General Assembly Session 54 meeting 22

The President

I first give the floor to the Deputy Prime Minister of Swaziland, His Excellency Mr. Arthur Khoza.

Mr. Khoza (Swaziland)

I am honoured to address the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session as a representative of His Majesty the King of Swaziland. I bring with me from the Kingdom of Swaziland warmest greetings and best wishes to all our fellow members from His Majesty King Mswati III, Her Majesty the Indlovukazi, the Government and the whole Swazi nation.

The Kingdom of Swaziland congratulates you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. We are especially proud that a fellow southern African has been elected to this demanding position, and we are confident that your diplomatic skills and experience will help you guide and lead this Assembly towards the successful conclusion of its deliberations.

We should also like to commend the skilful leadership of the fifty-third session by your predecessor Mr. Didier Opertti.

We are meeting at a time of great challenges for the United Nations. The membership is faced with a number of issues concerning the very shape of our Organization and the scope of operations that we choose to undertake. The Kingdom of Swaziland believes that we are fortunate indeed to have at this time a Secretary-General who commands such universal respect and who possesses the qualities of determination, enthusiasm and leadership that are so necessary as we chart our course for the future. We call on him and on the staff of the United Nations to keep up their good work in the service of all Member States.

The Kingdom of Swaziland believes that the Secretary-General and his staff can best be supported by our continuing commitment to meeting our financial obligations in full and on time. We call on all our fellow Members to comply by honouring their obligations so that our Organization can have sufficient resources with which to cope with the widening scope of its operations and to meet the expectations of us all.

The Kingdom of Swaziland is delighted to extend a warm welcome to our Organization's three new Members: the nation States of Tonga, Nauru and Kiribati. Their admission is further confirmation of our respect for the principles of universality and representation, as contained in the founding Charter of the United Nations.

But even as we welcome these new Members, the Kingdom of Swaziland is conscious that the principle of universality is not applied equally to others who feel excluded from the activities of our Organization. I refer to the 22 million people of the Republic of China on Taiwan, who believe that they are being denied their right to representation in the United Nations. The Government and the people of the Republic of China on Taiwan have shown their willingness and capacity to contribute actively to global development and peace, through disaster relief and development support to many countries and regions. The Republic of China on Taiwan is clearly a peace-loving nation, and is highly developed in all economic, social and political spheres.

It is the view of the Kingdom of Swaziland that international peace and security and equitable development for all mankind, can be achieved only through the inclusion of all the people of the world in the one truly global development Organization. We therefore support the call from an increasing number of Member States for the establishment of a working group by the General Assembly to examine the exceptional international situation relating to the Republic of China on Taiwan and to ensure that the fundamental right of its 22 million people to participate in the work and activities of the United Nations is fully respected. We recognize that, as has been the case in some other nations, the matter of reunification is for the Chinese people themselves.

The history of the twentieth century will have further evidence to support the belief that man apparently and surprisingly cannot live peacefully side by side with his neighbour, nor in harmony with nature and his environment. Despite the many remarkable achievements of the last 99 years, notably in the collapse of ideological and political colonialism and in the fields of technology, science and medicine, it will be, in the end, by world wars, environmental degradation and the emergence of global epidemics that this century will be remembered.

The Kingdom of Swaziland believes that the promotion of sustainable international peace and security must be the main priority for the United Nations, because it is clear that our collective aim of raising the living standards of our peoples is possible only in conditions of global stability and with nations living in harmony alongside one another.

It has long been recognized that the greatest threat to global peace lies in the continuing spread of weapons of mass destruction. Our failure so far as an Organization to have true commitment from all Members to arms control and nuclear disarmament has meant that we enter the next millennium with this threat still overshadowing all matters of international relations.

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty are designed as essential first steps towards a world free from the danger that such weapons pose. We clearly need to find a way to strengthen the non-proliferation regime, and also to prevent the flow of conventional weapons and anti-personnel landmines into zones of conflict.

The Kingdom of Swaziland therefore calls upon the Conference on Disarmament to implement the proposal of the Non-Aligned Movement by establishing as its highest priority an ad hoc committee to begin negotiations on a programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, within a time-bound framework. We also urge those States with nuclear weapons to implement faithfully both the letter and spirit of all agreements relating to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and nuclear disarmament.

Whilst the possibilities of global conflict have diminished since the end of the cold-war era, it is a fact that there has been a corresponding increase in the incidence of internal conflicts and cross-border disturbances arising from a variety of causes, including ethnic and religious confrontation. The Kingdom of Swaziland believes that the emphasis of the United Nations in dealing with this increase of internal and cross-border crises should be on the introduction of an effective mechanism of preventive diplomacy to stop incidents from escalating out of control. This has been the focus of regional organizations of which the Kingdom of Swaziland is a member, such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Organization of African Unity (OAU). We believe that, while recognizing the overall responsibility of the United Nations towards global peace, the regional organizations must take the lead as the building blocks towards stability and closer cooperation.

The past year in international affairs has been a mix of progress in some areas of past conflict and the continuation or emergence of crises in many others. The United Nations has quite correctly become involved in trying to help resolve each of these situations, to a greater or lesser degree, and the Kingdom of Swaziland commends its efforts and those of all who have played a similar role.

The Kingdom of Swaziland recognizes the recent progress made by Israelis and Palestinians towards the implementation of the Wye River peace accord. This has been a most encouraging step towards lasting peace in the Middle East region and we applaud the courage and commitment of the leadership of both sides towards achieving this aim.

The crisis in the former Yugoslavia earlier this year gave us cause for great concern, especially in the light of the threat of the conflict's spreading to other Balkan States. We pray that the recent return to relative stability will lead to lasting peace in that troubled region and that the wishes of the people for their future will be the guiding principle in any long-term dispensation.

We have viewed with concern the events in East Timor following the referendum on independence and we fully support the decision of the United Nations to accede to the request of the Indonesian Government for the urgent deployment of a peacekeeping force. We appeal to all involved to restore calm to the situation and to respect the wishes of the people of East Timor for their future.

We have watched with equal concern the apparent setback in the peace process in Northern Ireland. We support the efforts of the British and Irish Governments to create the right conditions of trust and confidence, in which the people of Northern Ireland can decide their future for themselves. We urge all parties involved to exercise restraint and to rediscover the spirit of compromise and reconciliation that characterized the original Good Friday Agreement.

Closer to home, on our own continent of Africa, the past year has given cause for some optimism in a number of areas; but in others, the tale is all too depressingly familiar.

We welcome with great relief the signing of the Peace Agreement between the warring factions in Sierra Leone and we appeal to both sides to abide by the terms of the settlement so that their people may benefit from the dividend of peace after so many years of suffering and lack of development.

The continuing border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea has unsettled all in the Horn of Africa and we applaud the decision of both countries to agree to mediation efforts between them by the United Nations and the OAU. We pray that this sensible move may lead to a peaceful settlement of the crisis.

The recent signing of an Agreement by all parties to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has encouraged all of us in the region. We hope that there will be commitment by all signatories to the terms of the ceasefire and that a lasting solution may be found that will allow the Congolese people to develop their great potential in peace. This last success is all the more encouraging for those of us in the SADC region, since it came about through the combined efforts of a number of SADC member States. In a similar vein, heightened tension between two of our members, Angola and Zambia, was able to be defused before the situation could escalate into a crisis.

Both of these situations point to the acceptance of responsibility by our member States for resolving regional difficulties ourselves. Of course, this does not preclude our welcome to the willingness of others, such as the OAU, the United Nations and individual countries that wish to be involved, especially in the provision of training and material and financial support. But we firmly believe in the principle that African problems require african solutions and we are determined to come up with the means and mechanisms to abide by it.

On the negative side, the continent has seen the continuation of two crises that are having an especially damaging effect on the lives of the people involved and that we believe require the urgent attention of the United Nations.

The first concerns the deteriorating situation in Angola, where peace remains as elusive as ever. We call on the leadership of UNITA to respect the terms of the Lusaka Protocol and to recognize the need to use it as the starting point in the search for lasting peace and national healing. We appeal to the international community to continue to support the efforts of SADC and all of us who are involved in the quest for an end to the suffering of the Angolan people.

The situation is Somalia, while possessing different characteristics, has the same distressing effect on the people of that unfortunate country. The fact is that the division and lack of any legitimate central authority in their country has deprived Somalis not only of peace and the chance for development, but also of a voice of appeal in regional and international forums.

The time has surely come for the United Nations to show real commitment to finding a solution to the Somalia crisis, in the same way that we are expending a great deal of effort and resources in crisis situations in other parts of the world. The Somali people deserve the same concern and respect for their future from the rest of the world as those in countries with perhaps greater global recognition and resources.

The complex challenges facing the world today lend greater significance and urgency to the initiatives for reform of our Organization. The Kingdom of Swaziland believes that these reforms are essential if the United Nations is to retain the global credibility and authority that are so necessary in its operations.

Recent history has shown clearly that the traditional mechanisms for harmonizing global relations and conflict resolution, in particular, are no longer effective, and the United Nations is in real danger of losing the confidence of its Members in these areas.

Our aim must be to transform our Organization into a structure that is truly representative of all our Members and that is transparent and efficient in its operations, while remaining consistent to the purposes and principles of our founding Charter.

We believe that the priority should be to achieve balanced representation in the principal organs of the United Nations. The Security Council, as a particular example, requires reform in order to strengthen its legitimacy. Its composition must reflect the plurality and diversity of the membership of the United Nations, with due regard for the profound geopolitical changes in recent history.

The Kingdom of Swaziland reaffirms its full support for the African position on reform of the Security Council, namely, two permanent seats for Africa to be shared on a rotational basis, as well as three non-permanent seats, and a re-examination of the exercise of veto power.

It is a fact that the majority of Member States concur with this need for reform of the Security Council and that all agree on the urgency attached to the matter. Yet there has been very little progress made so far by the Open-ended Working Group established to address this vital issue. We are concerned at this lack of progress and would urge the Working Group to overcome whatever obstacles remain to a resolution that meets Members' demands for fairness and urgency.

Turning now to the question of the Millennium Assembly, to be convened next year, the Kingdom of Swaziland is encouraged by the emerging consensus among Member States on the need to articulate a vision for the international community in the year 2000.

We support the Secretary-General's theme of the United Nations in the twenty-first century and the proposed sub-topics for the Millennium Assembly. Of these, we believe the closely related sub-topics of peace and security, on the one hand, and development and poverty eradication, on the other, to be of the highest priority in the context of the overall theme.

Future global stability depends on the ability of national Governments to increase the momentum for economic development and their capacity to improve the delivery of job creation and essential social services, such as health and education.

We believe that poverty eradication can be achieved only through the promotion of an accelerated pace of growth and development in the developing countries. There can be no doubt that, to achieve this aim, we need the support of the rest of the international community, and this support can best be coordinated by the United Nations.

One key factor in the achievement of our aim of poverty eradication is the concept of the globalization and liberalization of the global economy. The conclusion of the Uruguay Round, on the one hand, promised to open up enormous trade opportunities in the sale and movement of goods and services, but on the other it threatened the fragile economies of those countries that had not achieved the state of preparation to take full advantage.

The continent of Africa, in particular, continues to face a multitude of problems as we struggle to settle into the new world order. Many of us are undertaking painful reforms of existing structures in order to respond to the demands of globalization and liberalization. The implementation of structural adjustment programmes, often on the instructions of the Bretton Woods institutions, is having a severely adverse impact on the social welfare of many African countries, with devastating effects on the quality of life of our people. We can see the result of these effects in many countries, where a decrease in expenditure on social programmes has led to heightened internal tension and instability.

Clearly, globalization and liberalization as concepts have much to recommend them. Undoubtedly, they hold the key to an economic future of equal opportunity for all countries. But we are saying that they need to take into account the unequal starting points of each country: that some are better prepared than others to take full advantage of the opportunities they offer and that many of us may well lose any hope of catching up. We are seeing the very sovereignty of countries being eroded by the power of multinational companies. True economic power is being held in fewer and fewer hands, and the developing countries are becoming further marginalized. Social problems increase as people lose jobs and capital and currency values are controlled elsewhere.

The developing countries cannot wish away globalization, but we would wish it to adopt a more human face, one that recognizes and makes allowances for the fundamental inequalities between the richer and the poorer nations of the world and makes concessions to allow us the opportunity to take full advantage of its opportunities in due course.

For our part in the Kingdom of Swaziland, we are aggressively pursuing political, economic, social and institutional reforms that will have a major impact on all aspects of national life, in accordance with the wishes and expectations of the Swazi people themselves.

This year, we launched the national development strategy, a people-driven vision for the long term, providing a planning framework for government action priorities for the next 25 years. The core aim of the strategy is to achieve a sustainable increase in the standard of living of all Swazis, with particular emphasis on eliminating poverty from our society. Our priority is to create the conditions for a vibrant economy and to increase our capacity to provide our people with a high level of human development.

This long-term blueprint has been used as the basis for two short- and medium-term programmes of action by the Government that are linked to timetables and are fully accountable for results.

The economic and social reform agenda is a performance management tool that identifies priority actions and keeps government performance under close, public scrutiny and the public sector management programme designed to improve service delivery and cost-effectiveness in the public sector. We believe that these initiatives, with the wishes of the people at their heart, will provide us with the right conditions in which to prosper and to achieve our human development objectives.

We have very much appreciated the support of the United Nations in formulating the strategy. The national development strategy should, from now on, form the priority target for all development support from United Nations agencies. We would wish the same from the international development finance institutions. We share the concern of many fellow Member States in the developing world that too often these institutions' target for support is not in tune with the wishes of the country involved and that the process of project design and approval is painfully slow. We look forward to working with the United Nations Development Programme and the international finance institutions to design projects that coincide with the wishes of our own people, and within a time-frame that meets our expectations of speedy implementation.

In 1996, the Kingdom of Swaziland embarked on a review of its Constitution with the establishment of a commission that was tasked with collecting the views of all Swazis on all aspects of the present Constitution. We have kept the General Assembly fully informed on the progress of this commission each year, and I am delighted to report that the people's recommendations on the Constitution will be presented to the nation at the end of this year. The process will then move forward to the drafting of these recommendations into a formal document that will be confirmed by the people themselves, before final ratification.

Throughout the process of constitutional review, we have been guided by the principle of involving all Swazis in the drafting of what will be the Kingdom's defining document. Consultation with our people on all important matters is a principle that we have followed throughout our history, and is one that has helped us to maintain the peace and stability with which we have always been blessed.

I have spoken at length about the efforts we in the Kingdom of Swaziland are making to improve the lives of our people. And yet, all our plans and all our good intentions are meaningless in the face of the danger that threatens to overwhelm our nation. I am referring, of course, to the HIV/AIDS crisis, which is already having a severe impact on the lives of many Swazi families and which undermines all our hopes for a future of prosperity and security for all our people. We are facing up to the fact that the Kingdom of Swaziland has one of the highest rates of HIV infection in the world, and our hospitals and clinics are stretched to the limit of capacity as a result. We are making every effort to halt the spread of the deadly disease. But it is an uphill struggle and involves us in bringing about a wholesale change in attitude and moral behaviour.

Our chief concern is to promote awareness of the danger and of the preventive measures available. Our resources are limited, and we need the continuing support of the international community in our efforts to reverse the downward trend. This appeal was repeatedly made at the recent Eleventh International Conference on AIDS and STDs in Africa held in Lusaka. We therefore join other Member States in a similar predicament in appealing to the United Nations to coordinate an international response to the crisis. The very future of our nation, and that of many others, depends on those with the technical and financial resources joining forces with us to stem the deadly tide.

In conclusion, I should like to take this opportunity to express the deep gratitude of Their Majesties, the Government and the whole Swazi nation, to the United Nations Development Programme and all its sister agencies, for the many programmes of assistance undertaken in the Kingdom of Swaziland since our independence.

We believe that the United Nations, as the one truly global development Organization, remains the only hope for overcoming the many complex challenges facing the world today. Despite the setbacks and obstacles to achieving our collective aims, there can be no doubt that the world would be a more troubled place without the combined efforts of all of us here.

The Kingdom of Swaziland therefore takes great pride in reaffirming its commitment to the principles and ideals contained in the United Nations Charter, and we ask Almighty God to watch over and guide us in the challenging times ahead for our Organization.

The President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Trinidad and Tobago, His Excellency The Honourable Ralph Maraj.

Mr. Maraj (Trinidad and Tobago)

I wish to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its final session of the twentieth century and would like to assure you of the fullest cooperation of the delegation of Trinidad and Tobago as you discharge the duties entrusted to you by the Member States of the United Nations. We would also like to commend your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the very capable and distinguished manner in which he guided the Assembly's work during its fifty-third session.

There is only one real purpose to government. It is to serve the people, to protect them and to improve the quality of their lives. In their enlightened self-interest, nations also come together to serve that end by trying to create a better world, one in which their own citizens can interact with others and benefit from relationships in the pursuit of their fulfilment. At both the national and global levels, the human being is supposed to be at the centre of the purpose, processes and policies of governance. It is the foundation of democratic civilization to create the conditions that give the individual the opportunity for fulfilment.

We need to assess our nations and our world in the light of that original intention as we approach the twenty-first century.

The present global picture proves that much went wrong during this century. The economic models of the century have failed to create economic and social justice. The central planning of Communism was disastrous, suffocating human development by stifling initiatives and freedoms and creating oppressive authoritarian regimes. The Big Government of the centre-left era was bungling and bureaucratic, killing entrepreneurial initiative and generating a dependency syndrome, and was imperfect in its delivery as the major social and economic actor. Now we are in the era of the market, of deregulation and borderlessness, and the question still is: what have we achieved?

At the turn of the century, we have 1.3 billion people in the category of the poor, earning less than $1 dollar per day. More than 880 million people lack access to health services, 2.6 billion people lack access to basic sanitation and 1.5 billion people are not expected to survive to age 60. The number of malnourished is 840 million people, nearly 20 per cent of whom are children. One of the most tragic situations as we approach the end of the century is that 70 per cent of the world's poor are women. From 1990 to 1997 the number of people infected with HIV/AIDS more than doubled, with the majority of victims in the developing world.

Ironically, in this much-heralded information age, 75 million people are estimated to be illiterate, with the majority also in the developing world. In addition to the problem of illiteracy, the education system in most developing countries is producing unskilled and unemployable young people.

Five billion of the world's 6 billion people live in the developing world, but most of the resources are concentrated in the developed countries. Twenty per cent of the world's richest countries share 86 per cent of the world's gross domestic product, 82 per cent of exports of goods and services and 68 per cent of foreign direct investment.

If there is any demonstration of the inequality that exists and how most human beings have been marginalized as we approach the end of the twentieth century, the following is a striking example: the assets of the three richest people are more than the combined gross national product of all of the least developed countries; the assets of the 200 richest people are more than the combined income of 41 per cent of the world's people; and a yearly contribution of 1 per cent of the wealth of the 200 richest people could provide universal access to primary education for all.

There is an even darker side to the picture. As we span the far reaches of history, and especially in this century, we see that very often the individual in society has been the victim of political and economic forces beyond his control. He has suffered the horrendous consequences of ethnic, cultural and religious intolerance. It is the individual and the family that have suffered the most from the devastating effects of wars, genocide and ethnic cleansing.

In our century alone, we have witnessed the tragedy of two world wars, which have resulted in the loss of a countless number of lives, the separation of families and the loss of hope for many. We have seen the untold human misery and pain of the Holocaust, the injustices and suffering of apartheid and the callousness of regimes which have unleashed acts of unspeakable horror on their citizens. Throughout this century, we have been shocked by news and television images of the harsh realities endured by the victims of such horrors in Europe, Cambodia, Rwanda, Bosnia and the former Yugoslavia, to name a few. And, sadly, we have realized that the very scientific and technological advances which were intended for the service of humanity can be turned to evil ends in the service of the destruction of humanity.

Nevertheless, in the midst of one of the darkest chapters of the twentieth century, there is hope in the fact that such evils have stirred the conscience of the international community to strengthen the rule of law, to address situations such as these and to ensure respect for fundamental human rights.

It is because of this recognition that we have today the most recent instrument, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This Statute is the result of a call made in 1989 by Mr. Arthur N.R. Robinson, President of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, for the international community to renew its focus on the question of the establishment of an international criminal jurisdiction to deal with these atrocities, and also with crimes associated with the illicit drug trade, all of which have such a heavy impact on a Government's ability to address the fundamental needs of its citizens.

In addition to the establishment of the International Criminal Court, there is hope in the fact that the United Nations has made advances in the area of human rights. We have seen the adoption of several instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which guarantee fundamental human rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. These reflect the commitments and obligations of the international community to improving the quality of life of the individual in the various sectors of society. But we must not pay lip-service to the principles enshrined in the international instruments that we have adopted; there is too much of a trend of paying lip-service. We need to take concrete action now.

Albert Camus, one of the distinguished writers of modern times noted that,

"Probably every generation sees itself as charged with remaking the world. Mine, however, knows that its task will not be merely to remake the world. Its task is even greater: to keep the world from destroying itself."

There is no doubt that the task in the new century is to save the world from self-destruction, and the question is, what type of economic arrangement will ensure that salvation? Surely it cannot be one in which the few feast at the table, leaving mere crumbs for the majority. No one can be insulated from the catastrophe inherent in such a situation. Disease, terrorism, the drug trade, human enslavement, child labour and ecological disaster will continue to be produced by a world bereft of economic and social justice. No fortress, whether economic or military, will be strong enough to insulate any country from the effects of such a situation. Some may not like it, and some tend to forget it; but it is one world that we live in, one globe that we share. We should take a lesson from nature itself, whose hot winds emanate from the Sahara in Africa, become hurricanes in their journey across the Atlantic and eventually devastate and desolate countries as far away as the Caribbean and North, Central and South America.

In this era of globalization, we have excellent opportunities to put in place new and innovative global structures that would make possible global solutions to ensure the social, economic and cultural security of the individual. The World Trade Organization (WTO) meeting in Seattle this year, the South Summit, the special sessions of the General Assembly to follow up of the World Summit for Social Development and the Fourth World Conference on Women and, indeed, the Millennium Assembly next year, provide ideal opportunities for the international community to respond to this coming crisis of mankind.

In the upcoming WTO Seattle meeting, it must be recognized that many of the measures which were supposed to be put in place in the new global trading system ushered in by the Uruguay Round have not been realized. Giving effect to those matters must therefore be the priority in any new round of WTO negotiations. In other words, implementation of commitments already made must be the emphasis.

In that process, we must recognize that a special category of States face peculiar disadvantages arising from the policy actions of the international community. These are the small and vulnerable States, of which the States of the Caribbean region make up a significant part. For these countries, the need to maintain the provisions for special and differential treatment in the present WTO Agreement is fundamental.

The liberalization of international trade under the WTO is a dynamic force for accelerating growth and development. The challenge for the next Ministerial Conference is to ensure resolute progress towards an open, free and fair international trading system in which benefits are equitably distributed. Developed countries must demonstrate an unequivocal commitment to opening their markets to exports of developing countries to enable them to achieve sustained levels of economic development. The disconnection between developments in the WTO and the development process at the national level in developing countries must be arrested. The rules-based system of the WTO, which aims to promote free and fair trade, must do just that. The idea of the level playing field, we must remember, is a dangerous myth, and if it is allowed to hold sway it will further the pauperization of hundreds of millions of people all over the world.

Policies developed and promoted by international financial and monetary institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) must have as their ultimate goal the transformation of societies aimed at achieving a higher degree of social equity and justice within the global economy. The World Bank and the IMF must apply a set of criteria broader than per capita income when considering finance and development assistance, in view of our susceptibility to external economic shocks and natural disasters.

We are heartened by the highly successful Commonwealth ministerial mission on small island States undertaken by the Heads of Government in July 1998, from which an agreement has been secured for the establishment of a Commonwealth/World Bank task force. The World Bank is now developing a strategy, which we hope will be approved by its board of Executive Directors, to reorient its assistance for small States on the basis of a strategic assessment of their vulnerability, constraints and needs. Other financial institutions and development institutions should adopt similar initiatives. The governance of the supranational global actors therefore has to be reinvented with human development and equity as imperatives.

A new global partnership of developing countries must be forged with the financial institutions and the developed world to place financing for development on a sound and predictable level. The economic foundation laid by the policy prescriptions of structural adjustment remains questionable in terms of their potential to generate and sustain long-term economic growth. The international financial architecture must therefore be compatible with and complementary to real development.

National Governments cannot be exonerated from their responsibilities. There are too many countries in the world whose major problem is the imperfections of their own Governments. Many who speak about marginalization are themselves alienating their own populations, and some who lament global poverty are themselves pauperizing their own citizens through their own inadequacies. We cannot call for a reformation without reforming ourselves. Do we all place our people at the centre of governance? Are we using our resources well and for the benefit of our populations who elected us to serve? We have a responsibility to re-invent our governance at home as part of the global transformation that we demand.

The key question that the Member States of the United Nations face in the twenty-first century is whether the United Nations will become an Organization that can deal effectively with all forms of injustices to humankind. We recall your words, Sir, in your opening statement to the current session of the General Assembly:

"The aspirations, hopes and expectations of the world's peoples are high as they anticipate the future. They yearn for a world that is peaceful, humane and prosperous for all. Without the United Nations, such an inclusive world, led by inspiring leaders, cannot come about." (A/54/PV.1)

Trinidad and Tobago is committed to working with other countries of the world through the United Nations to fashion a global civilization that would, in the final analysis, be its own salvation and protection. We believe that the struggle for economic and social justice must start with ourselves and that democracy in each country must be an ever-deepening process which eventually liberates every single individual from want and places him or her in a position to pursue his or her own fulfilment while respecting the rights of others.

For us in Trinidad and Tobago everyone matters; every life is precious. This is the approach with which we come to the United Nations. All nations are important to us because every life in every country is precious. Trinidad and Tobago believes that the United Nations must come to understand again that it has been made for people -- real people with flesh and blood and dreams; people who suffer pain and long for joy; people in cars on the street, in houses and hovels, in the cold or in sweltering heat, labouring in fields or offices, giving birth in hospitals and elsewhere; real people, Sir, who may never see you in that chair or me standing here, and if they do see us through the distance of television may be surprised and even disbelieve that we are doing this for them.

Is it not amazing how ritual and ceremony often become ends in themselves and either replace or obscure the real purpose? Trinidad and Tobago is heartened to sense that the United Nations is on a path of rediscovery of itself. It remains for us the only Organization where every individual may be represented and every voice heard, and where every opinion or idea could contend. Trinidad and Tobago pledges to work with others to take this Organization back to the people, to ensure that it works among them, in our collective efforts to save the world.

The President

Before I give the floor to the next speaker, I should like to inform delegations that we still have nine speakers remaining on the list for this morning. May I therefore again remind speakers that the General Assembly, in paragraph 21 of the annex to resolution 51/241, has indicated a voluntary guideline of up to 20 minutes for each statement in the general debate. I would like to appeal in earnest to speakers to make an extra effort in observing this 20 minute voluntary guideline so that we may conclude our work this morning in good time.

I now call on the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, His Excellency Mr. Abdullah Abdullah.

Mr. Abdullah (Afghanistan)

Allow me to join the speakers preceding me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as the President of the General Assembly at this session, the last of the present century. You surely are well versed in this high office through your experience with the United Nations, which will make of the centennial transition the launching platform for ever-more-fruitful future undertakings.

As we embark on the next century, the survival of the United Nations as an effective global institution comes into question. Can its role develop in the dawn of a new era? Or will it be more like a brilliant sunset? From the League of Nations to the United Nations, we have continuously pinned our hopes on the United Nations system, looking forward to a promising world ruled by law, governed by justice and blessed with peace.

However, the wide-ranging challenges -- from questions relating to the maintenance of international peace and security, the eradication of poverty, sustainable development, economic growth and social progress to globalization in meaningful terms -- all yet to be met and require firm resolve and certainly not mere rhetoric.

As crises continue to unfold throughout the world, we must ask, and answer, certain important questions. Why are threats to international peace and security variably defined and selectively determined from place to place? Why are State violators of the United Nations Charter and international law, including the principle of non-interference, not brought to justice? Why are the instigators of "ethnic cleansing" and the perpetrators of genocide and of crimes against humanity not checked? Why is the fight against terrorism and narcotics so limited? And finally, where and when will gender apartheid come to an end?

We are convinced that those challenges and crises can best be dealt with if the United Nations actively functions within a framework similar to that of a state system. In this context, the United Nations Charter serves as an explicit and clear reference outlining the rights and responsibilities, in their entirety, of the Member States.

The advent of the new millennium marks the closing of the twentieth century. This is a time for the United Nations to pause and assess the gains and losses, and the successes and setbacks, it has experienced since its founding. The United Nations cannot truly embark on the next millennium until it has conclusively addressed the unfinished items on its agenda and the many existing global threats. One item on -- and perhaps at the top of -- that agenda, though it is far from finalized, relates to Pakistani hegemonic actions and that country's collusion with Talibanism in our region.

The Pakistani-Taliban occupation of land in Afghanistan represents a clear breach of a fundamental principle of international law, namely, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. It is trans-border aggression. In addition, as the report of the Special Rapporteur (E/CN.4/1999/40), states in paragraph 18, the Taliban

"continue to pursue policies which are in conflict with international human rights standards by which Afghanistan is bound as a party to the major international human rights instruments."

Furthermore, the Taliban has committed repeated war crimes and crimes against humanity, including forced deportation; the forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of people; the separation of thousands of men from their families; the widespread burning and leveling of houses and entire villages; the systematic destruction of the agricultural base and the irrigation systems, resulting in the loss of crops due for harvesting; and the execution of a scorched-earth policy. This has been particularly true, on a massive scale, in the Shamali Plains, following the July 19 Tashkent meeting of the group of "six plus two", and just this week in Khoja Ghar, in north-eastern Afghanistan. Their policies of genocide, gender apartheid, trafficking of women and girls, "ethnic cleansing", religious and sectarian extermination, rigid interpretation of religion, and the pursuit of a military solution spell out the Taliban actions in Afghanistan. They persist in their extremist agenda and advocacy of terrorism. The increase in drug production and trafficking, the Talibanization of the region and their denunciation of the international community continue unabated.

In sum, over 50 per cent of the Afghan population has been placed under virtual house arrest, and the entire population remains terrorized by the Taliban. The international community is greatly disturbed and concerned by the ominous nature of the Taliban agenda.

The responsibility of the much-discussed yet unresolved turmoil in Afghanistan continues to lie with the Pakistani leadership. Pakistan remains a proponent of arm-twisting, both nuclear and conventional, in South Asia. Afghanistan's Pakistani-dictated position of subordination, through the Taliban, has long undermined the peace process. Pakistan remains implacably opposed to the formation of a fully representative, multi-ethnic government in Afghanistan, insisting that the Taliban not relinquish power but gain further control. To this end, inter alia, thousands of Pakistani military personnel, members of the paramilitary, former commissioned officers and thousands of recruits and "volunteers" from Pakistani religious schools have been trained and dispatched into Afghanistan for what has been called a "jihad".

The remarks made on 30 July 1999 by Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, head of the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan (UNSMA), regarding the presence of thousands of armed Pakistani nationals fighting alongside the Taliban, provide credible testimony.

In this context, perhaps the article by retired Brigadier Usman Khalid, published in the Pakistani daily The Frontier Post of 29 September 1999, just three days ago, best spells out the Pakistani security dilemma in the form of a bold confession. It states that

"the armed forces of Pakistan have been steadfast in playing their role in safeguarding the security of the country [Pakistan]. They have sought to safeguard the nuclear deterrent of Pakistan, resisted pressures to withdraw support from the mujahidin in Kashmir, and have been steadfast in their support to the Taliban in Afghanistan. All of these are of vital importance to Pakistan's security and survival."

In fact, it is the intervention of Pakistan in Afghanistan, its support for the Taliban and its attempts to justify the Taliban's defiance of the aspirations of the international community, including reprehensible attempts at Taliban recognition, which has eroded Pakistan's reputation, causing its political isolation throughout the world. Those who are aware of the Afghan situation and the Afghan resolve to resist any foreign rule continue to be perplexed and puzzled in the face of the Pakistani position.

However, despite Talibanism and Pakistan's massive military intervention in Afghanistan -- both of which represent obvious breaches of the United Nations Charter, international law and international humanitarian law -- we are delighted to note that the United Nations, following years of skepticism or illusory thinking, appears, perhaps for the first time and only since the open escalation of foreign military involvement in Afghanistan, to have developed an in-depth perception of the longstanding bitter reality of the Pakistani role, its intervention, and the Taliban agenda in Afghanistan.

Mr. Abdullah (Afghanistan)

Yet to our dismay, while this in-depth perception has been so long in developing, the plight of the Afghan nation has remained unresolved. It is doomed to the terrible predicament prevailing in many parts of Afghanistan: the inadmissible acquisition of territory by force and interference in its internal affairs. It is because of those fundamental questions that at the outset of my statement I raised the question of the survival of the United Nations as an effective global institution. Given its approach to Afghanistan, can we still put our hope in the United Nations system for the resolution of the Afghan crisis or other similar or dissimilar crises? It is our earnest conviction that the litmus test for United Nations survival will be its engagement, without any selectivity and in the framework of the State system, in the rigorous implementation and enforcement of its Charter.

Pakistan is blatantly breaching the United Nations Charter, which explicitly requires all Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, as well as numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolutions and other resolutions on terrorism and the use of mercenaries. The reports of the Secretary-General, his Special Envoy for Afghanistan and the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan clearly bring to light the bellicose, obstinate and intransigent attitude of the Taliban mercenaries.

In this context, the United Nations, acting through the Security Council, has a duty to maintain international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter. The Pakistani aggression, State-sponsored terrorism and other activities, which threaten the peace and security of the region and hamper regional development and cooperation, should be identified, condemned and dealt with by taking appropriate measures.

Furthermore, the Islamic State of Afghanistan earnestly expects the Security Council to consider the imposition of immediate sanctions against both the Taliban and their Pakistani mentors, in accordance with paragraph 15 of Security Council resolution 1214 (1998) of 8 December 1998 and in conformity with its responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations.

The United Nations is also expected to use its good offices to convince the Pakistani leadership, including its military intelligence wing, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), to steer its policy away from intervention in Afghanistan and towards non-intervention, so that we can move from a Pakistani-dictated position of subordination to a mutually dictated position of cooperation. The Pakistani ISI should no longer thwart peace initiatives. A first step in this regard would be the withdrawal from Afghanistan of all armed Pakistanis, whether military personnel or so-called religious volunteers. Pakistan should also put a halt to its direct assistance to the Taliban, ranging from military hardware and oil to expertise and tactical advice. Only under such pressure will the Taliban resume peace negotiations.

On the verge of the next millennium, the Islamic State of Afghanistan genuinely hopes that, with the resolution of the Afghan crisis, it will be able to serve as a factor for peace and stability in the region, promoting good-neighbourliness, mutual respect and cooperation and acting as a transit country for trade between all its neighbours, without any distinction or preference.

The United Nations is earnestly expected to step up its efforts in the Afghan peace process. In this respect, we greatly appreciate the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General and Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, his Special Envoy for Afghanistan. The Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes and fully supports the 19 July Tashkent Declaration of the Member States that make up the "six plus two" group, which it hopes will be fully observed.

Regrettably, the Taliban continue to voice their adamant opposition not only to the Tashkent Declaration but to all other peace initiatives. We sincerely welcome paragraph 2 of the report of the Secretary-General (A/54/378) of 21 September 1999, which states,

"it is noteworthy that only one week after the Tashkent meeting, the Taliban began a major offensive against the United Front in the Shomali plains, located to the north of Kabul."

Paragraph 3 further states,

"The Taliban insist that the UF [United Front] must embrace the Emirate system while the UF question the Taliban's popular mandate to make this demand."

Mindful of the principle that there should be a peaceful resolution of the conflict, the Islamic State of Afghanistan earnestly desires a broad-based, fully representative and multi-ethnic government in Afghanistan. The Islamic State of Afghanistan, which is struggling for sovereignty and the return of peace and normalcy through the institution of such a government, earnestly aspires to the resolution of fundamental issues such as the restoration of and full respect for human rights in Afghanistan, particularly the rights of women. Under the Taliban, women have now been reduced to a voiceless and invisible state of non-being, condemned to stay in their houses and stripped of their basic rights, even the rights to work and education, all of which is against the genuine tenets of Islam.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan welcomes the fact that the first year of the new millennium will be observed as the Year of Dialogue among Civilizations, as called for by the Islamic Republic of Iran, and we believe that it will prepare suitable ground for further understanding among the global family, thereby contributing to collective human civilization.

This century introduced a new paradigm based on collective security and international organizations, concerted approaches and international order, all based on the equal sovereignty of States. From the United Nations Charter to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the new paradigm has affected all corners of the world. As a troubled member of this global family, Afghanistan awaits a collective endeavour by the international community to deal with its problems, thereby helping the world, or at least a part of the world, to become a better place for humankind.

The Acting President

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova, His Excellency Mr. Nicolae Tabacaru.

Mr. Tabacaru (Moldova)

Let me join other delegations in congratulating Mr. Gurirab on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. His skill and experience will serve us well as he directs the vital work to be undertaken at this session. I should also like to take this opportunity to thank his predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his outstanding stewardship of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session.

The Government of the Republic of Moldova warmly welcomes the admission of the three new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, and the Kingdom of Tonga.

Since its admission to the United Nations in 1992, the Republic of Moldova has consistently been an active supporter of the world Organization. As a small country, we depend on the United Nations for our security and for our very existence. We want to see it further strengthened and the sphere of its activities expanded. We believe that in this emerging new international order, it is more necessary than ever that the United Nations be capable of fulfilling the role entrusted to it by the Charter, as the guarantor of peace, security and social justice throughout the world.

It is from that perspective that we evaluate the United Nations reform process launched by the Secretary-General; as we see it, reform means the rational adaptation of United Nations mechanisms to present and future needs. We owe the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, our gratitude and support for his reform proposals. Especially, we welcome the implementation of the Secretary-General's reform proposals aimed at fostering greater internal coordination, streamlining procedures and rationalizing the activities of the Organization. In this context, I would like to underline the positive results thus far achieved by the United Nations Development Group and the Executive Committee on Economic and Social Affairs. The preliminary application of the United Nations Development Assistance Framework in 18 pilot countries and more intense cooperation between Bretton Woods institutions and the United Nations are also producing promising results.

Integration within the United Nations system is also moving ahead at the country level. I can already see some encouraging results from the Republic of Moldova's "One country, one United Nations" policy. From this perspective, we believe also that the integration of United Nations representation at the country level will lead to substantive improvements and greater coherence in the relationship between the United Nations system and the host country. I take this opportunity to inform members that in the near future a United Nations common house will be officially inaugurated in the capital of our country, Chisinau.

I would like to mention in this context the substantial assistance provided by the United Nations to my country through the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) office in the Republic of Moldova. The activities carried out by the UNDP office contribute significantly to the ongoing reform process.

We believe that the diversification and deepening of collaboration among States has enhanced the development of regional and subregional cooperation as well. In fact, the Charter itself attaches great significance to regional organizations. Documents laying the foundations for collaboration between the United Nations and various regional organizations have been drawn up, in particular in recent years. General Assembly resolutions pertaining to cooperation between the United Nations on the one hand, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the League of Arab States and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on the other, are relevant from that point of view. Some regional organizations have acquired new areas of competence, including in the field of peace and security, and have become a trustworthy support for the United Nations in containing and eliminating local conflicts. For the near future, we may expect that additional regional organizations and groupings will be interested in setting up a cooperation framework with the United Nations, similar those that exist with other regional organizations. The Republic of Moldova supports that trend.

As a founding member of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization, and as the country which at the end of this month will assume the presidency of that organization, the Republic of Moldova welcomes the recent decision of the General Committee to include in the agenda of the fifty-fourth session an item concerning the granting of observer status in the General Assembly to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization. To this effect, the Republic of Moldova would very much appreciate it if Member States lent their valuable support to the granting of observer status in the Assembly to that organization.

We are fully aware of the fact that because of its outstanding role in dealing with world problems, the United Nations is confronted with a growing number of new threats to international security and stability. In this context, peacekeeping operations represent one of the world Organization's main instruments with which to stop conflicts in various parts of the world and to create favourable conditions for their political settlement. It is also obvious that in recent years the United Nations has nearly exhausted its ability to respond to the increasing number of requests for such operations. Under these circumstances, we support and encourage the trend towards involving regional organizations and arrangements, in cooperation with the United Nations, in the mitigation of certain conflicts. At the same time, we consider that peacekeeping operations should as a rule be undertaken under the auspices of the United Nations and in conformity with United Nations standards.

Statements made during the general debate have offered an eloquent perspective on the major challenges confronting the present-day system of international relations and on the role that international organizations, and primarily the United Nations, have to play in order to meet them. One of the most important issues spoken of in this context is the maintenance of peace, security and stability in various regions affected by crisis and internal conflict. Unfortunately, developments in those regions compel us to acknowledge the insoluble character of many such conflicts. These so-called frozen conflicts have a huge potential for destabilization and destruction. The Kosovo tragedy has clearly shown how they can degenerate if we do not succeed in working out timely long-lasting solutions. The Secretary-General is absolutely right when he stresses that a tragic irony of many of the crises that continue to go unnoticed and unchallenged today is that they could be dealt with by far less perilous acts of intervention than the one we witnessed recently in Yugoslavia.

At the same time, one of the main conclusions to be drawn from conflicts such as those in Kosovo and in Bosnia is that no single organization or State is capable of solving conflicts of such complexity and scale on its own.

The uniqueness of the United Nations is defined particularly by its capacity to efficiently mobilize the resources of the international community and to orchestrate its efforts in order to defuse and solve crisis and conflict situations. That unique potential has to be more actively and more efficiently used, particularly in relation to the internal conflicts confronted by some newly independent States. Since 1992, when the majority of the ex-Soviet republics became members of the United Nations, dozens of interventions concerning conflicts in these States, Moldova among them, have been spoken of in this Assembly. One of the main conclusions of those statements was that without more active involvement by the international community those conflicts will remain "frozen".

In this context, it bears mention that the United Nations, as well as other international bodies and individual States, have made an important contribution to ending the violence and military clashes and in bringing the parties involved to the negotiating table. Another positive result from the actions of the international community has been the parties' acceptance of the idea of resolving their differences through peaceful means.

For this reason, the Republic of Moldova, like other countries with similar problems in our own region, has continued to support more active involvement by the United Nations and regional organizations in managing the conflicts which they have faced for many years now. We think that the time is ripe to give more consideration to the question of how the root causes of those conflicts should be identified and dealt with. In this respect the United Nations can efficiently use its potential only through intensive cooperation and interaction with the European organizations and institutions, particularly OSCE. Through enhanced synergy and avoidance of duplication, and by using and maintaining consulting mechanisms at various levels and exchanging information about plans and activities between itself and those organizations, the United Nations can improve the situation in countries affected by internal conflicts.

However, there must be firm decisions about what action must be taken to ensure the implementation of the relevant resolutions and decisions adopted of the United Nations and the OSCE, the main international organizations involved in settling those conflicts. We believe that the General Assembly should evaluate the efficiency and effectiveness of cooperation between the United Nations and OSCE from this point of view also.

That I refer to the issue of conflicts in some detail is not incidental. The problem of the eastern region of the Republic of Moldova has been repeatedly described, from this rostrum, by representatives of my country. To my regret, I must inform of the Assembly that there has been no tangible progress towards a comprehensive settlement. Throughout the negotiations, we have sought to accomplish the purpose for which the Assembly was established: to replace mistrust and violent confrontation with dialogue and agreement between the parties to the conflict.

The Government of my country has shown more than once that it strongly advocates a peaceful resolution, through negotiations, of the conflict situation in Transnistria, in accordance with the norms and practice of international law and in collaboration with international organizations, primarily OSCE, and with the Russian Federation and Ukraine as mediators. Although it has made the spirit of compromise evident, the Government firmly believes that any proposal for a settlement must provide for territorial integrity to be maintained and for control over the territory of the whole country to be ensured.

Despite a reasonable compromise on the part of the constitutional authorities, separatist tendencies still persist. A number of documents -- elaborated with the active participation of OSCE and other mediators and signed by all parties involved -- are being interpreted unilaterally, and in a manner contrary to their meaning, by the Transnistrian leaders. Moreover, these leaders are trying to impose certain concepts that do not exist in law and territorial practice and are contrary to the principle of territorial integrity. Here I refer to am referring to the concept of "common State," which has very frequently been imposed in discussions to define relations between the central and local authorities in certain conflict zones. We consider this concept dangerous due as it attempts to distort the notion of statehood and State sovereignty and provide a legal framework for the ideology of aggressive separatism. I believe that the United Nations and other international organizations will also find this concept both inadequate and counter-productive as a means of resolving internal conflicts.

In Transnistria, we are striving for a rapid and definitive solution and a return to stability, and a return also to respect for human rights, which continue to be violated in this region. The case of the Ilascu group, and violation of fundamental human rights and freedoms it represents are eloquent in this respect.

We consider it imperative for international efforts to solve the current crisis situations, most of which have separatism as their main cause, to be strengthened. In this connection, I would mention that we fully share the views expressed earlier by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation concerning aggressive separatism. Indeed, the international community and, first of all, the United Nations should decisively suppress any manifestations of separatism and rigorously and consistently defend the principles of sovereignty, integrity and the inviolability of national frontiers. To this end, the complete eradication of outside encouragement and support for separatist forces is most certainly necessary.

Another aspect of the Transnistrian problem is military: this zone is famously overmilitarized, which has very negatively affected the settlement process. Thousands of tons of shells and armaments -- both accounted for and unaccounted for, and including equipment limited by the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty -- are stationed there. This military presence is in evident contradiction to the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, which declared the State's neutrality and that foreign troops are not admissible in our country.

Another premise for accelerating the settlement process is, would undoubtedly be the immediate, complete, unconditional and orderly withdrawal of foreign troops, as stipulated in OSCE summit decisions required by the CFE Treaty, the keystone of European security and may on no account be violated.

I hope that, together with our partners and the relevant international organizations, we can establish, very soon, an effective mechanism and detailed schedule for the takeover, destruction or removal of the foreign military arsenal from Republic of Moldova territory. I express my gratitude for the political support and, especially, for the financial assistance provided by many United Nations Member States for the withdrawal or elimination of those arsenals.

I voice our hope that the proceedings of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session will be conducted in a spirit of solidarity and with a realistic and constructive approach to the complex issues confronting the contemporary world at the end of this millennium. The delegation of the Republic of Moldova is committed to contributing, alongside other Member States, to the fulfilment of the lofty goals of the United Nations.

The Acting President

I next call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Comoros, His Excellency Mr. Souef Mohamed El-Amine.

Mr. El-Amine (Comoros)

It is an honour and a pleasure for me to take the floor once again before this Assembly. At the outset I would like to congratulate the President on his brilliant election to lead our work at this session. His election is an unparalleled tribute to all of Africa and particularly to his fraternal country, Namibia, which today sees one of its sons presiding over the destinies of this fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that his qualities as an eminent diplomat and his great experience guarantee the success of our work.

I would also like to take this opportunity to pay glowing tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti, for the devotion and the ability with which he conducted the previous session.

At the same time, allow me to express appreciation for the full value of the efforts deployed by our Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, in the service of our Organization. The evidence he gives of an untiring will and of constant dedication to the human cause, especially in the field of peace, deserve saluting, and I would like to express all of our gratitude to him.

At the same time, I would like to wholeheartedly welcome the delegations of the Republics of Kiribati and Nauru and of the Kingdom of Tonga, and to express to all of them our congratulations on their having been admitted to the great family of the United Nations.

The time has come to assess the century that is coming to a close and to see together how we are going to face the challenges of the next millennium -- a millennium that we hope will be one of peace and prosperity, bringing hope to our peoples and our countries. This is the wish of the Comorien people for all the nations of the world. But how can we realize this wish?

Our Organization offers the best framework for facing the challenges of the third millennium, but it will need to be supported by a more active commitment on our part, a greater willingness to face problems and a real will to deal with them -- without excessive fervour or uncertainty -- and to resolve them rationally. With such will we can achieve the objectives of the founders of our Organization in the field of peace, justice and progress.

Achieving a disarmed world, which will at the same time guarantee peace, social justice and progress, is the fundamental purpose of our Organization. In addition, we all hoped that the 1990s would be the decade of peace and solidarity among nations, because certain positive aspects led us to expect this. The various day-to-day realities we have experienced unfortunately are reviving our fears that the next millennium will begin in uncertainty about the future of humanity.

In fact, the wars that are tearing our continents apart, the grave violations of human rights, the extreme poverty to which many peoples have been reduced and which reveals the enormous disparities between the social strata, and the recent tragedies such as that in Kosovo make us fear the worst and require us to be more vigilant. Our Organization, the efforts of which we salute, must persevere in the search for solutions for eliminating the major and various problems besetting the world today.

Human rights has always been an essential concern of our Organization. Thus, how can we not deplore that, at the threshold of the next millennium, humanity is still witnessing flagrant violations of fundamental rights. It is because of this major concern that I would like to salute here the efforts to establish an international criminal court, which, I am certain, will contribute to greater justice. We hope that this court, once it becomes operational, will enjoy all the necessary independence to carry out its functions fully and effectively and to apply the fundamental principles of humanitarian law.

With regard to economic issues, we must agree that economic recovery is not yet in sight for many countries, especially those suffering from armed conflicts. Certainly many agreements emerging from international meetings have highlighted the special attention that must be paid to the problems of developing countries. But we must insist further on this and demand that genuine solidarity with these countries be shown. Through such solidarity positive action could be mobilized.

With regard to Africa, in general it continues to be marked by several things. First, its external debt has become a major obstacle to development, especially because financial flows are often used for debt servicing rather than for promoting the expansion of the economy and sustainable development. Also, the level of debt has discouraged domestic and foreign investment. Secondly, the continent is heavily scarred by wars which have sharply checked development. Thirdly, global trade practices have reduced the commercial prospects of the continent. Fourthly, the continent is to some extent excluded from the global information revolution. In Africa the basic education system is generally the most limited, the effects of poverty are extreme, and the health system needs reforming.

To create the necessary conditions to solve these different problems which are hampering the development of our African countries, national, regional and international initiatives must be undertaken, encouraged and supported by the international community. A genuine partnership among African countries must be the basis for solid and effective cooperation that allows these countries to share their experiences and promotes the rapid integration of regional economies.

In the context of this need for South-South cooperation, my country welcomed most favourably the holding of the special summit in Sirte, which revealed once again the solidarity of African States and their support for Libya, a brother country. We believe that the conditions are now in place for the total and final lifting of the embargo imposed on that country. The summit also put in place new rules to improve the structures of the Organization of African Unity, with a view to an effective union of its countries through the strengthening of security and cooperation arrangements. In this regard the Sirte summit continues to serve as a point of reference, and we hope its objectives will be achieved.

I also take this opportunity to express our thanks to the Government of Libya for the generosity it showed to certain African countries, allowing them to honour their commitments to the pan-African organization.

Moreover, the international community, especially the international financial institutions, must support these national and regional efforts by facilitating their access to markets and investments, reducing debt constraints and allowing developing countries to benefit from new trade agreements.

Like all developing countries, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros also faces enormous difficulties. The regrettable events that have unfolded there since March 1997 have further weakened an economy that was already in decline and beset by considerable deficits in public finance; a chronic deficit in the balance of payments; a large foreign debt; and strong competition for export resources by synthetic products.

This situation is of great concern to the Government which I have the honour to represent. It is firmly engaged in a process of development through the establishment of solid bases for the rule of law and the adoption of a policy of rehabilitation and economic and political recovery through the strict management of public finances and the promotion of morality in administrative practices and political customs. This rehabilitation policy should allow the State to fulfil its priority domestic commitments domestically and to honour its commitments to its foreign partners.

In addition, other objectives to complement this good governance policy are being considered by the current Government. They include respect for human rights; the improvement of social policies and hence of the efficacy of health and education services for all; the protection of children and women; the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child; the advancement and mainstreaming of women; guaranteed autonomy for the judiciary; freedom of the press; and so on.

To encourage private investment and promote the introduction of new technology and foreign capital, opportunities have been opened to domestic and foreign investors by suppressing constraints on approvals of foreign investments.

Furthermore, aware of the enormous contribution South-South cooperation makes to development by offering the opportunity to exploit the economic prosperity of other regions, the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros must respond to the two-fold necessity of participating fully in the globalization process and of steadfastly prospering in its own regional and subregional environment. That is why it is striving further to consolidate its participation in the Indian Ocean Commission and planning to join other groups of the region. These endeavours, undertaken since the accession to power of the current Government, may well be insufficient, but they constitute a serious and essential foundation, and a guarantee of in-depth reform.

Mr. El-Amine (Comoros) --> -->

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