General Assembly Session 54 meeting 19

The President

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Mozambique.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Mozambique, His Excellency Mr. Joaquim Alberto Chissano, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Chissano (Mozambique)

On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I wish to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, most sincerely on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Your election to this high office is a matter of honour to all Africans and to the United Nations family, for you represent a nation whose plight remained on the agenda of this Organization for many years. The attainment of the independence of Namibia, the last stronghold of colonialism in the African continent, and the subsequent political, economic and social developments that have occurred in the last few years, have indeed paved the way for the consolidation of the process of political integration of southern Africa. We wish you well in your new responsibilities, and are confident that this body will be well served in the months ahead. We shall cooperate with you in every way we can.

A well-deserved tribute is also due to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the exemplary manner in which he spearheaded the proceedings of the Organization during the last session.

I would also like to express my high regard to the Secretary-General for his continued commitment to international peace and security and for his leadership in dealing with an ever-increasing array of challenges worldwide. I wish to encourage him to continue on this positive path.

My Government welcomes the recent admission to the membership of the United Nations of the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. We are certain that the new Members will further enhance the universal nature of our Organization.

I have come to the General Assembly first as a messenger of a people -- the Mozambican people -- who have embarked on a long process of political, economic and social stabilization, following years of instability. The process of consolidating Mozambique's young, multiparty democracy is making steady progress. Step by step, our country is returning to normalcy, though we are conscious of the hurdles still ahead.

We are currently preparing for the second multiparty presidential and parliamentary elections, to be held on 3 and 4 December 1999. Periodic genuine elections constitute an important political exercise, which my Government and I are committed to pursuing vigorously with a view to ensuring lasting peace and stability in Mozambique.

In the past five years of pluralistic democracy we have registered important advances in the consolidation of nation-building through collective efforts involving all layers of society. Taking advantage of its diversity and vitality, our Parliament has held fruitful discussion, which resulted in the adoption of new laws that are contributing positively to the revitalization of political, economic and social institutions as well as to the consolidation of peace and democracy.

More important, this forum has contributed to the creation among parliamentarians of a new vision and understanding of the facts about our country and a vision of a united nation pursuing peace, progress and prosperity for all Mozambicans, thus consolidating national reconciliation. The period under review has equally witnessed significant economic and social progress. We are proud that this has been highlighted and commended by well-advised outside observers and by many of the most respected organizations and institutions as a good example of commitment to implement economic reforms.

The Mozambican economy has grown at encouraging rates, resulting in the allocation of an increased share of the national budget to the social sectors. The whole network of schools and health facilities destroyed during the years of destabilization has been rebuilt, and most roads and bridges are under rehabilitation.

My Government has succeeded in creating a more enabling environment for private investment by redefining its role as facilitator. We have identified and established special incentive schemes in various areas with higher potential for development. These incentives are aimed at bringing new investments to a number of areas in order to develop internationally competitive economic zones, create employment opportunities and promote sustainable economic growth. They are also intended to bring about balanced development of the whole country, bearing in mind that some areas were neglected during colonial times.

The streamlining of investment procedures, coupled with political stability, has contributed to the attraction of large investments such as the Maputo Development Corridor project. The concept of development corridors is an initiative regarded as the cornerstone of the regional integration strategy involving the countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Other transfrontier and national programmes in partnership with other countries of the region play a major role in this process. These include strategic projects such as the $1.3-billion Mozal aluminium smelter plant to be completed within one year and the projected $2-billion Maputo iron and steel plant; both are part of the Maputo Development Corridor project. The construction of another $600-million iron and steel plant and the construction of a new port in Savane are envisaged as part of the Beira Corridor. Gas projects in the southern and central regions of Mozambique, as well as sugar plants and tourism, are other undertakings of great importance being developed in Mozambique with the participation of other SADC countries.

The ambitious plan for the development of integrated programmes and projects in the Zambezi river basin, an extensive and potentially rich part of Mozambique, include the construction of a big hydroelectric dam at M'panda M'kua. The Zambezi valley covers more than 200,000 square kilometres, nearly one third of our national territory, and is endowed with a variety of resources of strategic importance, which we intend to develop in order to bring about sustainable development for our country and for the SADC region. The Cabora Bassa dam is already supplying electricity to Zimbabwe and to South Africa.

Mozambique will thus be in a position to use its geostrategic location to make a greater contribution towards the integrated development of the southern African region; this is one of the building blocks of continental integration.

We believe that cooperative interaction involving various segments of society, including the private sector, is the key to the promotion of sustainable development through a smart partnership in which all stakeholders will benefit.

I come to this Assembly also as a messenger of the peoples of southern Africa, a region striving to develop as a community of nations and peoples at peace with itself and with others and working towards balanced and integrated development. Last month, the people and the Government of Mozambique were honoured to host the nineteenth Summit of Heads of State or Government of our community, the Southern African Development Community. The Maputo Summit was held on the theme "SADC in the next millennium: working together for peace, progress and prosperity". It brought together heads of State or Government and other high-ranking representatives of all its 14 member States and, as guests, the heads of State of Nigeria, Uganda and Rwanda, the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa, as well as other dignitaries representing a variety of other regional and international organizations.

In reviewing the progress made over the previous 12 months, the Summit noted with satisfaction that the economies of the Community continued to grow at in average rate of 3 per cent, thanks to sound macroeconomic policies implemented by member States and to the harmonization and coordination of activities towards economic integration. However, in order to eradicate poverty, the region needs to grow at an average rate of 6 per cent per year. To achieve this objective we need to mobilize more regional resources as well as to consolidate an enabling environment to increase the share of foreign direct investment. We have once again resolved to commit ourselves to ensure that all of our countries and peoples can benefit as they must from the globalization process. To that end, efforts will continue to be made to consolidate peace throughout the region, to harmonize sectoral policies and to implement sound economic policies.

During the Maputo Summit, the heads of State and Government signed three important documents: on wildlife, on health and on productivity. They welcomed the recent entry into force of the SADC Protocols on Shared Watercourse Systems, on Energy, on Transport, Communications and Meteorology, and on Combating Illicit Drug Trafficking, and the charter of the Regional Tourism Organization of Southern Africa. The entry into force of the Trade Protocol on 1 January 2000 will bring additional opportunities and challenges to our region, and will enhance the programme initiated a few years ago with the entry into force of other protocols. All these legal instruments are, indeed, important steps towards regional integration leading to a better future.

In southern Africa, HIV/AIDS is spreading at an alarming rate. Governments in the SADC region, aware of the far-reaching negative consequences, are seeking collective and individual strategies to counter the spread of AIDS. In Lusaka, Zambia, we met at a regional level to look into advisable approaches that can enhance awareness within each country and to consider measures that can help Governments to mobilize financial and human resources to face this global threat. We have no choice: either we stop the spread of AIDS or we risk putting the viability of our societies at stake, because in our region the most qualified people are the ones at high risk.

This scenario foretells our future. Our economic, social and political development will remain on the horizon, and the structures of our societies will be seriously undermined, unless effective, concrete steps are taken. In this context, my Government very recently adopted a national strategy against HIV/AIDS.

The resolution on cooperation between SADC and the United Nations to be adopted this year must reflect the positive progress that has taken place within SADC, and stress the importance of greater interaction with the United Nations in all fields of common interest. At the same time, our Community -- which is built on democratic principles, equitable and sustainable development, improved living standards of citizens, free movement of factors of production, goods and services -- remains equally committed to strengthening its relationship with other regional organizations.

The search for a durable peace is still a constant objective of the region. It is for this reason that we welcome the progress made in the settlement of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The signing of the agreement by all parties opens a new era for the region and beyond. What is required now is for the international community, particularly the United Nations, to meet its responsibilities by sending, as expeditiously as possible, peacekeeping forces with an appropriate mandate and adequate resources, under Chapter VII of the Charter, for the achievement of lasting peace and stability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

We hope that the progress to which I have referred to above will make a positive impact on the Angolan conflict. The people of Angola must be given the opportunity to live in peace and harmony. The international community has a moral and political obligation to assist the Angolans to reverse the humanitarian tragedy which is unfolding in vast areas of their territory. At the same time, the international community, while supporting the Government of Angola in restoring peace and stability in that country, must call on Mr. Savimbi to abandon his aggressive and irresponsible action. In particular, the Security Council sanctions imposed on UNITA must be fully observed, in order to prevent further suffering in that SADC country. In this context, we salute the positive work already done by Ambassador Robert Fowler, Chairman of the Security Council sanctions committee, and we encourage him to continue with his work.

This is our vision of the future of Mozambique as an individual country and also that of SADC as a whole.

The recurrence of conflicts in Africa has exacerbated the plight of children as the main victims. The recent Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit, held in Algiers, echoing the recommendations of the African Conference on the Use of Children as Soldiers, held in Maputo in April this year, adopted a resolution calling, inter alia, for the elaboration of an international convention outlawing the use of children under 18 years of age in armed conflicts. We urge all members of the United Nations to adhere to and support this initiative, which, in our view, must be associated with all other rights of the child.

We believe that the implementation of that OAU resolution, together with the concept of "children as zone of peace" would constitute a valuable contribution to the protection of children. In this regard, I commend the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Children and Armed Conflict and non-governmental organizations for their relentless efforts to promote and ensure respect for the rights of the child.

Moreover, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, together with transnational crimes such as money laundering and drug trafficking, constitute major sources of instability for many countries, including my own. We in southern Africa are undertaking a coordinated action with a view to addressing these challenges and bringing about peace and stability.

In May this year Maputo hosted the First Meeting of States parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on their Destruction. The Maputo Meeting was held when thousands of innocent civilians were being maimed in many parts of the world, including my own country. The Meeting adopted a Declaration calling upon us to rededicate ourselves in the struggle against these insidious weapons, in fulfilment of our obligations under the Ottawa Convention. More important, the Maputo Meeting offered a unique opportunity to remind the international community of the need to meet the targets set by the Convention. In four years we must destroy all anti-personnel mines in warehouses, and in ten years we must complete the demining process in affected countries.

As we concluded in Maputo, these targets are non-negotiable. What is negotiable is the ways and means for the attainment of these objectives. We therefore call upon all States and organizations in a position to do so to ensure that these goals are met. Failure to reach these goals would undermine the credibility of the international community and, above all, the universalization of the Convention. It is our earnest hope that the General Assembly will give additional impetus to the momentum created by the adoption of the Maputo Declaration.

We in southern Africa are disturbed about the low levels of foreign direct investment in Africa. We are deeply concerned about recent evidence presented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) showing a drastic reduction in official development assistance, in particular for Africa. More worrisome is the fact that the target of 0.7 per cent in official development assistance has never been entirely met, and, on the contrary, it has reached only one third of the established target.

Lack of adequate funding has contributed to poor realization of the goals set by major international conferences, including those contained in the Cairo Programme of Action, which was reviewed during the recently held twenty-first special session of the General Assembly on population and development.

Without political will there will be no sustainable development in the global economy, and the risk of the further marginalization of developing countries, with all of its negative consequences, will remain high.

In addition, the issue of external indebtedness continues to be the single most important obstacle to the development of many countries, particularly in Africa. Efforts must be made to ensure that the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative is accessible to the countries in need.

As I speak on this issue, I must once again thank the international community for the assistance rendered to Mozambique under this Initiative, as of last June. The fact of the matter, however, is that our debt burden continues to undermine our efforts to achieve sustainable development. We believe it is high time for the international community to start writing off the external debt of those countries that have made visible and sustainable progress in the implementation of tough structural adjustment measures and political reforms. Such a course of action would undoubtedly provide more incentives for other countries to undertake these measures and to redirect resources to the social sectors, in particular for the provision of water and better education and to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic.

My Government wishes to commend the 5 May Agreement signed by the Governments of Indonesia, Portugal and United Nations which culminated in the holding of a referendum in East Timor. We salute the people of East Timor for the exemplary and orderly manner in which they participated in the referendum and for the clear and unequivocal way in which they decided for independence. We are deeply saddened and gravely concerned over the tragic developments that have followed the announcement of the results of the referendum. We are particularly distressed over the fact that massacres against innocent civilians and indiscriminate destruction of property have occurred, largely due to the failure by Indonesia to secure order and by the international community to act expeditiously.

The fact that the East Timor tragedy occurred when similar situations had been prevented not long ago leads us to believe in the existence of passivity and selectivity in dealing with issues that undermine international peace and security. We nevertheless commend the decision taken by the Security Council to send a mission to Jakarta and Dili and the subsequent actions taken with the cooperation of the Government of Indonesia.

Along with restoring peace and stability, efforts must be made to provide a speedy humanitarian response to assist the people who were displaced or became refugees as a result of the unprecedented levels of violence we have witnessed in that territory. The tragedy in East Timor underlines the importance of translating into deeds the relevant recommendations contained in the "Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on the protection of civilians in armed conflict".

Mozambique has given its modest contribution to the United Nations Mission in East Timor and stands ready to continue to play a role in future efforts of the international community.

On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I wish to seize this opportunity to convey our deepest sympathy to those who have lost their loved ones. It is our hope that their suffering will not be in vain, and that the United Nations and all parties will ensure the early implementation of the results of the referendum.

The issue of East Timor reminds us of other people who are striving for self-determination. We are encouraged by the latest positive developments that have taken place in the Middle East. They confirm that, with the necessary political will, taking into account the interests of all parties to the conflict, peace is possible in that region. Our task is to help the Palestinians and the Israelis take maximum advantage of the momentum that has been created as a result of the signing of the Sharm el-Sheik Memorandum, on 4 September 1999, following the deadlock in the implementation of the Wye River Memorandum of 23 October 1998. Success in the implementation of the current Memorandum depends on strict observance of the principle of land for peace.

Recent incidents along the common border between India and Pakistan are a source of great concern to all peace-loving countries. We call upon both Governments to exercise maximum restraint and to refrain from taking actions that might jeopardize further the already volatile situation along their common border.

It is our earnest hope that the United Nations intervention in Kosovo will bring lasting peace and stability to that territory and the region. To this end Mozambique is contributing with a small team of police officers.

We equally hope that now that the Lockerbie issue is in the hands of justice, the Security Council will honour its undertakings by lifting the sanctions on Libya. Both the final settlement of this issue and the holding of a referendum in Western Sahara will have a positive impact on the development of Africa.

We are at the threshold of the next century, and the challenges ahead are enormous. They require stronger commitment and greater international cooperation. In this connection, we wish to commend the Secretary-General for organizing the Millennium Assembly and the millennium summit for the year 2000. Indeed, there could be no better way to inaugurate the new era than by assembling all world leaders to reflect on the strategies and policies that will govern our planet in the next millennium. Whatever themes we choose to debate, they should include the promotion of a culture of peace within nations, regions and throughout the world, for this will allow the realization of all other objectives, in particular the eradication of poverty, promotion of development, protection of human rights and meeting the challenges of globalization.

It is therefore our hope that the forthcoming historic gatherings will signal the beginning of the crystallization of the process of building a better and safer world by producing meaningful strategies, actions and policies that will guide the United Nations of tomorrow. We agree that these high-level events should not result merely in the adoption of declarations that cannot be translated into concrete actions for both the United Nations and Governments.

We should therefore aim at pragmatic, action-oriented and implementable decisions. Then, and only then, shall we meet the aspirations of the founding fathers of our universal Organization.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Mozambique for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, His Excellency The Honourable Bartholomew Ulufa'alu, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Ulufu'alu (Solomon Islands)

Let me express my sincere congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Under your leadership, I am confident the Assembly will effectively address the issues before it.

My Government salutes the Secretary-General, the Secretariat and the United Nations agencies for their dedication and commitment to building peace and confidence around the world. The Solomon Islands also applauds the Secretary-General's programme of modernization and revitalization of the Organization, aimed at creating a more effective United Nations to better serve the development needs of its Members, thus ensuring peace and security in the twenty-first century. My country will be a committed partner in achieving this goal in the new millennium.

The Government and people of the Solomon Islands warmly welcome the admission of our sister nations -- the Republic of Nauru, the Republic of Kiribati and the Kingdom of Tonga -- as new Members of the United Nations. This makes the principle of universality, as stipulated by the United Nations Charter, a near reality. It is also further testimony that the United Nations is indispensable. Its body of international laws is central to the protection and security of our small island States.

While there have been important successes for the international community, peace and development in many parts of the world remain precarious. The past decade has witnessed the increase in the world's illicit drug problem and its related crimes, terrorism, large-scale movement and trade in small arms and the proliferation of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. Equally alarming is the rise in local and regional conflicts in various parts of the world and the threat they pose to national and international peace, stability and advancement. Poverty, meanwhile, remains a major obstacle to the economic progress of many developing countries, especially the least developed. In addition, the economic threats associated with globalization and trade liberalization have increased in recent years.

For small island developing States like the Solomon Islands, post-cold-war security now embraces human, environmental and economic dimensions. The most important asset of any country is its people. In a small island developing State like mine, investment in human-resource development is not only vital, but a critical prerequisite to embracing national peace, stability and economic prosperity.

In this connection, the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, as reiterated by many representatives at the special session earlier this week, remains a valid blueprint for the sustainable development of small island developing States, including my country. The environmental and economic vulnerabilities of small island developing States present major difficulties to our efforts to achieve sustainable development. Climate change and sea-level rise are matters of survival for the small island developing States. Annex I parties must fulfil their commitment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

The increasing incidence and magnitude of natural disasters are particularly alarming. On the other hand, the overall decline in official development assistance flows, the erosion of trade preferences, falling primary commodity prices and limited market access could severely harm our small and fragile economies. Hence, greater international support is required for the successful implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action in the future.

My Government recognizes the importance of good governance to advance human development and to promote sustained economic growth. We are taking measures towards this end. The call for good governance, however, must be accompanied by the necessary resources and the creation of an enabling regional and international environment.

Allow me to outline the views and some of the steps taken by my Government to address some of the aforementioned issues, including our efforts to create and strengthen accountable administrative and financial institutions, as well as the appropriate policies and legislation.

When my Government assumed office in September 1997, we were confronted with a major financial crisis in the public sector. The domestic financial system was overburdened with public debt, which the Government was unable to service. Additionally, the Asian financial crisis in late 1997 further deepened the crisis in the domestic economy. The public service was unable to deliver goods and services effectively and efficiently. The private sector became stagnant. This state of affairs demanded an urgent overhaul of the public sector and the need to create a vibrant private sector. Short-term, medium-term and long-term measures had to be taken.

Thus, my Government responded with a series of policy statements committing itself to a broad-based programme of policy and structural reforms. The overall goals of the policy and structural-reform programme are to foster financial and macroeconomic stability, to establish a more effective and efficient public service and to create an environment for the private sector that is conducive to viable growth and sustainability.

It is obvious that, although we have the primary responsibility to implement our reform initiatives, we cannot do it alone. The experiences of small economies that have undertaken similar reforms indicate that such reforms can be accelerated by access to capital -- often grant in aid -- technical assistance, technology transfers, assured markets for primary commodities and links to new market locations. Therefore, the political will that my Government has demonstrated has to be supplemented by significant international support if we are to fulfil the aspirations of our people.

I am grateful to our bilateral and multilateral development partners for the positive response they have shown so far towards our reform initiatives. Additional assistance will be required to implement, in particular, our medium-term development strategy and our public sector investment programme.

Peace and development are mutually interdependent. In this connection, the current insurgency on the island of Guadalcanal is a big set-back to our development efforts. It has already affected various sectors of the economy and caused the displacement of more than 30,000 people. While the crisis may not be comparable to major conflicts in other parts of the world, its net result in human loss and suffering is relative. This crisis has to be understood in the context of our smallness, our limited resources, our ethnic and cultural diversity and our history. The Solomon Islands, with a population of 400,000, has more than 80 different languages. Thus, if the insurgency is left to escalate, it could seriously threaten national peace and security.

My Government is, therefore, firmly committed to an early resolution of the conflict. The engagement of the Commonwealth special envoy is a preventive measure to bring about reconciliation between the parties concerned. I wish to acknowledge the assistance of the Commonwealth Secretariat in this regard. Three agreements to settle the crisis have been reached. We are working very hard to ensure their implementation.

I am also grateful for the prompt response of the United Nations Secretary-General to my request for a United Nations mission to assess the humanitarian aspects of the crisis. My Government is committed to working closely with the appropriate United Nations agencies to implement the recommendations of that mission. We also appreciate the humanitarian assistance of our development partners, including the Red Cross, to the displaced population. My Government is fully aware of the need to pursue the necessary policies and programmes for nation-building through the creation of long-term development strategies that promote social cohesion and national unity.

My Government attaches great importance to regional cooperation, security and development. The political, economic and environmental regional organizations in our region, including the South Pacific Forum, the South Pacific Environmental Programme, the Pacific Community, the South Pacific Forum Fisheries Agency and the South Pacific Geoscience Commission, provide vital mechanisms for policy advice and action on issues of regional concern and interest, especially in the areas of the environment, population, fisheries resources management and vulnerability index. The Solomon Islands has benefited from their contributions and thus will continue to support and actively participate in their activities. The thirtieth South Pacific Forum meeting, to be held in Palau next week, provides an opportunity for us to discuss how best to strengthen regional cooperation in order to effectively cope with the challenges of the new millennium and to harness the opportunities it will bring.

Furthermore, my Government will continue to support the efforts of the Government of Papua New Guinea to rebuild peace and confidence on Bougainville. We also note the contributions of other South Pacific neighbours and of the United Nations in this process.

The Solomon Islands further welcomes the progress made in the last decade in the decolonization process in New Caledonia. We reiterate our support for the aspirations of the Kanaks of New Caledonia to attain self-government and political independence. The process towards self-determination for other remaining non-self-governing territories, including Guam and French Polynesia, must also be facilitated. The United Nations is well placed to continue to facilitate this process.

My Government is concerned about the deterioration of law and order in East Timor following the referendum on self-determination. The parties concerned must now honour the outcome of the referendum. Violence must not be used to deny the choice that was made by the overwhelming majority: the chance to move forward. The Solomon Islands appreciates the leading role of Australia and New Zealand in the international peacekeeping mission in East Timor.

At this juncture, let me renew the support of the Solomon Islands for the appeal of the 22 million people of the Republic of China on Taiwan to be represented in the United Nations and its related organizations. Taiwan is capable of and willing to fulfil the obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations. Its outstanding economic success has enabled it to play a positive role in promoting world trade and in eradicating poverty. It has rendered development assistance, including technical training and technology transfer, to developing countries, including my own. It has responded to United Nations appeals for emergency relief and rehabilitation assistance to countries that have suffered from natural disasters and wars.

Regarding the accomplishments of the Republic of China on Taiwan, are these not sufficient to merit diplomatic recognition from the international community? Taiwan's membership in the United Nations system would contribute substantially to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and of the world in general. It would also provide an effective basis for peaceful dialogue. The process of self-realization, supported by the United Nations, has resulted in the membership of North and South Korea in the United Nations. The United Nations ought to give similar consideration to the question of Taiwan. Ideally, the membership of the Republic of China on Taiwan, together with the People's Republic of China, will make a stronger United Nations. The Solomon Islands would welcome the opportunity to work through the United Nations system to achieve a peaceful and just resolution.

My Government joins those who spoke before me in supporting the call by the Secretary-General to accord high priority to preventive action to address the rise in local, national and regional conflicts. Are the current mechanisms available to the United Nations adequate to effectively resolve small-scale armed conflicts? Is there a role for regional organizations to make a contribution to this preventive approach? The reform of the Security Council should include consideration of a workable and effective preventive strategy. In addition, a reconfiguration of the United Nations regional groupings is necessary to reflect present-day realities and to accommodate the interests and concerns of Member States.

Perhaps the most profound challenge for the next century is how to deal with the imperatives of globalization, that is, capitalizing on its positives and mitigating its negatives. In other words, the challenge of globalization in the new era is not to halt the expansion of global markets, but to find the rules and institutions for stronger governance to preserve the advantages of global markets and competition within a framework of cooperation to enhance human progress.

Only the United Nations and other international institutions have the scope and the legitimacy to generate the principles, norms and rules that are essential if globalization is to benefit everyone. Developing countries, in particular the least developed, need international support to build the capacities to enable us to become more effectively and beneficially integrated into the global economy. Debt relief, new and additional resources for development and better diverse trade opportunities are required to facilitate this process.

The Millennium Assembly, to be held in September 2000, affords a unique opportunity for all States to discuss and exchange views on how best to address the many challenges facing us. My Government looks forward to participating actively in this important gathering. Equally important are the special session of the General Assembly to review the implementation of the outcome of the World Summit for Social Development and Further Initiatives: the review of the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women; and the Third United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, to be held in the year 2001.

Finally, the United Nations needs adequate financial resources to achieve its objectives. The current financial difficulties do not bode well for the Organization. Member States must honour their Charter obligations and pay their dues in full, on time, and without conditions. Despite our own economic and financial constraints, my Government has settled most of its arrears to the United Nations, including contributions to the regular budget for 1999 and peacekeeping operations.

This century has witnessed vast advances in transport and communications technology, the increase of global trade and wealth and improvements in the area of international peace and security. New information and communications technologies have driven globalization. Unfortunately, these achievements, including the benefits and opportunities of globalization, have not been widely enjoyed and distributed. Global governance of globalization must focus on human security, development, equity, ethics, inclusion and sustainability. Let us unite in the spirit of the new millennium to build a better world to live in.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will next hear a statement by the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger, His Excellency Mr. Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

Mr. Mayaki (Niger)

I am delighted to have the opportunity at this fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly to share with the entire international community the concerns -- but also the hope -- that inspire the nation of Niger in the progress of world events.

The Niger welcomes the new Member States -- the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga -- to membership of the United Nations community.

I would also like to say how proud and pleased we are, Sir, over your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly for this session. On behalf of the delegation of the Niger, I wish to sincerely congratulate you and the other members of the Bureau. Your professional skills and your well-known human qualities, as well as your unceasing commitment to your country, Namibia, and to the defence of the noble causes of humanity, guarantee the successful outcome of the Assembly's work.

My delegation also has the agreeable duty of paying a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the excellent work done during his term of office.

The presence at your side of Secretary-General Kofi Annan, whose devotion and constant desire to serve the causes I have mentioned are well-established, reinforces our conviction that the outcome of this session will make it possible to lay a sound basis for the future of a world that is less unjust, more peaceful, more prosperous -- and, in a word, more human.

The Niger is a landlocked, heavily indebted country which has for almost a decade suffered from chronic institutional instability. This situation has seriously undermined its people's efforts to establish a viable political, economic and social environment. Since its accession to independence in August 1960 the Republic of the Niger has experienced profound upheavals which have affected its progress towards the establishment of a democratic, harmonious and prosperous society.

But these upheavals, far from weakening the democratic ideal of our people, have strengthened its resolve to overcome these challenges. Strengthened by this conviction, the Council for National Reconciliation and the Government resulting from the events of 9 April 1999 have made the strong commitment that the people of the Niger, at peace with itself and possessing stable and durable democratic institutions, will be able to meet the challenges of the third millennium.

On 18 July, in a referendum, the people of the Niger adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, which will lead to the establishment of lasting democratic institutions.

The timetable decided on by our Independent National Electoral Commission sets the first round of presidential elections for 17 October. The second round will be held at the same time as the general elections, on 24 November. The investiture and assumption of office of the President-elect of the Republic will take place on 31 December 1999.

In this respect, every step has been taken to organize the elections in the most transparent, honest and neutral way possible. The measures taken include a ban on the military's submitting candidates for the presidential and general elections, even if those candidates are on leave of absence or have resigned from the military. The Government will ensure that the elections are held in a spirit of impartiality.

With this same aim, the Independent National Electoral Commission was institutionalized and a national communications monitor set up to guarantee equal access to public media and to ensure that the press is free and constructive.

Basically, therefore, our political transition is on the right track, and the instruments for this transition will be active until power is handed over to the duly, freely elected authorities.

In view of all this, we hope that our traditional external partners will help us establish true democracy in the Niger. We expect their support, which is necessary to help us in the process of establishing dialogue among all parties concerned to guarantee the holding of credible, honest elections.

But as the Assembly is aware, democracy does not just mean holding a series of elections. A legal arsenal and a different way of thinking are essential to consolidate democracy, and this is why we have started giving organized, concerted consideration to the drafting of basic texts that will govern the future Republic.

Varied and burning issues, such as the depoliticization of the administration, the electoral code, the charter of political parties, the status of the opposition and the role of the army in a democratic context have been tackled.

In this context, I call upon interested States to take part in the national workshop to be held next December on the theme "The army and democracy in Africa: the case of the Niger".

I wish very sincerely to thank all bilateral and multilateral partners of the Niger, in particular United Nations agencies, and more specifically the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for having continued to support my country's efforts to create the right institutional environment to restore social peace and to enable men and women of the Niger to meet the major challenges they face. This highly appreciated assistance will continue to be necessary in this decisive phase of the democratic process and the process of national reconciliation.

The recurrent theme of post-conflict insecurity deserves special attention from the United Nations system. The Niger, resolutely committed to the process of cantonment, disarmament and socio-economic reintegration of elements of the former rebel army which rampaged in the north and far east of the country a few years ago, fully supports the programme for collecting and destroying small arms.

It is in this spirit that my country submitted to the Secretariat a plan to put an end to the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons. It endorsed the decision taken by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in June 1998 and the declaration adopted by the heads of State and Government of member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in October 1998 to deal with the destabilizing effects and the threat to peace and security posed by the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons for the West African region and for the entire continent.

We welcome the emerging concordance of views and action regarding the priority nature of this question among African organizations on the one hand, and other international institutions -- including those of the United Nations system, the European Union and the Organization of American States -- on the other. This international consensus will make it possible to take effective steps in time for the upcoming international conference on all aspects of the illicit arms trade, to be held in 2001.

The Niger has always sought to make its modest contribution to the settlement of conflicts that threaten peace and security in Africa and throughout the rest of the world. Despite our limited resources, we sent troops to Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau, as well as civilian police officers to Haiti. In this regard, my Government wishes to reaffirm its constant willingness to send military and police contingents to all United Nations peacekeeping operations when needed.

In Africa, thanks to the efforts of the international community, we have reason to hope that the process leading to the referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui people will soon lead to a final settlement of this question.

The conclusion of the Peace Agreement in Sierra Leone under the aegis of ECOWAS and the Ceasefire Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have given us a glimmer of hope. These efforts must be continued and must serve as an example for those involved in other conflicts, such as in Angola, in Somalia or in the armed confrontation between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

It must be acknowledged that these situations of crisis and insecurity demand first and foremost that African Governments and leaders of public opinion commit themselves resolutely to dealing with factors of instability on a consensus basis. In this respect, my Government and my people would like through me to welcome the individual and collective initiatives to create or consolidate an environment of peace and security in Africa, which is a sine qua non for development.

Outstanding and effective initiatives have been taken in various places and should be welcomed. Among these is the action initiated by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria, who had the praiseworthy idea of holding on 16 September last, a referendum on civil concord, which was massively supported by the Algerian people. The Government and the people of the Niger welcome this genuine plebiscite and the prospects it ushers in for that fraternal country.

The Niger also welcomes the positive developments in the Lockerbie case. We believe that conditions now exist for the total lifting of sanctions against the great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.

In the Middle East, the attention of the international community is still focused on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, which, fortunately, seems to have been revived with the change in the leadership of the Israeli Government.

In Asia, the Jammu and Kashmir conflict remains a source of great tension between two nuclear States, India and Pakistan, and a persistent, serious threat to peace and security in that part of South Asia.

The Niger, therefore, as a member of the contact group established by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, reiterates its appeal to both parties to step up their negotiations in order to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict by recognizing the Kashmiri people's right to self-determination pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.

In Europe, my Government welcomes the return of peace to the Balkans. The establishment of an administration under United Nations control is a sure guarantee for the safe return of the refugees.

It is more essential and urgent than ever to reverse the decline in official development assistance which, it must be recalled, is at its lowest level in 50 years. In order to meet this challenge, the international community must consider the possibility of mobilizing additional resources. It is therefore urgent that progress be made within the framework of the initiatives taken at world summits. At the same time, we must pool our efforts to increase the effectiveness of aid by reviewing its modalities and through its sound and rigorous management.

It is on the basis of this experience that my Government adopted a national strategy note and an economic recovery programme that clearly defines the coherent networks for action by our development partners. Furthermore, the crucial problem of African countries' debt -- which is wiping out all development efforts -- calls for the international community as a whole to implement, without delay or conditions other than good public administration, appropriate regulatory policies and mechanisms.

In this connection, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as well as the recent initiative undertaken in Cologne at the Group of 7 Summit, must be extended to all the least developed countries in order to produce the effects we hope to see. This must take the form of an outright cancellation of the debt.

Despite the outstanding efforts made by many African countries in the area of economic reform, foreign private investment flows are still meagre, notwithstanding the enabling environment that has been established. We very much hope that the positive initiative taken by the Secretary-General at Davos will allow greater involvement by the private sector in implementing adequate measures to reverse that tendency. It is in this connection that my delegation would like to appeal to all development partners to help reinforce the institutional capacities of our States and to create adequate infrastructures, which are guarantees of balanced development.

The second special dialogue between the Economic and Social Council and the Bretton Woods institutions held here on 29 April 1999 reaffirmed the need to continue the reform of the international financial system, bearing in mind social imperatives and the external debt situation, that is to say, the close link between settling debt, poverty reduction and lasting development.

Niger belongs to the group of least developed countries and has a population that is growing at an annual rate of 3.4 per cent. It has a fertility rate of 7.4 children per woman and a life expectancy of 47 years, and is ranked among the poorest countries of the world. Despite all these constraints, my country has made efforts to design and implement initiatives in keeping with the recommendations of the population conferences.

These various difficulties have exacerbated the political instability I referred to before and have kept our country at the bottom of the human development table. Poverty affects 63 per cent of our compatriots, 34 per cent of whom live below the extreme poverty threshold. Those people are victims of continued declining maternal, childhood and adolescent health standards -- a critical social and health situation marked by high mortality and illiteracy rates, one of the lowest standards of education and insufficient drinking water resources. They even lack basic social services.

The economic and financial crisis that has hit my country has, among other things, led to a drastic reduction in public investment, particularly in the social sectors, thus depriving 80 per cent of the rural population of adequate living standards. With the valuable assistance of international financial institutions we have initiated an enormous economic recovery programme to confront this situation. This programme includes, among other things, a series of economic and financial reforms and framework programmes to restore the macroeconomic balance, reduce poverty and stimulate growth.

I wish, from this rostrum, to reiterate our great appreciation for the ongoing support that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and other development partners have been steadily providing to implement our national framework programme to combat poverty. This programme we are implementing is one of the priorities of the first country cooperation framework adopted by the UNDP Governing Council last January.

I would like here to make a heartfelt appeal to the United Nations system to allocate sufficient supplementary resources to UNDP, UNICEF and UNFPA so that they can complete their development activities in the least developed countries. This appeal also goes out to the international community to supply all the necessary support to my country so that the major challenges we are confronting can be met.

At the dawn of the twenty-first century, special attention should be given to making a reality of the universality of our world Organization. Peace, security and development are too important to be the sole responsibility of a club of military, economic and financial Powers. Africa, which now figures prominently among international initiatives and hopes to become an active partner in those initiatives, must play an important role within a reformed Security Council. Africa has countries that can play a decisive role in that regard.

A large number of countries, including my own, that share the use of French with other States of the world very much hope that they can work in all United Nations bodies and agencies in their official language. The member States of the Organisation international de la Francophonie, which is increasingly establishing itself as an essential actor in world affairs, will make an additional contribution in the give-and-take process in the third millennium.

In conclusion, I should like to express the confidence that Niger and its people have in the United Nations, which is trying very hard to be an institution that embodies hope on the basis of justice, equity, peace, freedom and progress. These values will build the coming twenty-first century we are expecting if the United Nations is stronger and more effective.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal.

The President

I take great pleasure in welcoming The Right Honourable Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Bhattarai (Nepal)

I bring to you, Mr. President, to Secretary-General Kofi Annan and to all representatives the greetings and best wishes of His Majesty King Birendra and of the Government and people of Nepal. Your election is testimony to the wide recognition of your great country's contribution to the cause of freedom of the peoples and to the work of the United Nations. Please accept our congratulations and pledge of support. Our appreciation goes also to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the wise manner in which he conducted the business of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly.

The massive loss of life and property and the untold suffering caused by the recent earthquakes to the peoples of Turkey, Greece and Taiwan have touched the hearts of the Nepalese people. Indeed, our hearts go out to the hundreds of thousands of peoples across the globe who have suffered from both natural and man-made disasters.

Nepal wholeheartedly welcomes Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga as new Members of the United Nations. Their admission has enriched the world Organization and enhanced its universality.

Following the restoration of the multi-party political system in Nepal, I had the unique privilege of steering the country at a turning point of history as its Prime Minister, entrusted with the twin responsibilities of overseeing the formulation of a new democratic constitution of the Kingdom and the holding of free, fair and peaceful general elections at the beginning of the last decade of this century. With the people's trust and guidance, the cooperation of all political parties and the support of His Majesty the King, and above all with God's will, those responsibilities were fully discharged.

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal not only guarantees the fundamental human rights of the people but also the independence of the judiciary. It defines and protects the basic tenets of parliamentary democracy in Nepal, and it identifies the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations as the fundamental plank of the foreign policy of the country. Standing today before this Assembly of nations, I wish to reaffirm Nepal's commitment to the principles and objectives of the United Nations and to share, in brief, our hopes, aspirations and views.

Last year we observed the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a milestone in human history. The fiftieth anniversary of another historical milestone -- the Geneva Conventions of 1949 -- this year provides the international community with another opportunity to reiterate its deepening commitment to democracy, human rights and improved living conditions for peoples. At the national level, we regard the protection and promotion of human rights as a sine qua non for the all-round development of the people. Democracy and development, I believe, are two sides of the same coin, hard to guarantee and secure except in a state of peace and stability under a system of participatory good governance.

Nepal is a nation with a young democratic setup and an ever-deepening commitment to human rights and the all-round development of the people, who are beset with the numerous unique and onerous challenges characteristic of a small land-locked and least developed country with difficult Himalayan and mountainous terrains and the greatest of contemporary problems -- poverty. At no point in history have we witnessed poverty eating up so systematically the spiritual richness of peoples in many countries, including Nepal -- the land of the Buddha.

Nepal's development efforts are driven by an overriding objective of poverty eradication through employment and income generation, social mobilization and the strengthening of social capital within a democratic values-based system. The country has almost unlimited potential for hydropower development and tourism, and we have created legislative conditions for the participation of foreign investors in these sectors as well as in other trade and services-generating sectors in Nepal. Our commitment to sustainable development has been translated into several measures aimed at the preservation of the environment and ecological balance, including the earmarking of a large part of our land area for the development of wildlife parks and nature reserves. I want at this stage to reiterate our commitment to the development of Lumbini -- the birthplace of the Buddha -- as an enduring peace monument, a holy shrine for pilgrimage and one of the world's greatest cultural heritages.

I am disheartened that despite several world summits, conferences and international commitments, absolute poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and hopelessness should still remain the lot of the bulk of the world's population. One billion adults, the majority of them women, cannot read or write. Almost a billion people are underfed and malnourished, and a similar number have no access to clean water, shelter or health care. Many millions die before they reach the age of 40.

Equally threatening is the ever-widening gap between the haves and the have-nots. The conclusion of this year's Human Development Report is the unbelievable polarization between peoples and countries, which the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) characterized as grotesque and dangerous. The one fifth of the world's population in the highest-income countries commands 86 per cent of world gross domestic product and 82 per cent of world export markets, while the bottom fifth, in the poorest countries has just 1 per cent of both categories. How long can the world go on like this, with a small part of its people living in freedom and prosperity while the larger segment is living in fetters under abject conditions, before calamity engulfs us all?

A few years ago, at the request of the heads of State or Government of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, I undertook the task of chairing the Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation as part of a regional endeavour to work out regional strategies and programmes of action for the eradication of poverty from South Asia. My own experience as Chairman of that Commission leads me to the inescapable conclusion that the goal of poverty eradication requires, among other things, sustained political will and commitment of the highest order, an integrated and coordinated approach and decisive national actions, with the participation of all, including grass-roots organizations and civil society, backed by enhanced international development cooperation.

But the fast-dwindling official development assistance flows and ever-increasing resource constraints of United Nations development agencies, such as the United Nations Development Programme, make our task of poverty eradication and development harder and harder with each passing year. This is particularly true in the case of least developed and landlocked countries such as Nepal. While we deeply appreciate the help of our development partners, we urge developed countries, which are undoubtedly in a position to do so, to generously increase the volume of their official development assistance so as to attain the target set by this Assembly. Reallocation of official development assistance in favour of the less developed countries is another area which deserves attention.

As we are a democratic nation, women -- who make up half of every country's population -- are the backbone of Nepalese society. We can hardly remain oblivious to the urgent need for their empowerment and advancement. We have made legislative arrangements to guarantee their participation in the national polity by reserving exclusively for them as many as 40,000 seats in the local elected bodies. In the three general elections since 1991, the number of women parliamentarians has steadily gone up. But we are aiming for more. Their literacy rate is also improving. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, to which Nepal recently presented its country report, has acknowledged the progress made in raising the status of women in general and in increasing understanding of gender issues and the human rights of women among the Nepalese population. We know we have to do a lot more, and I am personally committed to this.

We are equally committed to the protection and promotion of the rights of the child as well as the rights and interests of other vulnerable and disadvantaged sections of society. In short, we have before us a large agenda for nation-building, for the consolidation of gains in democracy and human rights and for living up to our international commitment to peace, cooperation and development in the world. We are dealing with the agenda with a sense of purpose and commitment, although there are several obvious difficulties, including the economic, social, environmental and political problems created by 100,000 refugees from Bhutan. We seek the continued support and understanding of the international community in the creation of an environment conducive to the resolution of this problem through bilateral negotiations. We also seek its support for their sustenance until they are repatriated.

I wish to place on record our appreciation of and gratitude to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the world's foremost public servant, for his efforts and successes in defusing tensions around the world and solving many seemingly intractable problems, such as those of Libya and the popular consultation in East Timor. I am impressed with his impassioned call for the transition from a culture of reaction to a culture of prevention in the United Nations. He has drawn our attention to the benefits and risks provided by globalization and to the need for strengthened international cooperation to offset the vulnerability of many countries, particularly the least developed and landlocked ones, and the marginalization of Africa.

We have noted his emphasis on the maintenance of international peace and security as the primary responsibility of the Security Council. We thank him also for his dedication to comprehensive United Nations reform and for his package of reform proposals. Reform is a continuing process. It will be neither meaningful nor complete unless we arrive at a ratifiable global consensus on the functioning and composition of a reformed Security Council. The statement of the Foreign Ministers of the five permanent members that any attempt to restrict or curtail their veto rights would not be conducive to the reform process is a matter of deep disappointment. Nepal supports the common position evolved at the Durban Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement on the question of Security Council reform. We are also firm in our view that no reform measure should curtail the authority of the General Assembly, which is the nearest thing to a world parliament.

The United Nations cannot continue to function effectively without a fair and sound financial base. Assessed dues must be paid in full and on time. Peacekeeping is a unique and most useful instrument for the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security. Nepal has participated in United Nations peacekeeping for over 40 years in all parts of the world. Some 35,000 of our troops and 800 of our police have served with many peacekeeping operations, 39 having been martyred and several more wounded in the line of duty. It is the firm policy of Nepal not only to maintain but also to increase our contribution to United Nations peacekeeping.

It is disappointing that for three years in a row the principal United Nations forum for disarmament negotiations, the Conference on Disarmament, has not been able to agree on an agenda of work. Some important arms control and disarmament measures have been adopted without reference to the Conference on Disarmament. As host to the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, Nepal's commitment to general and complete disarmament, including total nuclear disarmament, remains undiluted.

In the summer months of this year, South Asia witnessed a flare-up between two of our close neighbours. Disquieting because it broke a peace that had lasted for nearly three decades, it also exposed the myth fostered in a bygone era that countries possessing nuclear weapons would not go to conventional war against each other. The risk of an accidental nuclear war engulfing other countries was magnified by the close proximity of the two countries. Leaving aside the causes of that flare-up, I would like to commend the Prime Ministers and the Governments of the two countries for their restraint, good sense and wisdom in containing the conflict and displaying a high degree of responsibility to their peoples, to the rest of South Asia and to the peoples of the entire world. May I take this opportunity once again to appeal to the Prime Ministers of those two countries to resume their dialogue, begun in Lahore last February.

Nepal welcomes the Sharm el-Sheikh accord between Prime Minister Barak and President Arafat as an irreversible step forward in the Middle East peace process. It opens the way to a just, lasting and comprehensive peace. We hope, for the sake of peace, that negotiations between Syria and Israel and Lebanon will soon resume in accordance with relevant United Nations resolutions.

Let me conclude with a brief mention of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which consists of the seven countries of the region, representing one fifth of humanity. We are united in a common effort to enhance the quality of life of all our peoples. I am looking forward to hosting the next summit meeting of heads of State or Government of the South Asian region in two months' time at Kathmandu. Our important agenda will deal with such issues as free trade and a SAARC social charter. We will also be signing a regional convention on combatting the crime of trafficking in women and children. This will be another landmark in the work of SAARC, a regional association dedicated to peace and cooperation in South Asia.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal for his statement.

The President

I call next on the Chairman of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, His Excellency Mr. Abuzed Omar Dorda.

Mr. Dorda (Libya)

I would like at the outset, Sir, to express the warm congratulations of my delegation and of my country on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. You are one of sisterly Namibia's freedom fighters, and one of Africa's faithful sons. Your unanimous election to your important post and your country's simultaneous membership of the Security Council are strong evidence of the respect and appreciation that Namibia enjoys in the eyes of the entire international community. In the Security Council, Namibia's notable positions on important international issues also irrefutably demonstrate Namibia's unremitting struggle for freedom, right, sovereignty and justice -- a struggle now waged by means different from those that Namibia used during its independence struggle.

I also commend your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti, for his successful guidance of the previous session.

I wish also to welcome the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as new Members of the United Nations.

The Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, deserves our deepest appreciation for his continued efforts to make this Organization freer and less submissive to the domination and control of the super-Powers of this critical historical era.

Over the past several decades, the United Nations has made considerable achievements, the most notable of which has perhaps been its role in the elimination of direct colonialism and in the attainment of independence by many countries which today occupy their proper place as States Members of this Organization.

The world has witnessed fundamental changes, which imperatively call for serious reform of the United Nations and its basic structures, so that the Organization can truly perform its role as an umbrella, a haven and a reference-point for all. Colonialist soldiers have left the harbours and the airports, but with the collapse of international equilibrium, colonialists are reappearing in new guises, with new means and with both new and old approaches. Colonialism is coming back in the guise of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, other financial institutions, economic cartels, and, when necessary, military alliances. It is coming back in the guise of international conventions imposed through so-called international legitimacy, which is really nothing more than an expression of higher policies dictated through temptation or coercion. Colonialism is coming back in the guise of globalization, which is but a means of ensuring and consolidating dependence in terms of the economy, politics, culture and even social values.

Colonialism is also returning through direct armed invasion, when necessary, as we have recently witnessed. It is also returning through bilateral sanctions policies enforced through so-called international legitimacy and through selective disarmament or rearmament. Colonialism is returning through the elimination -- not the mere violation -- of State sovereignty. The slogan that is now much in vogue, "humanitarian intervention", will help erode the little that remains of State sovereignty. That pretext has been completely exposed. If the new Colonialists understood the real meaning of humanity, they would not be producing and stockpiling all kinds of weapons of mass destruction or committing aggression against others. Nor would they be imposing sanctions on countries, as they continue to do, with the aim of humiliating, starving and killing their peoples. We declare our absolute rejection of intervention under any slogan.

This is the world following the collapse of international equilibrium: the strong and the rich are becoming stronger and richer, and the weak and the poor are becoming weaker, poorer and more deprived.

In the face of these fundamental changes, it has become necessary, indeed urgently imperative, that the United Nations should undergo a transformation that would enable it to respond to its new tasks as an umbrella, a haven and a reference-point for all. This change will not happen by itself, nor will the powerful initiate it. The weaker nations can only resort to uniting their limitless efforts, strengths and potentials to bring about and impose such change. My country believes that this desired change must achieve the following:

First, the authority for decision-making in the United Nations must rest with the General Assembly, where Member States enjoy equal sovereignty.

Secondly, the Security Council must become an executive instrument or authority for the General Assembly.

Thirdly, there must be a radical revision of Security Council membership that will be equitable to all under-represented regions, particularly in the southern hemisphere: Africa, Asia and South America.

Fourthly, the Security Council's rules of procedures must be issued by the General Assembly, which represents the international community. Otherwise, it will be meaningless to say that the Security Council works on behalf of the international community. Quite simply put, the majority of the members of the international community did not participate in the formulation of the Charter. A very small number of the United Nations Members formulated it over half a century ago.

Fifthly, all privileges resulting from the victories and defeats of World War II must be abolished, particularly the privilege of veto, and any other privileges that prevent this most important international Organization from becoming truly democratic.

Despite the crises, conflicts and wars that ravage the African continent, this year has witnessed solutions for some of them, prospects for several others and initiatives for the solution of the remaining conflicts. As we express our satisfaction with this trend, we wish to recall, as we have always done, that African wars and conflicts are the product of the division of Africa by the colonial Powers, which must assume full responsibility for all the damages inflicted upon the continent, including an apology and full compensation to its peoples. The solutions reached for many African conflicts were a result of the enormous efforts of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), subregional organizations, several African States and some African leaders who truly care about Africa's security, stability and development.

Libya has effectively supported and participated in these initiatives, and will continue to do so, in close cooperation with the OAU, all other concerned countries and the Secretary-General of the United Nations. As a contribution to the efforts made to tackle the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Great Lakes region, Libya has succeeded in convening a number of meetings, for heads of State of the region, in Sirte, Libya, where they reached the Sirte Agreement, later completed and signed in Lusaka, which is aimed at putting an end to the conflict in the area.

In Somalia, Libya continues its efforts, in coordination with all concerned countries and groups in conflict, for national reconciliation in that forgotten country. We hope that these efforts will result in the reunification and stability of Somalia. Libya has also contributed to bringing peace to Sierra Leone and stability to Guinea-Bissau, as well as contributing to the efforts undertaken by the OAU to put an end to the dispute between brothers in Ethiopia and Eritrea, in the Horn of Africa. A Libyan envoy was sent there to help end the war and bring peace to those two brotherly countries.

Africa's plights are not confined to wars and conflicts, but also include several economic and social problems: 44 per cent of Africans live in abject poverty; AIDS threatens the entire African population; malaria and other epidemic diseases still threaten the lives of millions in Africa. In respect of the latter, my country calls for the speedy adoption and implementation of an international plan to eradicate these diseases in Africa before it becomes impossible to contain and eliminate them. Attempts by African states to confront and solve these problems are hampered by the heavy debts of the continent, which reached $350 billion in 1998, equalling 300 per cent of the value of African exports and services. The time has come to cancel African debts and to deal with this question on the basis of new and equitable principles.

In order to confront these challenges and to usher a strong and united Africa into the new century, our brother Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi extended an invitation to his brothers, the leaders of Africa, to convene an extraordinary summit in Sirte, Libya, from 8 to 9 September 1999. Their positive response had been unprecedented since the establishment of the OAU. They all participated in the summit, with the exception of Somalia, which has no central government. Thirty-nine heads of State and four Prime Ministers were at the forefront of the participants. Some of the founding fathers of the Organization of African Unity were also at the summit, as well as former OAU Secretaries-General. The summit, which is a historic event in its own right, concluded with the adoption of the Sirte Declaration establishing an African Union and its political, economic and legislative institutions. Africa is now determined, more than ever before, to surmount all the negative aspects of its present realities and to move forward towards its future, full of hopes and aspirations, counting basically on its own resources, capabilities and the endeavours of its sons.

The Palestinian issue has not been settled yet, simply because the essence of the problem is being ignored: Palestine is still occupied. Its people are still scattered all over the globe as refugees, replaced by immigrants from all over the world. Unless an end is put to all this, and unless the Palestinian people are given their right to return to their homeland, neither peace nor security will be achieved in the Arab East region. The occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights must also be totally ended, as well as the occupation of southern Lebanon, in implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978).

We demand the immediate lifting of sanctions imposed on Iraq, and we emphasize the importance of preserving its unity and territorial integrity, respect for its sovereignty, non-intervention in its internal affairs and ending the ongoing military aggression against it.

In order for the world to live in peace and security, it must be freed from the nuclear horror that threatens all peoples. Elimination of nuclear arsenals and all other weapons of mass destruction must have priority, and all efforts to achieve disarmament, at both regional and international levels, must be concentrated on realizing this goal. Unless those who currently possess such weapons get rid of them, there will always be those who strive to possess them. Efforts aimed at the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons will be futile unless the nuclear Powers take practical steps that would demonstrate their serious commitment to the undertakings they have made. These two tracks must move together or stop together. We have no other choice.

The Arab region is subject to the threat of nuclear weapons possessed by Tel Aviv. These weapons constitute a permanent threat to the people of the region and to neighbouring areas, and unless these weapons are eliminated, all efforts to prevent their proliferation in the region will be unsuccessful.

Libya is the southern Mediterranean country with the longest coast. Therefore, we have a vital interest in making the Mediterranean a Sea of peace and cooperation for the benefit of all peoples of this basin. This goal can be achieved only if foreign military bases and fleets are removed from the area, as they are a source of constant danger to all Mediterranean peoples.

Several countries, including my own, are still trying to overcome the thorny problem of landmines that were planted in by the belligerent Powers during the World Wars. These landmines have caused damage, losses and tragedies of untold magnitude, both human and material. Vast areas of Libya are covered by millions of land mines deployed by the Allies and the Axis Powers during the Second World War. We hold those Powers responsible for what they have inflicted upon our people as a result of these landmines, and we reiterate our demand that the States responsible implement the resolutions of the General Assembly adopted in this regard, through the payment of compensation to the affected countries and peoples and the removal of these landmines.

The revolution of 1969 allowed Libya to achieve its true and complete independence. By driving the foreign military forces and bases from its soil, my country liberated its policies and decision-making capabilities. For these reasons, Libya has since then been the target of ongoing hostile media campaigns aimed at distorting our policies and tarnishing our international image. Our support for and solidarity with liberation movements have been portrayed as support for terrorism. Our standing by the side of the oppressed and the downtrodden and our assistance to help them liberate their countries and their resources and defend their own interests have been considered interference in the internal affairs of others.

There have also been clandestine campaigns that have sought to assassinate political leaders, in particular the leader of our revolution, Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi, who has been targeted several times. Both air force and naval campaigns have targeted Libya's territorial waters and the main cities of Tripoli and Benghazi. As a result, dozens of martyrs were killed and many times as many were wounded -- in addition to extensive loss of and damage to property. The main objective of these raids was once again to murder our brother Muammar Al-Qadhafi, whose home, office and tent were destroyed during these raids.

Economic pressure has been used against Libya. Unilateral boycotts and embargoes were followed by bilateral and collective embargoes, then by the internationalization of these embargoes after the Security Council had become hostage to the will of the powerful since the collapse of the international balance of power. This was particularly the case during the first years of the "era of frenzy", as Mr. Kofi Annan called it in a report to the General Assembly.

Why and how was the international "boycott" -- as opposed to international "sanctions" -- imposed? I call it a boycott and not sanctions because a sanction is a form of punishment for a definitively proven action, a punishment decreed after a final sentence has been pronounced by a competent court that has the jurisdiction to condemn the action in question. But no proof or evidence was presented to the Security Council that Libya, or even the two Libyan suspects, had actually committed any action that led to the crash of Pan Am flight 103 over the Scottish town of Lockerbie. Nevertheless, the sanctions resolutions were issued in the name of so-called international legitimacy, a legitimacy that is both wrong and wronged. This is wrong because resolutions are adopted in the name of the Security Council; the Security Council is wronged because it is forced to issue resolutions under political and economic pressures and threats. The relevant resolutions were adopted on the basis of suspicions regarding just two Libyan citizens -- yet the sanctions targeted the entire population of Libya. This was a form of collective punishment against an entire people on the basis of a mere suspicion that had not been fully investigated. This punishment was imposed without a trial and obviously without any conviction in a court of law. So much indeed for legitimacy. In fact, how legitimate could this be during the years of frenzy?

The conclusions -- or cinematic fantasies -- regarding the suspicions were refuted at the time. Malta conducted an official investigation, the findings of which demonstrated that not one unaccompanied suitcase was loaded onto the flight from Malta to Frankfurt. For their part, the Frankfurt authorities investigated the matter and reached the conclusion that not one unaccompanied suitcase had arrived at their airport from Malta, nor had left it for London. What then, is the origin or basis of this suspicion?

I would like to briefly remind the Assembly that from the first moment that the accusation was broadcast by the media, and before the matter was even presented to the Security Council, Libya had done the following. First, we had requested the other party to provide the judiciary authorities in Libya with its findings so that these authorities could commence their investigations accordingly. Alternatively, we proposed that that party send investigators to Libya to participate in the investigation. We proposed sending Libyan judges to review the case file. We also proposed that an investigation be conducted by a neutral party or parties, or by the United Nations. All these requests were refused.

Secondly, we requested the application of article 14 of the Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation or the assignment of this matter to the International Court of Justice. All these requests and proposals were also refused.

Then, on 27 February 1998, the International Court of Justice issued two rulings in favour of Libya, confirming its jurisdiction over the case under the Montreal Convention. The Non-Aligned Movement -- at a meeting of its Foreign Ministers in Cartagena, Colombia, from 18 to 20 May 1998 -- made a recommendation to the upcoming Non-Aligned Movement Summit in Durban, South Africa, that the sanctions imposed on Libya be lifted if the other party to the dispute did not agree to suspend the sanctions at the next review of the Security Council, which had been set for July 1998. At the Organization of African Unity summit in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, held on 10 June 1998, that organization declared that its members would no longer comply with the Security Council sanctions if the other party continued to reject any of the options proposed by international organizations to resolve the conflict. Faced with all these developments, the other party had only two options left: either to accept a trial in a third country, or for the international community to immediately lift the sanctions without having recourse to the Security Council. Such a situation would have threatened the authority of the Security Council -- or, more accurately, it would have threatened the authority of those who influence the Security Council -- this latter being in the Council's view -- a much more serious matter.

A further legal complication was the possibility that the General Assembly would be presented with a constitutional dilemma, especially after the issuance of the two rulings of the International Court of Justice -- the highest judicial institution of the United Nations. It was the Security Council versus the International Court of Justice. We could present the case to the General Assembly at any time. The other party therefore had no option, and reluctantly, accepted, hoping to gain time. But then it returned to its main objective vis-à-vis Libya. It declared its acceptance of a trial in a third country and presented, as always, a badly written draft resolution to the Security Council, along with other draft resolutions imposed on the Council by means that are well known to all, especially to the Council's members.

Once again, most Security Council members supported Libya, and once again the international community reiterated its strong support for Libya in letters that reflected the will of the overwhelming majority of the international community. These letters are all official documents of the Security Council.

But in all fairness, and to state the truth, from which we have never deviated, I will say that the Government of the United Kingdom has reacted seriously to the Libyan proposal, expressing its willingness to refer the whole question to none other than a Scottish court sitting in the Netherlands. We state the truth in our own interest and in the interest of others.

The rest is well known to all delegations. On 5 April 1999, the two suspects arrived of their own free will in the Netherlands, accompanied by Mr. Hans Corell, the Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs.

But has the other party fulfilled its obligations? Has it shown respect for the resolutions of the Security Council? The answer is no. In fact, the other party prevented the adoption of a resolution by the Security Council to suspend the sanctions and agreed only to a press release. Once again, under pressure from the Non-Aligned Movement members of the Security Council and from the other Council members, and after several letters were submitted by the States members of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of African Unity, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Arab League to the Security Council and to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the other party accepted, unwillingly, the text of a presidential statement for the suspension of the embargo.

Three months after the sanctions were suspended, on 30 June 1999, the Secretary-General submitted a report to the Security Council in document S/1999/726 pursuant to paragraph 16 of resolution 883 (1993) and paragraph 8 of resolution 1192 (1998), which requested him to report to the Security Council within 90 days on compliance by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya with the remaining provisions of resolutions 731 (1992) and 748 (1992). On 9 July 1999, the Security Council considered the Secretary-General's report, but was unable to adopt a resolution that would have lifted the sanctions imposed on Libya, because of the intransigence of one State, the United States, which is a party to the dispute. That State even threatened to use the veto. This, in fact, can only be seen as reneging on previous commitments made by the Security Council in paragraph 16 of its resolution 883 (1993) and paragraph 8 of its resolution 1192 (1998). Moreover, it ignores the Secretary-General's report, whose contents lead to only one conclusion: that Libya has fulfilled all its obligations under Security Council resolutions.

What justification, if any, does the United States have for using the veto to prevent the Security Council from adopting a resolution to lift the unjust sanctions on Libya? First, the United States has reiterated the accusation it has made before and since the fabrication of the Lockerbie case: that Libya supports terrorism. The United States has been repeating that allegation ever since we evicted it from Libya's military bases and harbours, ended its monopoly on our oil, and liberated our country from colonialism. That is why the United States still accuses us of terrorism. The Secretary-General's report categorically refutes this claim. Members may refer to paragraphs 29 to 34 of the report and to other pages in order to ascertain the baseless nature of this accusation. Moreover, one can also cite reports issued by the American State Department and statements made by present and former officials of American Administrations that all point to the fact that such claims can no longer be made.

Libya is a victim of American terrorism, not vice versa. It is the United States of America that committed all the acts of aggression that we have previously referred to. It is the United States that sheltered, financed, trained and armed terrorists and transported them to Libya to commit acts of terrorism in 1984 and afterwards. Those who continue to shelter terrorists wanted by other countries are not in a position to refer to others by descriptions that apply only to themselves. Libya has stood by liberation movements, particularly in Africa. This is a legitimate cause, not support for terrorism.

The second justification is that Libya has to cooperate with the Scottish court in the Netherlands. This is meaningless, since Libya has undertaken to cooperate with the court, as the Secretary-General's report has shown. Furthermore, this matter has been discussed by the judiciary authorities of the three countries in the presence of Mr. Corell. The Security Council, in paragraph 4 of its resolution 1192 (1998), decided that all States, not Libya alone, shall cooperate with the court. The text is available; we can look it up if there is any doubt. Since all parties are called upon to cooperate, how can this argument be used to prevent the Security Council from acting in accordance with its obligations by lifting the embargo on Libya? This matter falls under the competence of the International Court of Justice and the Scottish court, with which our judiciary authorities are cooperating. It is blatant interference when a member of the Security Council tries to influence the work of these courts, which are independent institutions that deserve the respect not only of Libya, but of all others as well.

The third justification is even harder to swallow. It is the demand that Libya compensate the families of the victims. How can this be done when the court has yet to sit? It will not hold its first session until 4 February 2000 and the laws state that the suspect is innocent until proven guilty. When we raised this issue, it was suggested that we settle out of court. Why out of court? Why then is the court in the Netherlands? We were told that these are American laws. American laws apply to United States citizens, not to Libyan citizens. The Security Council and the General Assembly reiterated last year and the year before that national laws cannot be applied beyond national borders. This logic of power should be used only to uphold the law. At the joint meeting, the Secretary-General himself was surprised to hear this proposal before the court was in session. They reiterated it. He asked them how it could be done. They said that the court would hand down a sentence. He pointed out that it had not yet done so and that, if it did, Libya would be committed to respecting it. How could they possibly make such a request when the suspects have not been found guilty? We are trying to prove their innocence and our country's. How can we be asked to pay compensation when a ruling has not yet been issued? This is yet another way of interfering in the internal affairs of the Scottish court sitting in the Netherlands.

Who will compensate Libya for the damages it has sustained in excess of $70 billion after seven years of unjustified sanctions and embargoes? Who will compensate us? The United Nations? Will the Member States compensate Libya for something they have not done? Let us be logical and work within the law on the basic principles of justice. Since we have agreed to the establishment of the court, let us allow the court to carry out its responsibilities.

Libya's fulfilment of its obligations has also been underlined in the Secretary-General's report, in the decisions of the thirty-fifth African Summit held in Algeria last July, in the decisions of the Arab League this September and in the decisions of the Ministerial Council of the Non-Aligned Movement a week ago. All these decisions call for the immediate and complete lifting of the sanctions. In this, they join the overwhelming majority of the international community.

Preventing the Security Council from adopting an overdue resolution lifting sanctions that should not have been imposed in the first place will threaten the Council's credibility and ability to honour its obligations. It will also reinforce the Security Council's failure to act in compliance with the will of the majority of the United Nations Member States and in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, as stated in Article 24. The will of one State cannot represent the will of the entire international community.

My country requests one thing: that the Security Council speedily adopt a decision lifting all the sanctions imposed on Libya. We demand that the case not be allowed to be politicized after the matter has taken its legal course. The case should be left entirely to the Scottish court in the Netherlands, without any interference from any political entity, including the Security Council. If the Security Council continues to be prevented from adopting such a decision, my country will take all necessary steps to guarantee fairness, including raising a constitutional dilemma between the highest and most important judiciary organ, the International Court of Justice, and the Security Council. We will raise it before the General Assembly in order to have a decision taken.

The President

I call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Yemen, His Excellency Mr. Abdul-Qader Ba-Jammal.

Mr. Ba-Jammal (Yemen)

I am pleased to convey to you, Sir, the assurances of my greatest esteem on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Yemen, I congratulate you on your assumption of this high office. We are certain that under your distinguished and capable leadership the work of the General Assembly will be crowned with success.

The democratic process in our world today is undergoing real expansion and is receiving the attention of all nations, whatever their creeds, races or regimes. It is further consolidated by being increasingly linked to human rights, in particular the rights to sustainable development, global knowledge, equality, justice, peace and stability.

The Republic of Yemen has linked itself in complete unity to the democratic process and has made it a continuous process towards comprehensive development. Both State and society are tirelessly struggling to make democracy in our country a firm and established system, evolving daily in order to ultimately form an integral system for the conduct of political, social and economic life.

On 23 September 1999, the Republic of Yemen, for the first time in its history, held free and direct elections for the presidency of the Republic, reflecting the credibility of the country's political regime and its constitutional commitments requiring the holding of direct elections for the presidency for five-year terms. This is proof that democracy in Yemen has become established as a firmly rooted principle and a unique and unrestricted option for achieving a peaceful change of government respect for human rights, and for enhancing people's role and participation in sustainable development and cultural progress.

Democracy in Yemen appeared in its highest form in the direct presidential elections, which reflected the free will of the people and the need for development and stability. The results of the direct secret ballot showed participation in all parts of the country by 66 per cent of all registered voters. The President-elect of the Republic of Yemen for the forthcoming term, Ali Abdullah Saleh, obtained 96 per cent of the votes. A new term and a new era will begin on 3 October this year, when the directly elected President will take the constitutional oath before the Yemeni Chamber of Deputies.

Mr. Ba-Jammal (Yemen)

The wish of the people to achieve democratic progress reflects their need for stability and for an end to states of emergency in their lives. This goes hand in hand with their desire for a future that embodies radical change in the economic, social and cultural fields. It also requires serious practical action on the part of Governments and international and regional organizations to support development in emerging democracies, and to supply them with means of growth and the transfer of know-how. Sustainable development would then accompany and safeguard democracy, and the linkage between development and democracy would be a condition for progress and a motivating force for cooperation and human integration among all nations of the world.

Sixteen States convened the Forum on Emerging Democracies in Sana'a, the capital of Yemen, and issued an important instrument called the Sana'a Declaration, with a view to intensifying the concepts, framework and applications of the democratic process in real life, and to achieving broad popular participation and the affirmation of human rights in those countries.

I wish to reaffirm here the announcement of President Ali Abdullah Saleh that the Republic of Yemen would like to host the International Conference of New or Restored Democracies to be held in Asia in 2003.

Our world today is witnessing profound changes that essentially represent the remnants of the cold war and that are, at the same time, new harbingers of hope that forthcoming changes will be in the interest of peace, economic progress and development, and that the people, political leaders and intellectuals have absorbed the lessons to be derived from ideological and racial conflicts, power politics and their tragic clashes. The only way to prepare the way for peace and stability is through the language of dialogue, the rule of law, stable relationships and the absence of fear, doubt and uncertainty. Dialogue will for ever remain the only way to extinguish fires, spread the spirit of tolerance and coexistence and promote the values of cooperation, solidarity and integration among all active forces and actors in the cause of peace.

The position of the Republic of Yemen regarding world events consists of our commitment to the principles of peaceful coexistence, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, non-use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes and peaceful negotiations and dialogue in the settlement of all issues, including border issues between States on a no-fault basis.

As a member of the international family and an active participant in regional organizations, Yemen unequivocally affirms its sincere desire to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in the Arabian Peninsula, the Gulf, the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and the Indian Ocean. The Republic of Yemen calls upon all States and peoples to continue their sincere and diligent efforts to achieve tangible progress in the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned in these regions. The desired goal is to arrive at mutual understanding, balanced relationships and firm bases for the achievement of coexistence and harmony among States and peoples, the consolidation of peace and the securing of the necessary conditions for development and cooperation.

The Republic of Yemen demonstrated in practice the credibility of its positions of principle, its respect for international law, its wholehearted desire for stability and peace in the region and its awareness of the importance of such peace for international economic, commercial and maritime relations. Yemen proved that when it accepted unconditionally the decision of the arbitration tribunal regarding the sovereignty dispute over the Yemeni island of Greater Hanish, which lies in the Red Sea between Yemen and the neighbouring State of Eritrea, thereby furnishing a prime example of how peaceful solutions to differences and disputes between States can be achieved by international arbitration.

We hope that the island-related dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran will be settled peacefully in accordance with internationally recognized principles and rules relating to the settlement of such disputes, and in keeping with the desire to achieve peace, stability, development and cooperation in our region.

In accordance with these firm premises and guidelines, the Republic of Yemen will remain faithful to the principle of the rejection of violence and the combating of terrorism in all its forms, whatever its motives and sources, and regardless of whether it involves individuals, groups or States. Our country is combating this phenomenon with all its might. It believes that terrorism has become a worldwide phenomenon meriting investigation at the international level and the creation of integrated mechanisms and rules to contain it and to counter its effects, with a view to ultimately eliminating it.

The Assembly might agree with me that there is now an urgent need to review the policy of imposing international embargoes and sanctions. Experience has demonstrated their ineffectiveness in achieving the goals and purposes for which they were adopted and the tremendous harm they have visited upon people, not political regimes, especially the middle and lower strata of the population and vulnerable social sectors such as children, women and the elderly.

The situation in Iraq attests to this. The need for a total and final lifting of the sanctions imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has also become self-evident, after recent developments and the Libyan leadership's compliance with the Security Council resolutions concerning the Lockerbie affair. We also call for the lifting of the sanctions imposed on the Sudan, which is currently holding an internal democratic dialogue for the achievement of unity and national concord.

Wars and clashes result only in human tragedies, in the form of displacement, imprisonment, forcible detention and flight from war zones in search of refuge and safe havens. In this context, my country emphasizes the need to deal in a humane and civilized manner with the question of prisoners, the missing and those who are forced into hiding as a result of wars, conflicts and clashes of all kinds.

In this regard, we have great hope that the issue of Kuwaiti and other prisoners will meet with a humane and objective solution that will help to create an atmosphere conducive to reconciliation and to the achievement of harmony, peace and stability in the region.

It is known that societies that host refugees fleeing from areas of war and oppression bear heavy burdens and sustain tragic consequences, and that their peoples face serious environmental and health hazards. Those societies also face considerable economic and financial hardships as a result of hosting refugees. It is indeed regrettable that the humanitarian work done for refugees by certain countries should have disastrous, tragic results for those countries. This is what is happening today in the Republic of Yemen as a result of the steadily increasing daily influx of refugees from the Horn of Africa, which is ablaze with regional and civil wars and local dissension.

The Republic of Yemen calls upon the international community to assume its responsibility with regard to this humanitarian issue, which weighs heavily on the Yemeni State and society, by increased efforts on the part of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and a more concerted international alliance among all donor countries able to provide emergency and long-term assistance. Allowing the persistence of such inhumane phenomena and conditions reflects a tragic deterioration in human rights and an alarming regression in the values of civilized nations. We undoubtedly need to develop mechanisms and devise the necessary means for coping with such situations. This is the very essence and substance of the work of the United Nations.

At the same time, we wish to emphasize that the time has come for renewed solidarity and efforts on the part of the United Nations, the international community and all parties concerned with a view to finding practical solutions to the situation in Somalia that will help restore the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia and bring security and stability to the region.

The peoples of the world seek a peace that is based on justice, equality, respect for human rights and the absence of tyranny, abuse and double standards. Accordingly, the Republic of Yemen, which has supported and given its blessing to the efforts towards a peaceful settlement in the Middle East, believes that a comprehensive, just and lasting peace must be based on the restoration of all legitimate rights to the Palestinian people, first and foremost of which is its right to establish its independent State on its national soil, with Jerusalem as its capital, and likewise the restoration of Israeli-occupied territories to the Syrian and the Lebanese peoples.

At a time when we are positively and with renewed optimism discussing the peace process in the region, Israel must realize that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace is a genuine goal for the people of the area. Furthermore, it is a regional, international humanitarian goal that will help open a new page in the life and relations between peoples and help end the tragedies of the past. It will hopefully assist in overcoming all rancour and grudges and in providing opportunities for tolerance between creeds, cultures and races. All this would constitute a genuine starting point for stability, trust and mutual understanding among the States and peoples of the region.

As we approach the end of the second millennium, we are confronted with a reality exemplified in the increased speed and movement of political, economic and social variables, whose ramifications and relationship with other contrasting factors are becoming increasingly more complex, in terms of time and space.

We are all therefore called upon to cooperate and to respond responsibly for the creation of a healthy climate for the building of a new world order based on justice, freedom of choice, tolerance and genuine partnership in all governmental and non-governmental activities at the regional and international levels. The ultimate goal is to permanently ensure a balance of interests and a sense of involvement in all that is humane and noble and, in concrete terms, in a productive and useful life for all mankind.

Since one of our primary goals is the reform of the United Nations and, in particular, the Security Council and the international institutions, we are giving this goal our full attention and support. At the same time, we commend the Secretary-General for the initiatives and measures he has taken towards the goal of reforming the United Nations, its mechanisms and its methods of work, which would broaden democratic practices and achieve transparency of work and effectiveness of participation.

In this context, we reaffirm our welcome and support for the Open-ended Working Group established for this purpose. We call for the continuation and early completion of its work, taking into full account the importance of a full understanding of the essential variables in international relations in recent years.

I reiterate my esteem for the President of the Assembly, and I thank all those participating in the current session. May peace and God's mercy and blessing be upon you.