammu and Kashmir the right to self-determination.

The continuation of these disputes and armed conflicts -- which have claimed the lives of millions, depleted huge quantities of resources and caused destruction and serious damage to the environment -- makes it incumbent upon the international community to make every possible effort to put an end to these conflicts and to find peaceful solutions to them. In this regard, we look to the United Nations to make greater efforts to reaffirm its role as a peacemaker and not just a peacekeeper. It has become evident that working to prevent conflicts from erupting is more effective and less costly than concentrating on peacekeeping.

In this respect and in compliance with the principle of resolving conflicts through peaceful means, our region witnessed two important events that marked a positive sign in relations between nations. In June 2000, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen signed the Jeddah agreement establishing final and permanent, international land and sea borders. This ended more than 60 years of border disputes. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has also concluded an agreement with the State of Kuwait for the demarcation of the shallow seas adjacent to the former neutral zone between the two countries.

The issue of disarmament is of great concern to my country, and we call for greater efforts in this area, especially as regards weapons of mass destruction. The presence of these weapons represents a great danger to international peace and security. We hope that the nuclear States will fulfil the pledges they made at the 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and adhere to the commitment to eradicate their nuclear arsenals.

In this context, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is very concerned about Israel's refusal to accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and about its decision to keep its nuclear programme outside the scope of international controls. Israel's refusal to adhere to the international will and to become part of this Treaty has aborted all efforts exerted by the peoples and countries of the Middle East to live in a region free from all weapons of mass destruction. Israel is the only country in the region that has yet to accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, a fact that has disrupted the balance of security and threatened peace in the region.

It is this imperative to stress the need to increase the effectiveness of the Non-Proliferation Treaty by making it universal and mandatory.

Cooperation on social and political issues has become a necessity that cannot be avoided or neglected. The economic and social problems of the developing countries make it incumbent upon us all to promote policies that can alleviate the effects of these problems, which in most cases exacerbate tension within and among nations. We believe that the developed countries have an obligation to assist in combating poverty, food scarcities, drought and famine.

It is unrealistic to apply the concept of globalization only as a means to liberalize the markets -- removing restrictions -- without also drafting a framework for action that stresses the need to consider the economic situation in many of the developing countries and to assist them in moving to a stage where they can participate in development. It is therefore important for the industrialized and technically advanced countries to help those developing nations without subjecting them to selective policies in technology transfer. Moreover, globalization should be a two-way street that requires the developed, industrialized nations to liberalize their markets and open them up to products from developing nations.

We are truly objective when dealing with environmental issues. We support conducting serious and informed studies based on evidence, studies that take into consideration the process of development in the developing countries. In this regard, we call upon all States to abide by Agenda 21 and urge the industrialized States to honour their international commitments regarding the transfer of environmentally friendly technology to the developing countries.

In conclusion, I would like to emphasise that we are facing enormous challenges in the new era, which makes it incumbent upon all of us to strive to achieve the maximum possible level of cooperation and solidarity. This is not confined to political and military challenges, but also includes new waves of challenges that result from the contemporary way of life with all its problems and complications and cannot be solved or managed except through organized collective efforts. Our firm belief in the important role of the United Nations in dealing with current issues and in facilitating appropriate international cooperation to address and contain these problems, makes us more determined than ever to support this Organization and help consolidate its constructive role.

It is my wish that we enter the new millennium with stronger determination and commitment to our collective goal to establish a secure world where values triumph and justice, equality and peace prevail.

Allah says in the Holy Koran:

"Help ye one another in righteousness and piety but help ye not one another in sin and rancour." (The Holy Koran, V:2)

May peace and the blessing of Allah be upon you, Sir.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Jozias van Aartsen, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

Mr. Van Aartsen (Netherlands)

"We, the peoples" is a powerful rendition of world affairs and a daunting portrait of life for future generations. It took intellect and diplomatic savoir-faire to state a complex case in such a concise and forceful way. We are grateful to the Secretary-General and his staff for producing it.

"We, the peoples" are of course the opening words of the Charter, and I want to take them as a point of departure. Other speakers have done so before me and have argued in favour of a more robust structure for keeping the peace in the world community. They are right. The United Nations role in the area of preventing or limiting armed conflict was conceived as its principal purpose. The Brahimi report has shown how, in spite of that, the United Nations peacekeeping function has in fact become its Achilles heel. The Brahimi recommendations deserve to be implemented -- the sooner the better. At present, the Netherlands Government and parliament are debating how to improve our national contribution to peacekeeping.

"We, the Peoples" can lead to reflections on a totally different side of the United Nations reality as well. I, for one, would take this opportunity to argue in favour of closer ties between the United Nations and the private sector.

In 1945 the world was run by States. The Charter hinges on that very assumption. It covers all aspects of life as they were prevalent at the time, from peace and security to social justice, from economic cooperation to human rights. Despite its ambition, the Charter hardly mentions any other actors besides States. Non-governmental organizations appear in the Charter only once. The private sector is not referred to at all. In other words, the Charter conforms to a model of governance as old as the Peace of Westphalia, a state system going back to the mid-1600s.

In order to strategize for the future, we need to ask ourselves: who, in actual fact, runs the world today; where and how are world affairs conducted; and how can we position the United Nations accordingly?

The United Nations is made up of Member States. That is fitting and proper. States will be the custodians of foreign relations for a long time to come. But their roles have changed significantly with time. States can no longer be thought of as the hard billiard balls of international relations. Internationalization has altered the concept of sovereignty. Nor are Sates autonomous entities as before, pursuing self-defined national interests. Their actions are now much more shaped by economic pressures, information flows, and population movements. For States, too, globalization is here to stay. Other actors have entered both the domestic and international scenes. Civil society is one. The private sector is another. Since 1945, civil society, made up of non-profit organizations, has blossomed along a wide spectrum, beyond any expectation of the United Nations founding fathers. Many non-governmental organizations operate across national boundaries. At the present time, the United Nations system could never hope to operate properly without the assistance of non-governmental organizations, not to mention normative thinking and advocacy. Non-governmental organizations have acquired access to the United Nations at different levels, and participate in many of its discussions.

Although a potent actor on the domestic and international levels, the private sector has been virtually ignored by traditional United Nations diplomacy. The business community, and notably transnational corporations, were viewed by many as the competitor, if not as the enemy of international public interest. Documents critical of multinationals were being issued by the United Nations and the specialized agencies until recently. Confrontation rather than dialogue. I am not contending that there were no grounds for that position: quite the contrary. However, nowadays we see a growing awareness in the business community of the necessity of responsible corporate policies and of a role for private enterprise in the pursuit of interests that go beyond maximizing immediate profits. As an example, I refer to the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization, in which the pharmaceutical industry closely cooperates with international organizations, Governments and other actors.

We need to build on that. Indeed, the time has come to expand the concept of a partnership with the private sector. Why? Two reasons. First of all, the world is up against incredible odds and, secondly, the private sector does exist and wields a lot of power in the international arena.

About the odds: take a sustainable future, where elementary laws of ecology must be respected. Not even the most powerful Government can put a stop to global warming -- nor all the Member States of the United Nations combined. A sustainable future needs to be pursued in conjunction with industry, civil society and the scientific community. For equitable working conditions, and other forms of social justice, States need to involve the private sector. The same is true for fighting corruption, the spread of small arms, wasting water or AIDS.

We have truly entered an era that is very different from the one in which the United Nations was born -- an era in which the course of humanity and the quality of life on earth have more and more become a shared responsibility; an era where Governments, the private sector and civil society are drawn ever more closely together. They all have a stake in global governance. The so-called global public goods are a matter for all of them together.

The private sector has a stake in the future of the planet, too. Of course, it is here to do business. But no planet, no profit. Companies should find it in their own interest to assume a responsibility equal to their weight in international relations and the influence they have at the domestic level. Chief executive officers, too, want a livable world for their grandchildren. The private sector must be called upon to enter into a responsible corporate partnership in sync with other actors at the international plane. True, the role of each actor needs to be different. Their motivation can remain different, too -- as does the legal basis on which they act. But their determination needs to be the same: the determination to secure the longevity of life as we know it and to secure for everyone on the planet an equitable share of its bounty.

Different roles, shared responsibility. That concept needs to take root in this Organization as well. The United Nations cannot credibly hope to play a galvanizing role in meeting the challenges of the coming century if it cannot show that its debates and its action platforms reflect the real world outside the conference rooms. If we want to see the United Nations as "unique in world affairs" -- as the Millennium report puts it -- it must be able to show that all players are on the stage.

The Secretary-General's Global Compact could not have come at a more opportune moment. It is the mere beginning of a process, but it is off to a promising start. The Global Compact deserves the active support of the international community, and it deserves to be joined by other multinationals. I do understand the trepidations of some non-governmental organizations who fear that multinational corporations will drape themselves in the United Nations flag and become untouchable in the pursuit of profit. I understand, too, the apprehension felt by diplomats in this hall, who have a lifetime invested in the exclusivity of the State and its monopoly on multilateral discourse. But the Global Compact is not a Trojan horse.

And I will go even further. We have given civil society structural access to the United Nations system. By contrast, the access we are giving to the private sector, with the notable exception of the International Labour Organization, has been ad hoc, not structural. In the future, we must create appropriate channels of communication with the private sector, inside this Organization, where they, as well as Governments and civil society, can try and get a hold on the convulsions of our time -- a forum where, at the very least, they can deliberate and begin to break down the barriers of mistrust that have divided them for so long.

That is the first reason why the United Nations needs to broaden its scope and become more inclusive. The second is the power of the private sector. Many companies have turnovers larger than the national budgets of some Member States, and the same is true for the personal fortunes of some chief executive officers. The relationship between States and the private sector has altered dramatically over time. States were once thought of as bulwarks against harmful economic impact from abroad. Economic weight was viewed as a trump card in the power play among nations. Today, States are increasingly serving as instruments for adjusting domestic policy to the realities of the present-day world economy. They have become intermediaries between the world economy, with its own structure of power, and domestic societies.

This brings up the question of where world affairs are being conducted and how they have caused a shift in the style of diplomacy. Economic globalization has shifted the focus of attention to forums other than the United Nations here in New York, notably to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Trade Organization and, on a regional level, the European Union. Policies are tested in the margins of the World Economic Forum in Davos or decided elsewhere. Brussels has become a hub of world affairs. That focus has brought on a different cast of players than in the days of Talleyrand and Metternich. Foreign Ministers now work shoulder to shoulder not only with development ministers, but also with finance and trade ministers, as well as with central bankers. International affairs, whether we like it or not, are increasingly about economics.

Forging a relationship with the private sector is therefore indispensable if the United Nations wants to preserve its relevance over the long haul. The multilateral system, for its part, must seek closer ties with other centres of power and with the business community. Mr. Kofi Annan has been vigorously pursuing closer relations with all these various forums, and we encourage him to do more of the same.

Responsible corporate partnership is also about protecting the weak. The United Nations was set up not only to guarantee peace and security, but also to secure freedom from want. Despite its obvious advantages, globalization is leaving too many victims by the wayside. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen, and the poor suffer the most, in war and in peace. Meanwhile, the private sector wields a great deal of power in its decisions as to where it will buy, sell and invest. Those decisions may bear directly on the quality of life in many developing countries.

Even though the odds are staggering, the United Nations system can make a difference in reducing poverty, gender inequality and child and maternal mortality. But it can make a difference only from a position of strength and from a platform shared by other actors at the international level: from a position of shared responsibility. The Millennium Summit has declared poverty eradication the United Nations number one priority. We applaud that. But fighting poverty is not only a moral imperative, as it always has been; it has also become an economic one. That is another reason for the United Nations to become more inclusive of the private sector.

The Secretary-General's report (A/54/2000), "We the peoples", duly poses the question of how to take the United Nations forward. Whatever the way forward, it needs to be a bold one. For too long we have been remoulding old ideas. While doing so, we have kept the United Nations on a very short leash, hardly allowing it to stray off the beaten path. More of the same is not enough. In other words, the United Nations is bound to miss its cue if we, the peoples, pursue our business as usual. The future will pass us by.

The alternative is an avenue that is much more ambitious. It amounts to using the United Nations system as a vehicle for the development of a new vision of world politics, a vision for the "post-Westphalian" era. In such a vision, present trends would be given legitimacy and a conceptual framework. In such a vision, the principle of non-intervention yields to the defence of human rights; sovereignty is further reappraised; there is room for civil society and the private sector; and economics are also held responsible for social and development goals. Such is the road less travelled, but the only one that can make all the difference.

The Acting President

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Abdelaziz Belkhadem, Minister of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria.

Mr. Belkhadem (Algeria)

I should like first of all, on my own behalf and that of the Algerian delegation, to convey to Mr. Holkeri heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. I wish him every success in discharging his noble duties. The choice of Mr. Holkeri as President is a tribute to his personal qualities and to the experience of his country, Finland, with which we enjoy a firm friendship.

I should also like to take this opportunity to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, our deep appreciation and gratitude for the great effort he made during his presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session.

Finally, I should like to salute the spirit of initiative and commitment shown by our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, the head of the Secretariat, and commend his sincere and tireless work to reform the Organization and to give it a new dynamism so as to prepare it to meet the challenge of the enormous changes in international relations.

I should also like to welcome the State of Tuvalu as a new Member of our Organization.

Just a few days ago, the United Nations hosted a political event that was without precedent since the Organization was created: the Millennium Summit. Because of a host of fast-paced developments that occurred in international relations, we, the peoples of the United Nations, must take time at this juncture of history to organize a dialogue to discuss the shape of the new emerging world order and the effects on us, the peoples, the States and the United Nations, the repository of our collective hopes and aspirations.

The world has changed in a very short time from a system with clearly defined parameters to a system where political and economic reference points are sorely lacking. It is a system defined by nebulous phenomena, which evolve according to rules set by forces that refuse, in the name of globalization, to accept any form of guidance or collective democratic oversight. It is no surprise that globalization is increasing the suspicions and fears of the developing countries vis-à-vis the evolving new world order. The current state of international relations, marked by injustice and imbalance, will inevitably get worse because of the unbridled process of globalization.

It is because of this that the Millennium Summit forcefully proclaimed the need to reinvigorate the United Nations and to galvanize its role, since it is the refuge of the weak and the marginalized. The massive presence of the leaders of the whole world at the Summit was irrefutable proof of the commitment of the peoples and nations of the world to the United Nations and to the principles and purposes it embodies. The United Nations is the only forum built on the ideals and reference points shared by mankind as a whole, marked by universality and globality in its missions and prerogatives.

Certainly the United Nations is facing today new challenges caused by rapid, profound and sometimes surprising changes in international affairs. No one denies the fact that it needs to be radically reformed in order to prepare it and adapt it effectively to meet current and future challenges and to manage and redress the contradictions of international relations.

Security Council reform and expansion of its membership are urgent matters, because this important body clearly lacks the necessary representativity to give legitimacy and efficiency to its decisions and actions.

Likewise, consolidation of democracy and international relations, if it is to be truly meaningful, must involve the enhancement of the General Assembly and the establishment of its role as the principal source of international law, as well as oversight over the three principal organs, in keeping with the United Nations Charter. Accordingly, marginalization of the Assembly, when it comes to major questions such as the maintenance of international peace and security, does not in any way allow the overwhelming majority of nations to contribute to the decision-making process in international affairs.

Opening the United Nations to the outside world is a necessity dictated by changes in the international community and the demands of our times. By involving civil society in its work, the United Nations will benefit from the considerable contribution that non-governmental partners can provide in meeting the needs of countries in matters of development, particularly in the areas of education, health and housing. But this partnership cannot be at the expense of the purposes and principles of the United Nations, nor the independence of its decisions.

It is in the context of this vision that we state our position on humanitarian intervention. For us it is a question not of whether or not it is acceptable to intervene in humanitarian disasters, but, rather, of legal and political parameters that should govern any decision on this matter. We therefore demand that terms of reference be clearly and precisely established, that they should be democratically adopted in a context of transparency and that they should effectively reflect the will of the community of nations. They must be based on principles of solidarity and justice, ruling out any forms of selectivity, special treatment or double standards.

Experience has shown that the international community has found in the United Nations a framework that allows for considerable progress to be made with regard to security and cooperation. In the area of disarmament, for example, thanks to the available frameworks for negotiation and dialogue, the Organization has been able to realize considerable achievements, such as the signing of many conventions on weapons of mass destruction and the success of the 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), presided over by Algeria.

The United Nations has also provided a framework to coordinate international efforts to deal with new dangers that pose a threat to international peace and security, such as terrorism, organized crime, and drug and arms trafficking. On the subject of terrorism, the international community has embarked on a process of implementing its strategy to combat this scourge and to prevent it. The United Nations and regional groups have adopted legal instruments that supplement international laws dealing with anti-terrorist actions. We hope that these achievements will be enhanced by the adoption of a comprehensive international convention, to be considered a political, legal and moral international covenant, to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.

Algeria is keen that its relations within its political and geographical spheres be governed by a vision of the future that goes beyond short-term interactions or ephemeral motives. In our policy towards the peoples and countries with which we have relations of neighbourliness, geography and common heritage, we want to consolidate the principle of dialogue and consultation and develop cooperation and solidarity in keeping with the demands of good neighbourliness, common destiny, mutual interest, mutual trust and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.

Regarding the Arab Maghreb region, Algeria's commitment to build a unified, stable and prosperous Maghreb is based on our conviction that Maghreb unity is a strategic option dictated by the aspirations of the peoples of the region and by the current international situation, which encourages integration and the formation of blocs. Algeria is prepared today to work with its Maghreb partners to reactivate the process on the basis of an objective thorough analysis of common Maghreb action according to a rigorous and pragmatic methodology that seeks to maximize the complementarities of the countries of the region and that ensures gradual integration, taking into account the principles of equity and balance of interests.

It is on the basis of this vision that Algeria has spared no effort to help find a just and lasting solution to the problem of Western Sahara. Algeria's support for the United Nations settlement plan is based on our commitment to preserve the security and stability of the region, without, however, rejecting the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination. The settlement plan, which was supported by both sides -- Morocco and the POLISARIO Front -- and by the international community, remains the practical, realistic option that will guarantee a just and lasting solution to this issue. Today the settlement plan is at a delicate stage, and the international community, which has already made a considerable effort to implement it, must give it even more attention and more support. Thanks to the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy, Mr. James Baker, and the cooperation of both sides, the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) has resolved the difficulties that for so long prevented implementation of the plan. Today, there is no reason to delay or to block the referendum process.

My country is convinced of the interdependence of the interests of the States and peoples on both shores of the Mediterranean Sea. We therefore reaffirm our commitment to the Euro-Mediterranean process, which provides a promising framework for the promotion of dialogue and consultation among the countries of the region and opens up great prospects for understanding, intercultural exchange and improvement of partnership for the benefit of all peoples.

The Middle East region has seen some developments this year that have had an important impact on the peace process. The question of Palestine, which is at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict, is at a delicate stage. That means that the international community must mobilize even further in order to move the peace talks forward. Algeria reiterates its support for the Palestinian people and salutes their struggle for recovering their legitimate rights, including the right to establish their own independent State with Al-Quds as its capital.

Algeria would also like to reaffirm its support for the fraternal Syrian people and its right to recover the occupied Golan.

We express our profound satisfaction and pride at Lebanon's regaining its sovereignty over all its territory.

Algeria once again reaffirms the need to lift the embargo that has hit the fraternal Iraqi people so hard.

We also call for a final lifting of the sanctions that continue to penalize the fraternal peoples of Libya and the Sudan.

Africa is undergoing profound changes that are opening up new vistas for the peoples and countries of that continent. Those changes have been brought about by the serious and determined will of Africans to free themselves from the burdens of the past and by their aspiration to join in the process of change that is sweeping our world today. Democracy is gaining ground daily as the mode of governance for the vast majority of societies in Africa. The State of law and respect for human rights are becoming embedded in African societies. That tendency is strikingly reflected in the historic decision by the 1999 Organization of African Unity (OAU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government no longer to recognize any anti-constitutional changes. That was a promising sign for the establishment of a democratic culture in Africa.

At the economic level, African countries have wasted no time in joining the world trend towards a market economy and in creating the necessary conditions to promote free trade and investment.

With regard to the conflicts that have devastated the continent and continue to cause humanitarian disasters and to tarnish Africa's prestige, the continent's leaders are now using preventive diplomacy and their own skills in mediating and settling conflict. Along the same lines, the OAU's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution is being reinforced as the authority of reference to provide a framework for dialogue and conflict prevention. As a result of those efforts, we see signs of easing in various conflicts in some parts of Africa. Through its chairmanship of the OAU last year, my country made great efforts to resolve some of those conflicts and to limit their scale.

Algeria's efforts were successful in the case of the conflict between two neighbours, Ethiopia and Eritrea, where the Algiers Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities doused the fire of that destructive war between two fraternal peoples. The Agreement now offers real prospects for a just and lasting settlement of the border dispute between the two countries.

Algeria has also stepped up its initiatives to end the conflict in the sisterly nation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In coordination and consultation with the countries of the region concerned and with the United Nations, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has intensified his efforts with the parties, urging them to find a peaceful and negotiated solution in order to spare the peoples of that country any further suffering and preserve its unity and territorial integrity. Today, more than a year since the Lusaka Agreement, we can only view with regret the reversals that have taken place in the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Those setbacks have led to a deferment by the United Nations of the deployment of its peacekeeping mission.

UNITA's continued defiance of the international community in Angola and its failure to comply with the commitments it made in the peace process continue to inflict the disastrous consequences of an endless war on the people of Angola. While reaffirming UNITA's responsibility for the ongoing war in that country, we note with satisfaction the new effectiveness of sanctions on that rebel group. We reiterate the need for complete compliance by any means necessary to make the rebel elements comply with international law and honour their commitments under the Lusaka Agreement.

The solidarity expressed by the international community for the efforts of the leaders of Sierra Leone to restore peace and security must be accompanied by a tough attitude towards the criminal elements guilty of murder and despicable acts against civilians. Those acts have not spared even members of the United Nations Mission.

While we reaffirm the fundamental role of the United Nations and the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security, we continue to stress the need for the Security Council to demonstrate the same effectiveness and speed of action with regard to conflicts in Africa as it does in connection with conflicts in other regions of the world. In that regard, I would like to express our desire that the General Assembly give the necessary attention and in-depth consideration to the Brahimi report's recommendations on peacekeeping operations, and that it implement those recommendations so as to make the United Nations more effective in this essential area of maintaining international peace and security.

The contrasts that exist in today's world can be seen very clearly in the economic and social situation of the world. Humanity has never before achieved such a level of technological development. That development now makes it possible to meet basic human needs economically, socially and culturally. However, some segments of humanity continue to suffer the most abject forms of poverty and destitution. The Secretary-General's report to the Millennium Summit contains a clear formulation of those contradictions, which do us no credit as a civilized society that aspires to preserve human dignity and to protect the rights of those whose rights have been wrested from them.

Mr. Kofi Annan also recognized in his report that the benefits of globalization remain limited to a small group of people. That fact reinforces our conviction of the need to accelerate the restructuring of international relations and our insistence on the need for a serious and comprehensive dialogue between the North and the South to find solutions for the imbalances that exist in the international financial and trade systems.

It is time to tackle international economic relations from the standpoint of humankind's needs and dignity rather than from the standpoint of market forces alone, because experience has proved that such forces do not accord the necessary importance to social issues. If there is one area in which we must translate into reality the values of solidarity upon which the United Nations was founded and the interdependence which marks international relations, it is that of combating poverty, ignorance and epidemics.

Effective and unified tackling of the problem of sustainable development in the third world necessarily entails settling the problem of debt, reviving cooperation for development, promoting investments and opening up the markets of the North to the products and commodities of the South.

We are meeting today for the last session of the General Assembly in our century, which has been marked by many events, a century in which the horror of destructive wars was mingled with the joy of peace and détente, a century marked by a struggle between hope and resignation, where it became evident that people are at once capable of the most abject acts and the most useful kinds of actions.

We leave behind a century and usher in another, hopeful that humankind will learn from the past and will demonstrate the necessary determination to avoid making the same mistakes, for which we have paid such a high price.

The Acting President

I give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Roberto Rojas López, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of Costa Rica.

Mr. Rojas López (Costa Rica)

Allow me at the outset to congratulate Mr. Harri Holkeri on his well-deserved election to preside over the work of the General Assembly, which attests both to his outstanding personal qualities and to the admiration that the international community has for his country, Finland. Allow me also to express our gratitude to the outgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Namibia, for his excellent work.

Just a week ago, in this same Hall, our heads of State or Government held the Millennium Summit. That historic event served as the framework for an in-depth consideration of the role of the United Nations in the next century and for the reiteration, at the highest political level, of the universal support for this Organization.

It is now up to us to elaborate on our leaders' observations and determine what is necessary to build a more prosperous future, a more just society and an increasingly human civilization.

At the outset of the new millennium, scientific and technological achievements in all fields are allowing us to glimpse an ever-brighter future. However, a double threat exists to progress towards that goal. On one hand, it is endangered by uneven growth, which threatens to deepen the divide between the wealthiest and the poorest. More effective measures must be adopted to create a more just and equitable society and international community.

On the other hand, the future is also threatened by the temptation of absolute materialism, which can be understood as the danger of reducing development to the mere satisfaction of material needs. The risk of transforming the human being into a commodity and the temptation to seek wealth instead of happiness represent a continuing threat. We must establish a new society whose goal should be the promotion of the well-being of all, as reflected in their full physical, intellectual and spiritual development. We must create a society centred on ideas, creativity and abilities, and not on power or wealth.

The United Nations can and should play a central role in the construction of this new society. However, we must note, honestly and courageously, that so far the United Nations and the international community as a whole have been held back by innumerable constraints and restrictions and known many failures.

More than 50 years ago, at the founding of this Organization, we committed ourselves to eradicating the scourge of war, and we undertook to promote social progress and better living conditions for all.

Unfortunately, though, to date, the United Nations has been unable to respond fully to these pleas. We react to political and military crises with hollow statements to the press. We condemn gross violations of human rights with procedural resolutions, which are then forgotten on our shelves. We create organs, committees and tribunals without any real capacity for action and lacking the necessary resources to fulfil their mandates. We convene summits, conferences and meetings that limit themselves to repeating empty declarations and passing commitments. We send military observers who are unable to maintain peace because we do not provide them with the necessary resources or political support. Over and over again we adopt inadequate measures to resolve crises, hoping that they will perform miracles. We send international experts with development programmes that respond neither to the needs nor the desires of their recipients. This Organization has imposed sanctions that affect innocent civilians while at the same time inadvertently strengthening criminal regimes.

We recognize, of course, that many of the United Nations activities have been successful and praiseworthy. We cannot overlook the work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees or of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) in favour of victims of war and of children, nor can we forget the heroic sacrifice of many Blue Helmets and humanitarian personnel. We must always keep in mind the valuable mediation efforts and good offices provided to defuse armed conflicts. We must learn from those peacekeeping operations that have been crowned with success in spite of all of the difficulties. We must recall and respect the gradual codification of human rights and of the need to provide the highest possible standards of living.

But the world expects greater leadership from the United Nations. The world's peoples are calling for firm and decisive action on the part of the international community. Humanity is looking to us to fulfil the lofty goals that we set for ourselves when we founded this Organization.

For these reasons, new bases must be established for the actions of the United Nations. The Organization must be provided with a renewed political and philosophical paradigm that will enable it to garner the political and material support it needs from all States in order effectively to achieve its goals.

Today the United Nations requires all of our support. Each one of us is obliged, individually and collectively, to provide the best living conditions possible to all our fellow citizens.

The primary objective of the United Nations in the twenty-first century must be to promote full respect for human rights. More than 50 years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the continuing violation of those rights, through inexcusable killings for political, religious or ethnic motives and through the displacement of millions of refugees and internally displaced persons, is a matter for profound concern. We are distressed also by the fact that thousands perish daily of starvation or easily curable diseases. We are concerned at the fact that thousands of persons are still persecuted or incarcerated because of their political opinions and that for those reasons hundreds are subject to the most degrading torture or are forced to live in extreme poverty.

The persistence of war is the cause of inexcusable atrocities and recurrent humanitarian crisis. The true victims of war are not the fallen soldiers but the displaced or refugee children and elderly, the women who are raped, the young people who are murdered, the mothers who lose their incomes, the innocent workers whose workplaces are destroyed, the students whose schools are bombed, the sick who cannot go to hospital because there are no bridges and no medicines. In the contemporary world, every armed conflict, every civil war, every massive violation of human rights, every humanitarian emergency, caused either by man or by nature, calls for coordinated international action through this Organization.

In that context, all States must politically and financially support United Nations activities to eradicate the scourge of war. The Organization must regain leadership in maintaining international peace and security. It is imperative that all States strictly adhere to the prohibition of the use of force.

For those reasons, one of our tasks is to revitalize the Security Council in order to increase its legitimacy and its capacity for action. That organ should never transfer, abandon or renounce its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. To the contrary, it is essential to ensure that it can perform its functions satisfactorily by providing it with the necessary resources and political support.

The Security Council cannot renounce its role simply because it is unable to find a quick or inexpensive solution to a crisis. We cannot accept the establishment of peacekeeping operations that lack personnel and resources to the point of being irrelevant. Nor can we accept the dispatch of personnel who lack training or motivation and who become easy victims of conflicts. By no means can we consent to the imposition of sanctions regimes that affect innocent populations. When establishing a peacekeeping mission, the Security Council must define realistic goals, so that mandates and resources will be commensurate with the actual requirements of the crisis it is to face.

Armed conflicts and political crises are multifaceted phenomena. Every emergency situation presents a series of political, military and economic problems. True peace can be attained only when all individuals enjoy proper living conditions, when they possess a sufficiently high level of economic development to meet their basic needs, when their fundamental human rights are respected and when their interests and individual rights are guaranteed by democratic means.

True peace requires a culture and a climate that foster mutual respect and that categorically reject violence. In order to achieve peace, we must create a culture of peace. With a view to creating such a culture of peace, the United Nations must promote not only peace but also social justice, democracy and development. This should actively involve the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the United Nations Development Programme. We advocate in particular the strengthening of the role of the Economic and Social Council so that it can effectively monitor and coordinate the implementation of the economic, social, cultural and environmental activities of the United Nations and of all its organs.

In this regard, international cooperation plays a central role in supporting local initiatives for development, democratization and the promotion of human rights. Unfortunately, we are witnessing a decrease in international assistance in these fields while the demand continues to grow. To address this situation, each nation has to take into its own hands the task of creating the conditions necessary to attain peace, development and justice.

We believe that only if human rights are fully respected will it be possible to create and sustain the conditions necessary for the full development of all men and women. The promotion of democracy and social and economic development are also indispensable instruments to generate the material, social and spiritual conditions required for this comprehensive development.

Our experience has taught us that only democracy can provide the necessary framework for the full respect of human rights. Only democracy which grants all citizens equal rights and opportunities to participate in the political process can secure true peace. Only a democratic system which bestows on all people equal opportunities to enjoy the benefits of economic development and personal accomplishment will make possible sustainable and just development. For that reason, we celebrate the democratic consolidation that, thanks to recent elections after a long period under the same ruling party, is being enjoyed by Mexico and by the Republic of China in Taiwan -- which deserves an appropriate place in international forums.

Additionally, our own national evolution has taught us that the first step in such a policy is the elimination or reduction of military budgets. Costa Rica abolished its army more than 50 years ago and has since been free from armed conflict with its neighbours and from military oppression of its population. Reduction of military expenditure is especially valuable for developing States whose resources are limited and cannot be mismanaged. In that context, armies are a heavy burden on national budgets and a constant source of tension and repression. Would it not be better to devote to health the $191 billion that developing countries waste on their armed forces? Would it not be preferable to allocate to education the $22 billion dollars that are spent in arms transfers to the third world? Our historical experience has made us a witness to and an example of the multifaceted and positive relationship between disarmament and development.

The second step on the path to peace and development is to devote as many resources as possible to education and health. Only an educated people can live in freedom; only a healthy people can work for development; only a cultured people can be a part of the contemporary globalized world. For those reasons, we must invest intensively and systematically in our human resources while also striving for economic development, social justice and the institutionalization of democracy.

The third step towards the future is to secure respect for human rights and democracy to enable peoples to choose freely their own destinies and to facilitate the coordination of all of society's actors. In my country, we have deeply committed ourselves to those principles, both in the national sphere through constitutional provisions, and in the international arena through various international conventions and treaties.

In this regard, the issue of migrations is of the greatest importance to my country. Costa Rica has given emphasis to the need to relocate the nationals of each country peacefully and in an orderly fashion to satisfy their specific immigration and emigration needs; to the movements of qualified human resources to promote economic, social and cultural progress in the receiving countries; and to the orderly reintegration and resettlement of persons who, for one reason or another, have been obliged to abandon their country or place of origin or who have been forced to leave a nation that did not allow them to exercise their right not to emigrate. Therefore, we appreciate the key role played by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and we advocate in particular that States that have not yet done so make the necessary amendments to their domestic legislation in order to guarantee this right to all human beings.

There are three main elements in the process of development that we believe require greater attention. First, we should reconstruct society and its values, especially through a renewed effort to acknowledge and protect the value of the family in its role as society's basic cell. Unfortunately, the family is the first victim of political and economic crisis, thus forcing its dissolution by the scattering of its members. For this reason, we must emphasize that families are the schools where the basic values of coexistence and respect for the dignity of all other persons are taught, and that, without them, it is impossible to create a stable society.

Secondly, it is necessary to make greater efforts to pursue sustainable development in all areas of human endeavour. In this sense, we are pleased to report that Costa Rica has achieved significant advances in the environmental field regarding the preservation of its rich biodiversity and the promotion of development in harmony with nature. We are one of the first nations to have undertaken carbon fixation and the sale of oxygen as an additional source of income for development, on the basis of the sustainable use of our forests and recognition of the economic value of the environmental services that they provide to all humanity. In the same vein, we have incorporated the provisions of the Kyoto Protocol into our domestic legal system. Nevertheless, there is still a long way to go towards fully sustainable development.

Similarly, Costa Rica is honoured to be the headquarters of the Earth Council and the University for Peace, which are working jointly to promote a concept of development in greater harmony with the environment. We are confident that the University for Peace, in particular, can play a constructive role both in the promotion of sustainable development as in the creation of a culture of peace. Thanks to the work of its new Council and in particular Mr. Maurice Strong, who presides over it, that institution can count on my Government's unwavering support.

We take this opportunity to reiterate our pledge to offer our country as the headquarters of the Secretariat of the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests. We are confident that this new organ will finally secure the international community's coordinated and comprehensive action with respect to forests.

Thirdly, it is necessary to ensure that economic development is sustainable. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to modify the international economic order, with a view to making it more just and balanced, so that it can grant to the smaller developing countries greater access to the benefits of the globalization process and the opportunities for development that it creates. Open commercial mechanisms enabling commerce and investment to be engines for economic growth should be established. In a parallel, we should target our developmental policies towards more efficient use of the digital revolution, which provides us with many opportunities to compete in the global market and to increase our production. In short, we must democratize globalization.

We believe that knowledge and opportunities to access information and the new technologies are essential today to generate well-being. In today's world, marked by new technological frontiers, our endeavours should also be directed towards narrowing the digital divide. We should seek to provide more just and equitable access to the opportunities open to us in order to transform economic and social activities. In accordance with this thesis, Costa Rica recently initiated the programme "Communications without frontiers", becoming the first nation to provide free e-mail to all its population.

Democracy, sustainable development and human rights constitute the three fundamental elements upon which the United Nations action must be based, as well as that of each of our nations. None is an end in itself; rather they are only a means to secure better living conditions for all people. The true goal of our action centres on the human being; it is to guarantee greater happiness for all persons, the greatest respect for their dignity and the necessary conditions for their full physical, intellectual and spiritual development.

The Acting President

I call next on His Excellency, Mr. Petre Roman, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Romania.

Mr. Roman (Romania)

I am delighted to extend to Mr. Harri Holkeri, the new President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session, my sincere congratulations on his election.

I warmly welcome Tuvalu, the latest newcomer to the United Nations family.

I cannot continue without expressing my sincere appreciation to our dedicated Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, under whose leadership the winds of change keep on blowing.

I hail the results of the Millennium Summit. The views expressed by leaders from all over the world have shown how crucial it is, at this point in history, to reshape our Organization so as to respond adequately to the great challenges of our times.

From this rostrum, and in other forums, political leaders have endeavoured to describe their perceptions, expectations and concerns with regard to the all-encompassing manifestations of globalization. Last year, my predecessor stated that the United Nations was all about institutionalized solidarity. Bearing this idea in mind, we are convinced that the United Nations should reshape its role in such a way as to manage globalization in the interest of all nations and to correct its excesses.

Globalization creates opportunities for commercial, economic and financial expansion. However, improved technological competitiveness and wider economic freedom do not automatically produce greater equity.

The contribution of globalization to the betterment of the human condition will remain limited to a small number of individuals, social categories and countries unless it is oriented towards the common good. This implies that, in the new context of integration and participation in the globalization processes, good governance should intelligently and predictably combine economic reforms with social responsibility, adjust the system of education and professional training, and initiate institutional reforms that are able to achieve long-term internal stability and employment, individual security and social justice, and the protection of national economic interests, resources and the environment.

The process of globalization creates a new balance of power between States, non-governmental organizations and transnational corporations. What is in question today is how to use their potential in order to influence the course of globalization so that it can have a much more positive impact on people's lives. This means bringing globalization closer to the people by promoting human values and democratic principles and practices; an open, inclusive and pluralistic political culture; economies that sustain a decent life for all citizens and prosperity for societies as a whole; and institutions that protect both individuals, with all their rights and fundamental freedoms, and the common good. Nothing can really benefit the citizens of a country if, at the same time, it prejudices the prevailing international standards of a democratic world.