General Assembly Session 53 meeting 8

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Latvia.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Guntis Ulmanis, President of the Republic of Latvia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Ulmanis (Latvia)

Allow me to congratulate the President of the General Assembly on his election and to wish him success in discharging his duties. I wish us all a constructive fifty-third session of the General Assembly.

In 1995, the United Nations system commemorated its golden anniversary. This year, the United Nations celebrates the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is a major accomplishment for humankind. The Declaration has inspired the development of a reliable and effective international system for the protection of human rights.

At the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration, Latvia was under Soviet occupation. The Soviet Union did not respect human rights, even though it participated in the preparation and adoption of the Declaration. I will mention one example among many violations of human rights: three and a half months after the adoption of the Declaration, the people of Latvia, including myself, experienced the largest of several deportations. Tens of thousands of people, even elderly people and children, were deported to the gulag. This left a lasting mark on the collective consciousness of the people of Latvia and significantly altered the demographic situation.

During the period of occupation, the people of Latvia were unable to utilize fully the human-rights protection system of the United Nations. That situation changed as Latvia restored its independence. In the seven years since Latvia became a Member of the United Nations, it has benefitted from the moral and political support of the largest international organization.

Immediately after the restoration of independence, our nation had to achieve the removal of a foreign military force. This process was helped by two General Assembly resolutions and the good offices of the Secretary-General. I am pleased to announce that less than a month ago the last military installation of the Russian Federation in Latvia -- the early-warning radar station in Skrunda -- was closed. This event illustrates that international institutions can constructively assist in the fulfilment of bilateral agreements. Cooperation between Latvia and the United Nations has been rich in accomplishments. The experience gained in the United Nations community has helped us in our democratic development.

At present, Latvia is paying particular attention to economic and social development. Latvia is experiencing healthy economic growth at present. Latvia has one of the highest rates of growth in gross national product and one of the lowest rates of inflation among European Union candidate States. It has a balanced budget, and expects to have one next year also. This creates justifiable optimism that the process of accession to the European Union will continue successfully.

The development of an integrated society is a national priority. This is a complicated task because the Soviet regime intentionally created a situation in which Latvians almost became a minority in their own country. Nevertheless, Latvia is dealing resolutely with this task. By the end of the year the Government will have completed the elaboration of a programme for the integration of society. This programme will stimulate the development of a civil society and provide more opportunities for the learning of the Latvian language. When implemented, the programme will permit all residents of Latvia to participate to an even greater extent than at present in public and civic life. Already Latvia ensures broad opportunities for the development of the culture of various ethnic groups and for education in their mother tongues.

This past June, Latvia's parliament adopted a far-reaching decision about changes in the citizenship law. Most of the major political forces support these changes in the citizenship law. Shortly, the people of Latvia will voice their opinion of these changes in a referendum.

Cooperation with United Nations institutions, especially the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), has enhanced the social and economic welfare of Latvia's inhabitants. The UNDP has helped our country resolve sensitive and important issues of integration. On behalf of the Government of Latvia, I would like to express gratitude for the assistance provided by the UNDP in enhancing the welfare of Latvia's inhabitants. The successful cooperation should continue.

The fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights spurs a consideration of Latvia's possible contributions to the human-rights protection system. As a first-time member of the Commission on Human Rights beginning next year, Latvia will support the promotion of human rights as a priority of the United Nations, and the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights as the primary institution for that task. Latvia believes that the priority role of human rights requires increased funding. Latvia has decided to continue to support financially the project for the development of national human rights institutions.

On the country level, I may note the National Human Rights Office which has operated actively in our country for several years and which is the first institution of its kind in Central and Eastern Europe. The Office was established with the support of the United Nations. Latvia desires to continue this constructive cooperation with the United Nations. In support of the reform package proposed by the Secretary-General, the Government of Latvia will establish "United Nations House". By the end of the year a building in Riga will be the home of five institutions of the United Nations system.

It is significant that during the golden anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration, the United Nations diplomatic conference in Rome adopted a decision to establish an international criminal court. Latvia supports the establishment of an effective court and hopes that an overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States will do likewise.

The best protection for human rights is a world in which peace and security prevail. The bipolar order, with its characteristic threats to peace and security, is gone. However, the world is still unsafe. International terrorism and crime are growing, access to weapons of mass destruction is growing, ethnic conflicts exist, and threats to the ecology of our planet are mounting.

In order to solve these problems, the enhanced participation of the United Nations, including the Security Council, is essential. To fulfil its role effectively, the Security Council must reflect the real balance of the world's economic and social power and use skilfully the resources available to it. Latvia reiterates its continued support for an expansion of the Council that would result in the equitable representation of small States and all regional groups.

As I speak from this rostrum, I appreciate the rare opportunity to address the shapers of world political opinion. We, the leaders of the United Nations Member States, must realize clearly that the highest mission of the United Nations is service to humankind. The United Nations should become a universal Organization. It will retain credibility in the eyes of the world only if the results of its efforts are clearly evident.

A prerequisite for this credibility is the ability to condemn and deter those who have violated internationally accepted norms of behaviour. The United Nations has shown the ability to do this on many occasions. I believe the time has come for world society to evaluate one of the most inhumane regimes of this century -- Soviet totalitarianism. I take this opportunity to call upon victimized peoples to commence a joint effort to evaluate its legacy. The people of Latvia have endured the horrors of Soviet and Nazi occupations and therefore have the right to appeal to world society to do everything in its ability to avert the future appearance of similar scourges.

We live in an era when the human mind has created much that is useful for promoting mutual respect and understanding in our everyday lives. I hope that the results of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly will be a lasting investment in shaping the United Nations for the next millennium.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Latvia for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, His Excellency Mr. Seyed Mohammad Khatami, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Seyed Khatami (Iran)

The light of

human existence is kindled by man's longing for salvation. The essence of the message of divine prophets and the content of the teachings of prominent sages have been primarily aimed at human salvation. It is painful to observe in the arena of human history the deprivation and abject misery of human beings; the deprivation of women, men and children enslaved by the whims of the ruling powers; and the ill fate of rulers deprived of compassion and sympathy for their own nations. Hence, virtuous rule and good governance have been evanescent in human history.

Ironically, much too often will and freedom of thought have been frustrated and liberty suffocated in the name of salvation, and much too often salvation has been portrayed as disposing of any and all restraints on insatiable human desires. Reason and love have thus been sacrificed at the altar of the whim. At times, liberty has been trampled in the name of justice, and at other times justice has been obliterated in the name of freedom. The result has been humanity's age-old deprivation from both justice in liberty and liberty in justice.

It is only a few centuries since genuine knowledge began to be construed as the source of power rather than an agent of its control. Ever since, knowledge, instead of serving human salvation and exalting human character, has been used as an instrument in the hands of those whose only object is to advance their own narrow, utilitarian self-interest.

Despite its magnificent progress, humanity has suffered massively over these centuries from discrimination and anguish. Survivors are still among us who can testify to the incalculable destruction caused by the two world wars, and despite the birth of the United Nations -- a positive achievement for mankind -- true peace based on justice still remains a scarcity.

Particularly desperate is the situation of the countries in the underdeveloped world, where so many still suffer from famine, illiteracy and disease, and some remain at the mercy of rulers who do not even take the trouble of pretending to respect democratic standards or enjoy popular support. So often they attempt to replace the absence of popular support by dependence on power whose sole purpose is the pursuit of domination and self-interest.

Oppressive and dependent governments deny their people the opportunity to experience democracy by perpetuating intimidation and terror in society, and they promote a culture of violence which inadvertently leads their opponents to resort to the same. The powers that breed and nurture such regimes can therefore not escape blame. Primarily responsible here are those powers whose intelligence services take pride in their dark record of overthrowing popular governments and supporting unpopular ones.

This image of our world is indeed grim and repulsive. Until the day that the wise and the learned wrest the reins of power from the unwise and the capricious, this image cannot at all be transformed.

Nonetheless, in my opinion, beyond the darkness and doom, genuine beauty can still be discerned in the deeper layers of history. I can assert with certitude that, on the whole, human life has blossomed spiritually and materially. Anti-colonial struggles and independence movements of many nations in this century exemplify this blossoming and progress. The collapse of the bipolar world order in the final decade of this century and the swift march of the world towards diversity, coupled with renewed assertion of identity in the international arena by nations demanding equality, are other significant achievements in this direction.

The fantasy of a unipolar world ruled by a single super-Power is but an illusion, indicating the failure of its holders to keep pace with history. I am confident that powerful nations, such as the American people, will not accept that their good name, potential and national prestige be exploited for the advancement of the dream of a unipolar world by the politicians, motivated by the short-sighted material and factional interests of a few. The evolution of public opinion in the West in support of peaceful relations on the basis of mutual respect testifies to this assertion.

Now allow me to speak here as a man from the East, the origin of brilliant civilizations and the birthplace of divine prophets -- Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Mohammed, peace be upon them all. I come from the noble land of Iran, representing a great and renowned nation famed for its ancient civilization, as well as for its distinguished contribution to the founding and expansion of the Islamic civilization, a nation that has survived the strong winds of despotism, reaction and submission, relying on its cultural and human wealth. It is a nation which pioneered in the East the establishment of civil society and constitutional government in the course of its contemporary history, even though, as a result of foreign interference and domestic deficiencies, at times it may have faltered in its course; a nation which has been at the forefront of the struggle for independence and against colonialism, although its national movement was subverted by a foreign-orchestrated coup. And it is a nation which carries the torch of its popular revolution, not won by force of arms or a coup, but by dethroning a regime of coup d'état through the power of the enlightened word. In the course of its new experience, our nation has endured eight years of an imposed war, pressure, sanctions and various unfair accusations. It has also fallen victim to terrorism, the ominous phenomenon of the twentieth century.

Today, the Iranian nation draws on its past to contemplate a better future, while defying reactionary tendencies and, backed by principles and ideals rooted in its religious, national, historical and revolutionary heritage and benefiting from positive achievements of contemporary civilization, marches, be it through trial and error, towards a promising tomorrow.

The Islamic revolution of the Iranian people was a revolt of reason against coercion and suppression. Certainly, a revolution which resorted to logic in the phase of destruction is much better disposed to resort to dialogue and reason in the phase of construction. Hence, it calls for a dialogue among civilizations and cultures instead of a clash between them.

From this rostrum and the pulpit of the United Nations, I announce that humanity, despite all calamities and hardships, is heading towards emancipation and liberty. This is the unalterable divine providence and human destiny. The malice and depravity of no individual can ever violate divine providence and the course of history.

The word "history" predates "philosophy", and man is the pillar of history. History itself is the reflection of the light of being upon various facets and dimensions of human existence. Thus, it is a unique and universal entity, albeit diverse in nature. Whenever this unique entity takes on a new guise, a new era is ushered in. Our assessment of history indeed emanates from our perception of humanity -- its pivot and pillar.

Human beings, who, in the Persian poet Saadi's eloquent description borrowed from a saying of the holy Prophet of Islam, are various organs of the same body, are outside the reach of biology or psychology. Understanding human beings requires a philosophical and reflective view of man and history. God created man with His own hand and in His own image, and He breathed into him of His own spirit, and thus humanity is but a single entity, and so is its history. The hand of God granted humankind history, will and freedom of choice; the image of God provided him culture, spirituality and liberty; and the spirit of God bestowed upon him life and vitality. Thus, human beings have come to possess history, culture and liberty.

Not only do all human beings originate from one and the same origin and share a continuous and integrated history, but also one may further postulate a single final purpose. This purpose of history is none other than spiritual culture, and genuine human liberty is its absolute prerequisite.

Whether or not one subscribes to the view that man is doomed to whirl in iterative historical cycles or to grapple with historical moments or epochs, and whether or not one holds history to be self-driven, driven by human urges, by modes of production or by superhuman heroes, everyone can agree that it is only the ever-inspiring fountain of faith that breaks every old and new shackle from humanity and arrests the iterative eternal cycle, eventually emancipating humankind from the bounds of historical determinism, just as it is only the vivifying breeze of liberty that can offer faith and spirituality to humanity.

It is thus that humankind could, in consonance with the mystic Persian poet Hafez, serenade that

"I will subvert this high inverted vault if it should ere rotate 'gainst my dictate."

Or, in the words of the Gospel according to Saint Mark,

if one had faith in God one could say to the mountain

"Be thou removed, and be thou cast into the sea" (The Holy Bible, Mark 11:23)

Through such an understanding of freedom, the tenets of human dignity can be upheld in the face of political domination and virtue, and hope against baneful blasts of despair and nihilism. Here, one can discern the trajectory of history towards liberty.

The history of humankind is the history of liberty. Only that interpretation which describes history as the arena for manifestation of liberty can provide an opening of the past for the benefit of mankind. Regardless of all philosophical systems that have attempted to attribute meanings, directions and laws of evolution to history, we can realize that because human history is intertwined with the history of liberty, when human beings are liberated from imposed constraints of exploitation and social enslavement, as well as from unrefined animal instincts such as violence and savagery, they will then side with truth and justice in line with their human nature. Thence, human history shall become the glorious history of truth and realization of justice. And this could be another expression of the famous religious doctrine of Messianism.

Whether we embark on an empirical and inductive study of history or an intuitive one, most thinkers would agree that the essence of humanity has flourished and that more veils of ignorance have been removed from the minds of human beings.

I have deliberately used the word "flourished" instead of the more common terms, such as "historical progress", in order to emphasize that, whatever school of philosophy of history we may follow, we can still share an understanding of this general and universal conception of history.

The establishment and continued functioning of the United Nations is a testament to the progressive path of the world and of human history. Today it does not require much argument to establish that instead of war and bloodshed one could and indeed ought to resort to discourse and dialogue. That fact has not been achieved easily, as if the bloodstained history of humanity forms an antecedent to this seemingly simple proposition.

Yet so long as imprudent potentates can obliterate flowers and trees, hope and mirth from the face of the Earth with a quick stroke of their folly and cruelty, it is premature to celebrate the ultimate triumph of the Logos over the sword.

The twentieth century did not only witness the manifestations of violence and human sufferings at the hands of old colonialists and the unprecedented injustice of their modern heirs; it was also the century of the rise and fall of totalitarian regimes. Let us hope that in the coming century resort to force and violence shall not be glorified and that the essence of political power shall be compassion and justice, externally manifested in dialogue between civilizations.

The question is how the United Nations may take the necessary measures to respond to this evolving global climate, and what impact it will have on the changing course of the life of mankind longing for salvation.

I would like to propose, in the name of the Islamic Republic of Iran, that the United Nations, as a first step, designate the year 2001 as the "Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations", in the earnest hope that through such a dialogue the realization of universal justice and liberty may be initiated.

Among the worthiest achievements of this century is the acceptance of the necessity and significance of dialogue and the rejection of force, the promotion of understanding in the cultural, economic and political fields, and the strengthening of the foundations of liberty, justice and human rights. The establishment and enhancement of civility, whether at the national or international level, is contingent upon dialogue among societies and civilizations representing various views, inclinations and approaches. If humanity, at the threshold of the new century and millennium, devotes all its efforts to institutionalizing dialogue, replacing hostility and confrontation with discourse and understanding, it will leave an invaluable legacy for the benefit of future generations.

Similarly, it is necessary that as members of the United Nations we revisit the history of the formation of this Organization, with a view to reforming and improving the institution through a rational exchange of views.

The United Nations took shape in a dark era of human history, when many of its current members were still experiencing the bitter and abominable conditions of colonial rule. As a consequence, the new Organization reflected the domination of the powerful few. Things have changed now, and the opportunity has presented itself to restructure this Organization, particularly its Security Council. Here I would like to refer to the wise statement of the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran in his inaugural address to the Eighth Session of the Islamic Summit Conference, held in Tehran, that the Islamic countries, representing one billion and several hundred million people, should acquire a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, with the same privileges as current permanent members, as long as they are enjoyed by those members.

The time has come to reject, through understanding, the discriminatory veto privilege, and in so doing take another step towards the recognition of fair and equal rights of all Member States.

Let us all join hands in solidarity against genocide, aggression and the humiliation of mankind in various corners of the world. Let us prevent the continuation of shameful tragedies which have tarnished the face of this century in Palestine, Afghanistan and Kosovo, and in many other parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America.

Peace and security in the Middle East, imperative as they are, will only be established through the recognition of the right of all Palestinians to exercise sovereignty over their ancestral homeland. The presently occupied Al-Quds al-Sharif ought to be the house of dialogue and understanding. Resonating from the depth of history, its voice speaks intrinsically against racism and Zionism. Great monotheistic religions can live peacefully together in Al-Quds al-Sharif, but it is the very Israeli rule that has made such a coexistence impossible. Palestine is the home of all Palestinians -- Muslims, Christians and Jews -- and not a laboratory for the violent whims of Zionists.

In Afghanistan, there is no military solution to that country's predicament. The universal outrage at the massacre and genocide being perpetrated there -- particularly the tragic killing of Iranian diplomats and a journalist, as well as at the continued captivity of the Iranian aid workers in the hands of the Taliban -- calls for sober analysis and expeditious action to bring the perpetrators of these crimes to justice.

Afghanistan, the land of people of dignity and culture, has now been turned into a haven for violence, terrorism and the production of and trafficking in narcotics. The Afghan people, as other peoples in the world, have the inalienable right to determine their own destiny and the right to enjoy a broad-based Government representing all ethnic groups, communities and tendencies in that country. This is the only way to restore tranquillity in Afghanistan. This requires resolute international cooperation in order to inhibit the lucrative and deadly business of producing and smuggling narcotics, illicit trafficking in weapons and cultivation of terrorism. The United Nations, in cooperation with the Organization of the Islamic Conference and all concerned States, should bring all the parties to the conflict to the negotiating table, paving the way for the tyrannized and destitute Afghan people to freely determine their own destiny and, backed by solemn global support, should bring the rogue elements into compliance with the will of the international community. Simultaneously the Organization should plan for the mobilization of requisite international assistance for the reconstruction of Afghanistan once the necessary political conditions are in place.

In Kosovo, the legitimate rights of the embattled people should be recognized, and the Yugoslav Government should be made to respect these rights.

Honest and sincere efforts to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, including state terrorism, constitute another important priority for the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Terrorism is a product of desperation and nihilism. In a world swirling in the orbit of violence and oppression, serious combat against terrorism will not advance beyond the realm of words and slogans. The eradication of terrorism must be concurrent with a global search for justice.

This assertion should in no way be interpreted as a justification for any form of terrorism. As required by our religious, moral and cultural values and norms, we unequivocally oppose all forms and manifestations of terrorism, and we shall combat it vigorously and earnestly. In our view, in order to eradicate this menace, we should engage in serious and transparent international cooperation to combat terrorism, and at the same time redouble our efforts to attain the objective of global justice.

At the threshold of the third millennium, the world also needs to be liberated from the nightmare of nuclear war and weapons of mass destruction. Recent nuclear tests in our region, which have led to further complications, make this all the more imperative. We should all realize that the idea of attaining security through the acquisition of such armaments is nothing but an illusion.

The manifestation of a resolute global determination to eliminate all existing arsenals of weapons of mass destruction within an agreed time-frame would provide a clear objective and lend credence and add dynamism to the international efforts against the production and proliferation of these deadly weapons. The establishment of zones free from weapons of mass destruction, particularly in the Middle East, constitutes an appropriate first step in alleviating tension and mistrust emanating from these weapons. We in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as victims of the use of weapons of mass destruction, are more cognizant than anyone else of their horrifying impact. We shall thus stay at the forefront of international efforts to establish and strengthen universal arrangements for their destruction.

Security, development and prosperity in the third world require the promotion of cooperation and the utilization of proven arrangements and mechanisms for confidence-building. In this regard, it is encouraging that the Eighth Islamic Summit Conference in Tehran, cognizant of this necessity, established an appropriate mechanism to foster confidence through dialogue among Islamic countries.

As a first step in this direction, I invite our neighbours in the Persian Gulf region, who have witnessed two destructive wars in the span of one decade, to establish a security and cooperation system in the area.

In short, confidence and peace cannot be attained without a sober revision of the mentality of the cold war. The advancement and promotion of a culture of peace is contingent upon the recognition of the constructive role of nations coupled with avoidance of domination, unilateralism, confrontation and exclusion.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, in keeping with its fundamental beliefs and deep-rooted heritage of civilization, seeks a world blessed with peace and tranquillity based on human dignity. It has accorded the highest priority in its foreign policy to the removal of tension. In line with the principles of the Islamic revolution, Iran is determined to follow its balanced policy of expanding relations with its neighbours and other countries on the basis of respect for independence and equality of rights.

Comprehensive peace, over and above peace among human beings, also calls for peace between mankind and nature, which in turn requires that mankind bring to a halt the systematic devouring of nature and instead emphasizes the coordination of man and nature. The preservation of the environment, as the common natural heritage of mankind, constitutes a most important priority of the coming century.

Before concluding, I would like to emphasize the paramount role of the family, women and youth in the making of a better tomorrow and the consolidation of the foundations of civil society throughout the globe.

The family is the unique setting for human progress and the development of the personal and social identity of individuals. Regrettably, today, especially in the industrialized countries, the foundations of home and family have been undermined, threatening the emotional, material and spiritual health of human life. A global effort is required to confront this danger, lest the flames of this centre of warmth, affection and education be gradually dimmed by the cold and vicious winds of alluring facades, lust and material gain.

Efforts at the global level geared to the promotion and strengthening of respect for women and their rights require a critical reassessment of the traditional and inappropriate views about women. The traditional outlook, based on the erroneous notion of the superiority of men over women, does injustice to men, women and humanity as a whole. Equally nefarious is the view that disregards the differences between men and women. We should recognize that both men and women are valuable components of humanity who equally possess the potential for intellectual, social, cultural and political development, and that comprehensive and sustainable development is possible only through the active participation of both men and women in social life.

At the threshold of the new millennium, the United Nations should have faith in the new generation, to whom the next century belongs. It should thus be prepared to accept and embrace the requirements of believing in youth. Let us bring ourselves to accept that we are not custodians of youth and that the young do have the right to enjoy the social process of growth and development, a right they should exercise consciously and wilfully. With such a new perspective, and drawing upon the dynamic ability and intellectual capability of the new generation, we can together chart a much better and brighter future for the next century.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the statement he has just made.

The President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mexico, Her Excellency Mrs. Rosario Green.

Mrs. Green (Mexico)

The election of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uruguay as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session is a source of pride for Latin America and the Caribbean. I am personally familiar with the talent, experience and diplomatic skill of Minister Opertti and I am convinced that these qualities will help to guide, motivate and strengthen our work.

My delegation would also like to express its appreciation to Hennadiy Udovenko for the outstanding work that he accomplished as President at the session that just closed.

Last July, we had the honour of welcoming our Secretary-General to Mexico. On that occasion we observed anew his firm and resolute commitment to strengthen the United Nations, adapting it to confront the challenges of the end of the century. We recognize in Kofi Annan a man with a clear vision of the future of the Organization, and we are confident that he will know how to guide it in this transition stage towards a new millennium.

Mexico is a country with a profound multilateral calling. Our desire to seek international agreement finds fertile ground for development in this forum. It is for this reason that we are convinced of the urgent need to strengthen it and to seek within it shared answers to the challenges that the new global agenda presents.

Mexico's commitment to the United Nations does not consist of words alone. A week ago, the Government of President Ernesto Zedillo reconfirmed this by sending the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families to the Mexican Senate for approval. From the very beginning of negotiations on that Convention, over which Mexico had the honour of presiding, we insisted on the importance of having legal instruments to ensure respect for and protection of the rights of migrant workers. By taking that step, Mexico is showing its unswerving commitment to the norms of international law and is making progress in consolidating itself as a State of law.

Convinced of the need to strengthen the international system that makes it possible for us to have the will and the necessary instruments to confront together the challenges of the end of the century, President Zedillo promoted the convening of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to the problem of drugs. As of that meeting, principles of responsibility shared among States and of strict respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States replaced the scenario of mutual recrimination and unilateral evaluations. We now have the bases for a global consensus regarding the policies that must be adopted by States in order to consolidate an unprecedented effort at cooperation based on this new global, integral and balanced strategy. Mexico will not regress in its efforts to implement the commitments that we adopted last June.

The international agenda today, as reflected in the agenda of the General Assembly, is very broad and complex. I would like to refer on this occasion to only three questions which I consider to be of particular relevance: disarmament, which has been a constant issue in Mexico's foreign policy; the reform of our Organization, which will help to shape the community of nations in the next century; and the international financial crisis, which greatly jeopardizes the efforts of our countries to attain full development, as well as our ability to advance towards the future.

As far as the subject of disarmament is concerned, there is no doubt that the existence of nuclear arsenals remains one of the central problems in international relations. The threat of an atomic conflagration cannot be disregarded, and we must reiterate our commitment to fashioning a world which is free of nuclear weapons. For Mexico, the objective of eliminating these instruments of mass destruction is realistic and viable. It is time to set aside arguments that, for strategic reasons, have served to conceal the efforts of those who either do not want to give up their present nuclear capacity or else want to join the group of countries that possess this destructive ability. One can contribute to nuclear disarmament only by eliminating nuclear weapons. This is why we seek to broaden and strengthen international commitments in this respect. Our political conviction is that we must achieve new agreements that remove this scourge from humankind.

Mexico condemns all nuclear testing from principle and out of conviction. We affirmed this recently in the light of the tests conducted by India and Pakistan. Far from contributing to stability and regional balance, such actions promote the proliferation of uncertainty and fear. They also contribute to a climate conducive to the nuclear arms race.

I would like on this occasion to reiterate Mexico's conviction that dialogue and negotiation are and will remain the irreplaceable means of resolving disputes. It was in that spirit that last 9 July we supported a ministerial statement that sought to define a new agenda for the elimination of weapons of mass destruction. We co-sponsors of that declaration introduced a draft resolution that we hope will receive the resolute support of Member States so that we can in that way demonstrate the resolve of the community of nations to move towards a world free of nuclear weapons.

We are also committed to a new, integral approach to the subject of disarmament and the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction or weapons with excessively cruel and inhuman effects. There has been progress recently in the Conference on Disarmament related to security guarantees and the prohibition on the production of fissionable materials destined to be used for such weapons.

We are likewise pleased at the growing support being given to the treaties on anti-personnel landmines and on chemical and bacteriological weapons. In particular, we are gratified at the entry into force on 1 March 1999 of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction. Once again we urge the countries that have not yet done so to ratify as soon as possible these conventions that seek to eliminate such weapons from the face of the Earth.

The proliferation of small arms and its link with criminal organizations and drug-trafficking constitute a significant challenge to the majority of nations. Combating this is a priority of the Government of Mexico. The Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives and Other Related Materials, which was the result of a Mexican initiative, is of crucial importance and should therefore be taken into account in further negotiations on transnational crime.

In the present situation, which demands that we clearly define the framework for international relations and adapt it in a timely way, the initiatives for reforming our Organization presented by the Secretary-General acquire special significance. The United Nations must reform itself if it is to remain a central force in our collective lives.

We must recognize that traditional mechanisms for harmonization and negotiation are showing clear signs of exhaustion. We must rethink these strategies in order to deal with old and new problems. The consolidation of a structure which is truly democratic, transparent and well balanced, and which is consistent with the purpose and principles of the San Francisco Charter must be our common goal.

In this context, I wish to stress the importance of achieving a better balance between the principal organs of the United Nations. The Security Council needs to be reformed in order to strengthen its legitimacy, representativeness, effectiveness, democracy and transparency. In considering its structure, we must correct the deficiencies in its present composition. It is not a matter of size; rather, the problem is the lack of balance in its representativeness. The Security Council must reflect the plurality and diversity of the membership of the United Nations, taking into account the profound changes in political geography experienced in the last decade.

Likewise, we must avoid repeating or even broadening existing inequalities. For this reason, Mexico is against increasing the number of permanent members. Let us not fall into the fallacy of believing that the Council's effectiveness resides in the right of veto. All rights bear responsibilities and these must not be abused. Otherwise, the necessary legitimacy which makes the Security Council efficient and effective is eroded. This is why I wish to reiterate our appeal to the permanent members to join in an open-minded way in designing a system to regulate the sphere of application of that privilege.

Nonetheless, we recognize that structural reform of the Security Council will not in itself guarantee its effectiveness. Hence, we insist on the need to progress towards a thorough revision of its working methods and of the decision-making process. The community of nations has given that organ the high responsibility of ensuring international peace and security. Under paragraph 1 of Article 24 of the Charter, the members of the Organization recognize that the Council acts in our name in carrying out these functions.

It is therefore clear that the Security Council's attitude must be profoundly democratic and one of respect towards the General Assembly, in accordance with paragraph 3 of the same Article. Anything else would be a violation of the letter and spirit of the Charter, and would mean an erosion of the Council's legitimacy and its capacity to fulfil the responsibilities that we have entrusted to it. We must break this vicious circle and make serious progress in the design and implementation of the needed reforms.

My country will continue to participate actively in the Working Group charged with reform of the Security Council. We hope to be able to submit to the Assembly recommendations that can receive widespread support, genuinely reflecting the collective aspirations of all the members of the United Nations.

Our concerns about international security and the capacity of our multilateral forums to respond effectively to new challenges are compounded today by the uncertainty caused by the international financial crisis.

It is obvious that the Bretton Woods system has shown its inability to respond adequately to the challenges of the current international financial crisis. We are undoubtedly faced with a situation of high risk which threatens to erode the important development attainments of our emerging economies. Given the vicissitudes of the international financial situation, we, the countries of Latin America, have endeavoured to maintain our economic strength through profound and sometimes difficult processes of structural reform. We reaffirm our commitment to continue to manage in a responsible way the economic policy mechanisms that ensure our stability and growth.

It is clear that this is not enough and that concerted action is needed on the part of all countries and international financial organs. Heads of State and Government of the Rio Group meeting in Panama on 4-5 September urged the countries in which the financial crisis originated to adopt the measures needed to correct their imbalances. They made an appeal to the countries of the Group of 7 to immediately take the necessary measures to restore stability to financial markets and to ensure the growth of the world economy. The Rio Group also appealed to international financial institutions to be involved more quickly and effectively in finding solutions to the international financial crisis.

Overcoming the present situation must be our priority. We must be creative in order to find formulas that make it possible for us to avoid recurring financial crises and banish the spectre of global recession. Just as the community of nations has recognized the wisdom of preventive action to protect international peace and security, it is now necessary to take that same course in order to prevent cracks in the fabric of the world economy.

We must consider ways of implementing an early warning system that will allow us to detect financial crises in time and thus avoid their harmful effects. In the recent past, there have been warning signs which in isolation were not identified as a prelude to more serious problems. We must collect such experiences, learn from them and prepare ourselves better for the future.

No country is free from responsibilities, just as no country is free of the effects of international financial imbalances. It is therefore up to us together and with a clear sense of direction to seek the proper mechanisms to respond early to signs that larger problems are imminent. In this universal forum, I reiterate our conviction that we must act resolutely in the short term. We need to define an agenda for international economic stability. We appeal to the Secretary-General so that, under his leadership and guidance, we can share experiences and proposals that will help us work toward global financial security.

By attaining that goal of preventive diplomacy, we will be contributing to the development and well-being of millions of persons who are victims of the financial uncertainty that today afflicts all economies, particularly those of a relatively lower level of development, and endangers the stability of all nations.

In the face of an uncertain political and economic panorama, the role of the United Nations takes on new relevance. Recent changes on the international scene yield unprecedented opportunities but at the same time present challenges for which there are no easy answers. We must act together in order to encourage the necessary consensus as that will allow us to take advantage of the benefits of globalization and confront its challenges.

We must fortify our individual and collective capacity in order to take advantage of the positive trends towards peace, stability, development and respect for law. Likewise, we must strengthen our ability to banish confrontation, violence, terror and inequality.

The United Nations is the necessary forum for facing international problems and finding solutions to them. As we reaffirm our commitment to the purposes of the San Francisco Charter, we shall continue to promote the participation of the United Nations in the definition of the parameters of international coexistence.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, His Excellency The Honourable William Skate, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Skate (Papua New Guinea)

On behalf of the people and the Government of Papua New Guinea, I wish to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Mr. President, on your election to your important post. Your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly shows the esteem in which the international community holds both you, personally, and your country, Uruguay. The Papua New Guinea delegation is confident that you will guide this fifty-third session of the General Assembly to a successful conclusion.

May I also take this opportunity, through you, to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to your predecessor, the former Foreign Minister of Ukraine, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, for his outstanding stewardship in facilitating the work of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly.

We would also like to place on record our appreciation to the Secretary-General and the Secretariat staff for the care they put into the planning of the affairs of our Organization.

This is the first occasion on which I have addressed the General Assembly. The year since I was elected Prime Minister has been a year of great challenge in which my Government has been confronted with problems associated with natural disasters and those that have resulted from many years of neglect.

The realities of life in the rapidly shrinking world mean that a partnership must, in practice, be turned into something practical and viewed in a much broader global perspective as an element of a worldwide partnership in managing and, where possible, directing change.

The point is brought home by a series of natural disasters which have affected Papua New Guinea over the past year. First came the drought caused by the El Niño effect, and then followed frosts, which led to severe food shortages in many different parts of the country. Then came the tsunami which completely destroyed villages in the Aitape area of the Sandaun province on the north coast of the mainland, killing more than 2,100 people, mainly children and women, and injuring many more. In between came floods and landslides, which caused death and destruction in several places. Meanwhile, people around Rabaul continue to cope with the effects and try to rebuild in the aftermath of the 1994 volcanic eruptions.

The drought, in particular, showed that people and States throughout the world have to be partners in dealing with the causes of disasters arising from climatic or other forms of environmental change. The prompt and generous response to the series of natural disasters by our neighbours and friends in many different countries showed that they are truly our partners in dealing with the effects of such changes.

Like other developing countries, Papua New Guinea faces the challenge of providing its people with opportunities to improve both the material standard of living and the quality of life. My Government has had to address these multiple changes while dealing with natural disasters and carrying out a comprehensive programme of structural adjustment.

In doing so, we are working hard to make sure that private initiative contributes to public welfare and national development, as it can and should, by focusing on trimming the public sector so that State resources are used where they can be most effective.

The result has been a stable economy with continuing economic growth. It has been achieved and is being maintained despite the negative impact on trade and investment prospects arising from the economic crisis affecting so many of our East Asian neighbours.

The lesson we draw from the experience is that the world is truly becoming a global community. The challenge we face is to develop a global partnership -- strong, focused, and determined enough to manage and, where possible, to direct change. The lesson has obvious implications for a world in which some countries experience "aid fatigue", while increasing numbers of people elsewhere fall and remain below the poverty line, where survival itself is the most pressing issue.

I know that with its small, open economy, my country's development is directly influenced by developments in world markets for our products. Currently, my country is suffering from the economic crisis experienced by our major trading partners, in which we are forced to undertake significant reform programmes to protect our economy and our people.

In this regard, we turn our attention to international financial institutions to help us restructure our economy. Unfortunately, we have had mixed reactions from them. Some of them, including the International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank, have been very positive in their discussions with us, while others appear to be slow in responding. This leads me to think that sometimes some of these organizations are insensitive and do not appreciate the difficulties and hardships faced by our people without their help.

This year, despite the El Niño drought and other natural disasters that devastated my country, Papua New Guinea, we have continued to become more vigilant to these challenges and to take remedial measures. Notwithstanding the hardship our economy is experiencing because of the international economic crisis, the value of our currency has consistently been recovering. For Papua New Guinea to realize and sustain its current reform programmes, it has to secure external financial support.

The challenge is to forge a new global partnership for change -- a partnership in which both developed and developing countries join together to address the issues that the global community will face in the twenty-first century. This partnership will be necessary if the shared hopes of humanity for peace, justice and a better way of life are to progress.

I see my Government's foreign policy of partnership in the Asia-Pacific as a building block for the global partnership on which the future depends. For developing countries in particular, there is really no alternative way.

In facing the challenge of improving both the material standards of living and the quality of life of our people, we are carrying out comprehensive programmes of structural adjustment and changing our focus so that both private and State resources can be directed to social welfare and national development. Despite the negative effects of the current global crisis, we are achieving a stable economy, stabilizing our currency and attracting investments.

When my Government came into office in July 1997, my priority was the resolution of the nine-year-old Bougainville conflict, which had caused terrible suffering and the loss of lives and property. Three factors -- the desire of the men and especially the women of Bougainville to end the fighting, my desire for a consensus resolution and the moral and practical support of Australia and New Zealand -- led to a meeting in Burnham, New Zealand, in October 1997 where a truce was signed.

As an integral part of the truce, my Government approached our friends in the region to form an unarmed and neutral regional Truce Monitoring Group. The Government of the Solomon Islands -- which played a very constructive role in the processes -- New Zealand, Australia, Fiji and Vanuatu provided personnel to the Truce Monitoring Group, and its presence helped mutual confidence-building and made people feel safe.

The peace monitoring group that took over on 1 May this year continues to provide a positive role in maintaining and consolidating peace. In March this year, I met in Lincoln, New Zealand, with the main Bougainvillean parties involved in the conflict, and we agreed that a permanent and irrevocable ceasefire should take effect from 30 April 1998. Proceeding on a bipartisan-national basis and in close consultation with all of the major Bougainville parties, I agreed that the State would approach the Security Council to endorse the Lincoln Agreement on Peace, Security and Development on Bougainville. I also requested that the Council send a small observer mission to monitor and report on developments.

As the internationally recognized representatives of all of the people of Papua New Guinea and being proud of Papua New Guinea's independence and sovereignty, we made these requests with mixed feelings, but with determination made strong by our faith in the cause of peace.

I am pleased to report that the Security Council responded positively to our request, and, through the efforts of other South Pacific Forum missions in New York and others in close cooperation with the Secretary-General, the Observer Mission is now on Bougainville, operating side by side with the personnel of the peacekeeping mission.

As I speak, my Government is making arrangements for a Bougainville restoration Government to take office within the framework of our Constitution before the end of this year. At the same time, the people and leaders of Bougainville are performing the traditional ceremonies of reconciliation.

Our partners from Australia, New Zealand, the European Union, Japan and the United Nations Development Programme are providing resources for restoration and development. A number of non-governmental organizations, including churches, the Red Cross and Doctors Without Frontiers are also active. My Government is taking practical steps to strengthen civil authority by training Bougainvillean policemen to work in Bougainville.

Having begun the processes of peace in Bougainville, we must now do everything we can to make peace work through peaceful means. While the peace process on Bougainville is still fragile, my Government is confident that with the support of all Papua New Guineans and of our neighbours and friends in the international community, it will continue to gain strength. As it gains strength, we expect direct international involvement to become of less importance, decreasing by agreement as mutual confidence and trust consolidates. The Bougainville peace process has shown in a practical and constructive manner how people can seek reconciliation and forgiveness.

The Security Council, together with the Secretary-General, have given both moral, and through the Observer Mission, visible and practical support.

On a separate though broadly related matter, Papua New Guinea commends the United Nations on 50 years of cooperation in international peacekeeping and reaffirms its commitment to these processes. Papua New Guinea makes a resolute commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. In doing so, we recognize that like any other institution, the United Nations has limitations. Consistent with our view of the United Nations as a means of promoting global cooperation and partnership to meet the challenges of change in the twenty-first century, Papua New Guinea continues in its strong belief that its moral values and organizations offer hope to humanity.

Consistent with our commitment to the United Nations, my Government is actively engaged in bringing our national laws, policies and practices into line with the important declarations and plans of action produced by the United Nations. We give priority to implementing United Nations declarations and plans of action to advance the rights of women and the elimination of child abuse.

In common with the other Member countries, we believe that it is timely to bring the United Nations Charter into line with contemporary reality by eliminating references to "enemy States". Papua New Guinea strongly supports calls for a new Security Council for the new millennium.

As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, we endorse the Declaration issued by its thirteenth Summit, held in Durban, South Africa.

The Security Council should be reformed and expanded. An effective Security Council should be of a size and composition which matches the enhanced role that the world expects it to play in coordinating global approaches and actions directed to deal with the issues we will all face in the twenty-first century. Consistent with the mutual respect and equity on which partnership must be based, Papua New Guinea believes that all permanent members of the Security Council should have similar privileges and rights.

Changing the world from a system of relations between imperial Powers to a partnership between sovereign States through decolonization is among the United Nations greatest achievements. The process will not be completed, as it must be, until the remaining 17 dependent territories have exercised their inalienable right to self-determination. Neither small size nor remoteness should be allowed to qualify or limit their rights. The recently concluded South Pacific Forum, held in Pohnpei in the Federated States of Micronesia, has confirmed its support for that right.

As one of the States which has always taken a close interest in the situation and in the rights of the indigenous Kanaks of New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea is pleased to note the progress made in implementing the Matignon Accords, culminating in the recent Agreement to the Noumea Accord.

The Noumea Accord will, we believe, provide a sound basis for the future fulfilment of all legitimate political aspirations. We urge all parties to honour both its letter and its spirit. The United Nations should continue to monitor developments in New Caledonia until implementation is complete and self-determination has been achieved.

More than 80 per cent of Papua New Guineans live in rural villages, where they depend directly on the land, rivers, lakes and sea for their livelihood. Our national Constitution commits us to use and develop the rich variety of the country's natural resources for the common good and the benefit of future generations. In doing so, it upholds the most up-to-date principles of international environmental law. The same provisions also provide a sound basis for domestic policy and law-making.

Papua New Guinea has spoken out strongly and worked actively on a wide range of environmental issues. Consistent with our record and ongoing commitment, my Government will shortly be signing and then ratifying the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In line with the importance we attach to such matters, Papua New Guinea is party to conventions arising out of the Rio Summit on environment and development and Agenda 21. My Government will continue to follow and support the future work of the Commission, including efforts to translate and integrate internationally agreed objectives and standards into domestic laws and programmes of action.

Like other members of the South Pacific Forum, Papua New Guinea is firmly committed to the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island States. We strongly urge its full implementation. Together with other States in the region, we have joined as partners with distant-water-fishing nations to develop a programme to manage the sustainable use of tuna stocks in the western and central Pacific.

The world's leading scientists have concluded that the rise in global temperatures poses serious threats, such as sea-level rise and an increase in natural catastrophes, such as the El Niño phenomenon.

Papua New Guinea, together with the small island States in the Pacific, will continue to stress the urgency for developed countries to take a strong lead in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

The Kyoto Protocol has paved the way for annex I countries to fulfil their commitments under the Convention on Climate Change and the Protocol itself. We urge those parties to translate their legally binding targets for the reduction of their emissions into concrete action. While it is our firm conviction that there must be a global approach, we cannot support shifting the burden to developing countries as a precondition for the ratification of the Protocol.

At the recent South Pacific Forum meeting, our Government, together with other heads of the South Pacific region, confirmed our support for the South Pacific Environmental Programme and the Forum Fisheries Agency (FFA) as a key sector. The FFA programme will ensure the maintenance of sustainable fisheries in the region as well as enhance the economic security of coastal States, particularly those economies which are highly dependent on this one resource.

This is the International Year of the Ocean. Papua New Guinea will work actively with other South Pacific Missions in New York to commemorate this Year, with particular emphasis on the sustainable use of resources derived from the oceans.

With its recent share of national disasters, some of which have taken the ultimate human toll, Papua New Guinea is concerned about climate change, rising sea levels and the urgent need to reduce carbon and other emissions in the atmosphere. Having experienced natural disasters at first hand, I would say that the greatest challenge for the United Nations is to strengthen the global community's capacity to respond promptly and effectively to natural disasters. I am sure that my friends from China and Bangladesh, where large areas have recently been devastated by floods, would agree. Papua New Guinea strongly supports the renewal of the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction and preparedness and the Yokohama Strategy adopted in 1993.

Consistent with our shared commitment to a stable, peaceful and environmentally safe world, my Government supports the objectives of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. We support efforts to ban transboundary movements of radioactive and other hazardous wastes in and through our region and to ensure that damage arising from nuclear explosions is adequately compensated.

Together with our partners in the South Pacific Forum, we recently reaffirmed our determination to maintain the South Pacific as a nuclear-free zone. We also expressed our support for the other regional nuclear-free zones, in Africa, South-East Asia and the Latin American and Caribbean region, and the proposed new initiative in Central and South Asia. Like people and Governments throughout the world, we in the South Pacific were seriously concerned about the series of nuclear weapons tests conducted by India and Pakistan. The best course of action would be not only to stop testing now but also to destroy all nuclear weapons. Papua New Guinea believes that the same should apply to all weapons of mass destruction in other parts of the world.

Encouraged at the positive signs of progress towards resolving conflicts and securing peace in several areas of tension and concern in Asia and Africa, Papua New Guinea nonetheless remains anxious over recent developments affecting Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea and Ethiopia. We are heartened by the efforts made by the Organization of African Unity to restore peace and stability in the Great Lakes region. Also, we support the initiative of President Nelson Mandela of South Africa to revive a common vision for peace in Africa.

Consistent with our commitment to peaceful dialogue between nations, Papua New Guinea condemns those who employ terrorism against innocent people, including women and children. Diplomacy is the means by which States join together as partners and cooperate in bringing about changes to promote peace, development and justice for people both in principle and, even more importantly, in practice. It is therefore vital that diplomats be able to live and work safely, free from the threat of terrorism, such as that practised against American diplomats in Africa.

In this connection, following recent events on our common border with Indonesia, my Government would like to make clear its strong and consistent recognition of the sovereignty of Indonesia, including Irian Jaya, and the continuing mutual respect in all aspects of our relationship.

In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm Papua New Guinea's commitments to the United Nations Charter; to the inalienable rights of the independent territories to self-determination, noting the Matignon and Noumea accords for the Kanak people of New Caledonia; the declaration to advance the rights of women and eliminate child abuse; to our determination to maintain global natural disaster preparedness; to work actively in commemorating the Year of the Ocean; to the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol on global warming; and to the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island States.

Partnership in promoting change is the key to addressing the challenges that the world will face in the twenty-first century. I believe the challenge for the Member States is to join together to change this Organization for the better so that it will serve as an effective basis for partnership, to address and resolve the issues that lie ahead.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea for the statement he has just made.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Japan.

The President

I take great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Keizo Obuchi, Prime Minister of Japan, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Obuchi (Japan)

I should like to extend my most sincere compliments to you, Sir, Foreign Minister of Uruguay, on your assumption of office as President of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly. I should also like to express my respects to Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, Deputy of the Supreme Rada of Ukraine, for all his efforts during his tenure as President of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly.

How should we build the framework for a new international order in the twenty-first century? This is the question that our international community is facing amidst new situations that were created in the aftermath of the collapse of the cold war, almost a decade ago. That collapse provided an opportunity to establish a harmonious order based upon the cooperation of the entire international community, rather than the maintenance of peace by a military balance between two super-Powers. However, our international community today is troubled with frequent regional conflicts and challenged by the inseparably connected problem of poverty. Creating a new system to cope effectively with such challenges is the greatest agenda for our international community today. To achieve this objective, we must simultaneously promote three issues: peace and development, which are two sides of the same coin, plus United Nations reforms, which are indispensable in our efforts to achieve the first two.

Today, the possibility of a world-wide conflict has decreased in comparison to the cold-war era, but conflicts arising from such causes as ethnic and religious confrontation are increasing. In dealing with these conflicts, it is more important to focus on how to prevent them rather than on how to solve them once they break out. In this regard, we must first consider the essential issues of arms control and disarmament. The recent nuclear tests of India and Pakistan constitute enormous challenges to the non-proliferation regime. We urgently need to find a way to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, and to strengthen the non-proliferation regime. Furthermore, it is necessary to deal not only with the weapons of mass destruction, such as nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, but also with such conventional weapons as small arms and anti-personnel landmines.

Social instabilities lie at the root of conflicts. This makes it extremely important to deal with development issues. There are also growing global threats, such as environmental destruction and terrorism. The cruel destructive power of terrorism especially threatens the lives and safety of citizens. It is different by nature from conventional armed conflict between nations, but in the post-cold-war world it poses increasingly grave concerns to our security. Our international community should seriously consider ways to effectively cope with these problems and threats.

Today, based on such thinking, I should like to discuss these issues from the perspectives of peace and development and of reform, which is indispensable in promoting the first two. In so doing, I want to elaborate on our thinking and express our determination to play a leading role in fulfilling our responsibilities.

I should first like to talk about nuclear non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament, which are essential to maintaining peace. In May this year, India and Pakistan conducted, to our deepest regret, a series of nuclear tests, which are formidable challenges to the nuclear non-proliferation regime. In seeking a world free of nuclear weapons, it is indispensable that we allow no further proliferation and secure a solid basis for the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The existing format certainly is not perfect, but there is no feasible, realistic alternative if we are to ensure stability in our international community. No country should be allowed to attempt to set back international efforts towards strengthening the non-proliferation regime. At the same time, to improve the effectiveness of this regime, it is important, together with the efforts by all nations to maintain non-proliferation, to see sincere implementation of nuclear disarmament by nuclear-weapon States. Based on this thinking, we regard the following five points as important.

First, the nuclear non-proliferation regime should become more universal. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) sets the structure for international control of nuclear weapons, with no alternative, and we strongly urge non-parties to accede to this Treaty promptly and without condition. In this context, we highly appreciate Brazil's accession to the NPT in August this year.

Secondly, in order to complement the NPT and ensure nuclear non-proliferation, I should like to underline the need to place strict export controls on equipment, materials and technologies that relate to nuclear weapons and missiles. We urge every nation to engage in serious efforts to prevent any transfer of such materials and technologies.

Thirdly, we must prevent any further nuclear testing. Without universal support for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), the effectiveness of the nuclear non-proliferation system cannot be maintained. I should like to call on nations that have not yet done so to promptly become parties to this Treaty so as to realize its early effectuation. In the meantime, we should take necessary steps to assure the cessation of nuclear testing.

Fourthly, further advancement of nuclear disarmament by nuclear-weapon States is more important than ever in maintaining and strengthening various efforts for nuclear non-proliferation. We hope to see early effectuation of START II and an early launching of negotiations on START III. Also, we welcome such actions as the decision by the British Government in July this year for a significant reduction of their nuclear arsenals, as well as France's decision to dismantle its ground-to-ground missiles. We urge all the nuclear-weapon States to implement sincerely their obligations under article 6 of the NPT, thereby promoting nuclear disarmament even further.

Fifthly, to put a cap on nuclear-weapons capability, each nation must positively participate in and reach an early conclusion of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty.

During this session of the General Assembly, Japan will take initiatives to promote these five objectives.

Needless to say, the promotion of arms control and disarmament should not be limited to the area of nuclear weapons. Dealing with other weapons of mass destruction, such as biological and chemical weapons, as well as delivery vehicles, such as missiles, is of high importance. The recent missile launch by North Korea, even if it was an attempt to launch a satellite into orbit, poses a serious problem which directly concerns both Japan's national security and peace and stability in North-East Asia. It also constitutes a challenge to our efforts to prevent the proliferation of delivery vehicles of weapons of mass destruction. I renew my call for North Korea to consider seriously the 15 September statement by the President of the Security Council as a message reflecting the views of the entire international community, and to never repeat such an act.

Furthermore, to prevent the outbreak and escalation of conflicts, we also need to address the problems of anti-personnel landmines and small arms, including automatic rifles, regarding which we have yet to make sufficient efforts. We intend to continue to play a leading role on these issues. In particular, in the area of anti-personnel landmines we will endeavour to strengthen international cooperation towards early realization of the "zero victim" objective, by supporting assistance for victims and the elimination of landmines. We are pleased that 40 countries have now ratified the Convention banning anti-personnel landmines and that it will enter into force on 1 March next year. We are now making efforts for Japan's earliest possible ratification of this Convention. We ask other nations yet to ratify it to do so promptly, so that it may become a universal framework to ban anti-personnel landmines totally.

Conflicts give rise to intolerable crimes against humanity, such as genocide. To deter such crimes, it is necessary to establish a permanent international court that punishes such acts as international crimes. Adoption of the agreement in July this year in Rome to establish such a court was an act of historic significance. Japan believes that the blessing and cooperation of the entire international community is indispensable if the court is to produce effective results. That is why we took important initiatives at the Diplomatic Conference. It is our hope that the International Criminal Court will continue to grow and become a universal framework.

In our efforts towards peace, with civilian staff assuming an increasing role in United Nations activities, including peacekeeping, we observe with regret an increasing number of cases where non-combatants become the targets of violence by belligerents. In July this year, a staff member from Japan, together with staff members from Poland, Tajikistan and Uruguay, fell victim to a despicable criminal act directed at the United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan. The countries concerned and the United Nations need to seriously examine ways to ensure the security of United Nations personnel and of relevant humanitarian-assistance organizations. In this regard, we reiterate our call upon nations that have not yet done so to join the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel, adopted in December 1994, so that it may come into force as soon as possible. At the same time, Japan will also make contributions of about $1 million to the United Nations to support security measures for United Nations personnel. We hope many other countries will also make contributions to support United Nations efforts in this field.

Some of the basic causes of conflicts are problems of economic and social development. We must pay close attention to them. During the Tokyo International Conference on Preventive Strategy, which Japan hosted this January, participants underlined the importance of a comprehensive approach in dealing with such problems by coming to grips with various causes of them, including poverty.

The development issue is the greatest challenge the world will face in the twenty-first century. In addressing this issue, we have to deal not only with the economic-development problems of the developing countries, but also with the social sides of development, such as human rights and good governance.

Japan has been advocating a new development strategy that contains such ideas. We are pleased that the concept was endorsed in 1996 at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and has been gaining support in the United Nations. This strategy is based on the philosophy that the international community should make no distinction between donor countries and recipient countries and should tackle the problems of development as a common issue for all. In this regard, this strategy attaches great importance to developing countries' playing an active and responsible role in their own development. It also emphasizes positive cooperation based on partnership without distinction between developing and developed countries. These are the guiding principles of the new development strategy.

On the basis of these principles, the Second Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD II) will be held in Japan this October as a follow-up to the first Conference, held in 1993. Its objective is to seek a path to promote the new development strategy in Africa so as to support African countries' own nation-building efforts. In this regard, we aim to draw up an agenda for action.

Japan also has been making the greatest contributions possible to the stable development of Asia. In the present financial and economic crisis we have taken initiatives to implement measures of support totalling about $43 billion to Asian countries, which is the largest single contribution by any nation in the world. Simultaneously, Japan is making every possible effort, through such measures as stabilizing our financial system, to put our own economy on a recovery track within the next year or two. We believe that the early recovery of our own economy is the best contribution we can make to the economies of Asia and of the world. We hope strongly that the coming conference, TICAD II, will benefit from such Asian experiences and provide a good opportunity to use the wisdom and power of the entire international community to assist the development of the African continent.

In the post-cold-war transformation of international relations, Japan is actively promoting what we call Eurasian diplomacy. This means redefining relations with countries of the Eurasian continent, including the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Korea and countries in the Silk Road regions of Central Asia and the Caucasus range. This is another example of Japan's policy of promoting peace and development in tandem.

In today's world, problems that directly threaten people's daily lives across national borders are becoming increasingly serious. These include environmental destruction, overpopulation, human rights violations, the exodus of refugees, terrorism, drug-trafficking, international organized crime and global diseases such as AIDS. To cope with these problems, our international community must be united under the concept of protecting the security and dignity of mankind from global threats. Furthermore, citizens, along with Governments, must get together to engage in common undertakings, such as making common rules. In particular, as we mark the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, I should like to point out that efforts against large-scale human rights violations and efforts to ease refugee problems arising from conflicts are also indispensable for preventing conflicts.

In addressing issues of peace and development, there is an urgent need to reform the United Nations and to strengthen its functions. Peace and development are two sides of the same coin. At the same time, if the United Nations is to respond effectively to various problems that our international community shoulders, we urgently need to do our best to assure a healthy financial basis. This includes each Member State's sincere implementation of its obligation to pay its assessed contribution. Japan's assessment will be over 20 per cent, exceeding the sum of that of four permanent members of the Security Council, not including the United States. In this situation, reform in the financial area requires serious attention. In reforming the United Nations to strengthen its functioning, we must promote reforms in three interrelated areas in a balanced manner: reform in the political area, the development area, and the financial area, which supports political and development activities.

It is regrettable that even though the chances of materializing reforms increased during last year's General Assembly session, discussions on the reform of the Security Council have not developed since then. Under the circumstances facing the international community I mentioned earlier, reforming the Security Council to reinforce its legitimacy and effectiveness is an urgent task. Japan, with the endorsement of many countries, is prepared to assume greater responsibilities as a permanent member of the Security Council. This would be in accordance with our basic philosophy of non-resort to the use of force prohibited by our Constitution. We are now in the fifth year since the concrete discussions on the reform of the Security Council started. Points of argument have been exhausted. We are now at a stage where each country should make a political decision. Japan believes that we are able to agree on a package that responds to the interests of the entire international community and to the legitimate concerns of the majority of countries. If we do not have the will to decide and act in order to achieve an agreement on such a package, we will not be able to respond effectively to challenges the international community will face in the coming century. Japan strongly urges all countries to make a bold political decision for the strengthening of the United Nations so that we may reach an agreement on the framework of the reform during the present session of the General Assembly.

The twenty-first century is just around the corner. It is our duty to preserve and develop the heritage of mankind in the coming century. The late professor, Mr. Yutaka Akino, who gave his life during his mission of peacekeeping in Tajikistan, was one of my close friends. He had the following motto: do not be pushed around by events; take action. Along the same lines, the United Nations should make action a top priority and become a strong Organization equipped with both effectiveness and credibility, squarely tackling all problems. We the Member States should make utmost efforts to achieve it, so that the United Nations can enter the twenty-first century as such an Organization. The future of the United Nations is in the hands of the Member States. My guiding principle in Japan's policy management is to be sincere, to be steady and to be courageously prompt. I therefore should like to conclude my remarks by emphasizing my resolution to take leadership in addressing issues of peace, development and reform in a sincere, steady and courageously prompt manner.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Japan for the statement he has just made.

The President

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship of the Argentine Republic, His Excellency Mr. Guido di Tella.

Mr. Di Tella (Argentina)

Allow me, first of all, to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Secondly, allow me to express the profound regard and warm ties that unite Argentina and Uruguay, an ongoing relationship that was already under way at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

We also extend our appreciation to Ambassador Udovenko for the courage, balance and impartiality he exhibited during the course of his mandate.

In a globalized world, peace and security, economic stability and growth are more than ever indissolubly linked. The economic and financial crisis that concerns us today should boost our commitment to the economic reform process which we are carrying out in our region. Trade and foreign investment are clearly sources of opportunity and incentives to growth and competitiveness. But it is also clear that in recent decades the free movement of capital flows has been one of the main engines of economic development for many countries.

In order to dispel its negative effects, globalization requires educational, social and environmental policies that benefit all of society in a balanced and equitable manner. We feel it is damaging to succumb to the temptation of imposing restrictions on international trade in order to thwart the spread of economic crisis, or to resort to hampering or placing conditions on the flow of financial resources in order to moderate their volatility.

In Latin America, countries such as Argentina have made sustained and coherent efforts to consolidate their financial situation, contain the budget deficit and provide assurances to foreign investment by helping to create a solid economic environment for the region, which is increasingly being seen with new eyes.

A few days ago, the Presidents of the Rio Group, meeting in Panama, expressed their resolve to continue managing economic policy mechanisms in a responsible manner that guarantees stability and growth. Accordingly, financial institutions and those countries with the capacity to provide assistance should understand the problems that this critical economic situation presents to countries that find themselves in the eye of the storm and act accordingly.

The Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) is today a model of economic foundations based on freedom and democracy in which cooperation is the very essence of the system.

As an illustration of the excellent relations in the area of security and defense, Argentina pressed for the adoption of the Political Declaration of MERCOSUR, Bolivia and Chile as a Zone of Peace, which was signed at the MERCOSUR summit held in Argentina on 24 July 1998.

The recent nuclear tests in South Asia constituted a step backwards with regard to regional and global security. These tests delay the economic development and well-being of the population. Argentina, together with countries that have renounced the military use of nuclear technology, has urged the States of that region to stop conducting tests and to adhere to the international instruments in force. Argentina, for its part, has offered to share fully its experience in peaceful nuclear cooperation. Allow me to recall that Argentina was the first country that, having mastered the nuclear fuel cycle, chose to limit its own use of this technology.

We feel proud of the steps our country has taken in the last decade related to non-proliferation issues. In the nuclear field, we ratified the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco) in 1994 and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in 1995, and have become a member of the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

In the chemical and bacteriological field, we have promoted the Joint Declaration on the Complete Prohibition of Chemical and Biological Weapons -- the Mendoza Agreement -- of 1991, a commitment originally limited to Argentina, Brazil and Chile, which was later extended to most Latin American countries. We have also adjusted our domestic legislation strictly to control exports related to dual-use chemical, bacteriological and missile-related substances and technologies, in accordance with existing international instruments. Last July, as a follow-up to the Mendoza Agreement, we adopted the Ushuaia Declaration, which established the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) as an area free of weapons of mass destruction. Hence, Argentina has taken the decision to assume greater responsibility in this field. In turn, this decision has allowed us to continue exchanges of advanced technology.

In relation to conventional weapons, we strongly support the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, to which we regularly provide information. We also support other important initiatives recently adopted within the framework of the Organization of American States (OAS), such as the Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials and Other Appropriate Actions. Small arms constitute another source of international concern. It is worth mentioning that regional and international seminars have recently been held in Buenos Aires on this topic.

We are not indifferent to the grave scourge of antipersonnel mines. In 1995, Argentina established a moratorium on the export of mines and more recently, in December 1997 at Ottawa, I had the honour to sign, on my country's behalf, the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction.

In our hemisphere we work earnestly and in a spirit of compromise to overcome all differences by means of negotiation. As we gradually resolve the few pending bilateral disputes, we will definitively consolidate our region as a zone of peace. We trust that in coming months we shall see important developments in that regard. Friendship among peoples is the best guarantee against conflict.

We are convinced that the United Nations presence in Haiti, in keeping with the desire of the Government of that country, will help to consolidate democracy and contribute to the prosperity of the Haitian people.

The resurgence of terrorist attacks comes as a harsh reminder that no State is immune to terrorism. My country firmly supports the initiatives under way to supplement with new conventions the network of anti-terrorism norms now in force, leading to enhanced international cooperation and to establishing the obligation of all States to bring to justice and punish those responsible for these acts. The Argentine Government continues to make every effort to clarify the acts of terrorism committed against the Israeli embassy and the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association in Buenos Aires.

Let me highlight the fact that on 2 September 1998 the Argentine Republic signed the International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings. Likewise, next November Argentina will host the second specialized inter-American conference on terrorism.

Severe global humanitarian crises, usually accompanied by forced displacement of populations, constitute another issue that affects international peace and security. Argentina has joined in the international community's efforts, with bilateral assistance programmes and with such initiatives as the "White Helmets" initiative. In that context, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations devoting their energies to the solution of this type of crisis deserve our recognition.

To grow and develop, peoples need to live in peace. We are dismayed to see that conflicts which could be overcome, such as those in Cyprus, the Middle East, the Great Lakes region of Africa, Angola and the Balkans, particularly Kosovo, persist in spite of the international community's efforts to resolve them. The situation of refugees, especially children, who are victims of these conflicts is a source of particular concern.

In 1998 Argentina will mark the fortieth anniversary of its participation in peacekeeping operations. Our contribution has cost the lives of Argentine citizens who helped to make this a more secure and stable world. The vast experience acquired over these 40 years has been embodied in the Argentine joint training centre for peacekeeping operations, and in the Argentine gendarmerie training centre that specializes in civilian police operations abroad.

Argentina's natural interest in the South Atlantic is reflected in our participation in the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic, which brings together 24 African and Latin American countries from both shores of the Atlantic. I am particularly proud to announce that, on 21 and 22 October, Argentina will be the site of the fifth Ministerial Meeting of the countries members of the Zone.

Unfortunately, there remains an important unresolved issue in the South Atlantic: the sovereignty dispute between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland over the Malvinas Islands, a dispute whose existence has been unequivocally recognized in many resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as well as in various other international forums. I reiterate, with the same conviction as always, the legitimate and well-founded rights of Argentina in that long-standing dispute. And, with the same conviction as always, I urge the United Kingdom to heed the call of the international community and observe United Nations resolutions calling upon both Governments to resume negotiations on all aspects of this question.

The end of the cold war showed us that far more complicated problems have been resolved through frank, open dialogue and with a determination to reach a mutually acceptable agreement. I see no reason why the question of the Malvinas Islands should be an exception. Proceeding on firm footing, we have rebuilt our bilateral relationship and, for the benefit of the Argentine and British peoples, have strengthened political, trade and cultural ties. Evidence of this is the visit which President Carlos Menem is to make to the United Kingdom in the near future, for which both parties are engaged in enthusiastic preparations and which has generated high expectations at all levels.

Similarly, we have left behind the misgivings and resentments of the past, learning from our mistakes and creating a climate of mutual trust in the South-West Atlantic, which is today enabling us to cooperate in the conservation of fishery resources and in exploration for hydrocarbons. That cooperation renders still more incomprehensible today's lack of communication between the islands and the mainland. There are few places in the world with such an unnatural situation. It is beyond doubt that restoring direct ties between the mainland and the islands would contribute to resolving the problem. We have no doubt about this.

Once again, I expressly reiterate Argentina's sincere desire to pursue a frank dialogue without preconditions. We hope that the British Government understands the full meaning of our offer and that it will respond accordingly. To the islanders I reiterate our unwavering commitment to full and unconditional respect for their way of life, their culture and their institutions. Our national constitution so provides, and that is the desire of the Argentine people.

There have been concrete advances on vital questions. The creation of a permanent international criminal court is one such example. Similarly, the recent special session of the General Assembly devoted to the world problem of drugs adopted innovative documents of great importance.

This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In these 50 years, the international community has become aware of the vital importance of human rights: today it no longer accepts what was once tolerated.

The deterioration of the environment, in its various forms, is one of the problems urgently requiring concrete answers and effective commitment by governments and civil society. Argentina will have the honour of hosting the fourth Conference of the Parties to the Framework Convention on Climate Change, from 2 to 13 November of this year.

We are convinced that a substantial part of our efforts to reform the Organization should be geared to designing a mechanism of closer and more effective cooperation with the Bretton Woods institutions.

With regard to reform of the Security Council, we believe that situations born out of the Second World War cannot prevail indefinitely. It is necessary to find democratic solutions that will allow for periodic renewal within the modalities preferred by each region. The viability of this reform will necessarily depend on the degree of consensus reached. There are several aspects to be borne in mind. The first is that the reform must be legally valid, which means not forcing interpretations of the Charter with regard to the majorities required by Article 108. Further, the reform must be founded on political legitimacy. Any increase in the number of permanent members should allow for a rotation open to all States of the respective regions. The crisis of our Organization is fundamentally one of participation. Many small and medium-sized countries feel excluded. Only by allowing greater participation in the Security Council will we be living up to the democratic ideals of the end of this century.

The vitality of democratic ideals in the region was confirmed with the signing on 24 July of the Ushuaia protocol, which reaffirms the democratic clause in the countries of the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR), Bolivia and Chile.

The visit by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, to the countries of our region last July was a very significant event. Argentina had the opportunity to demonstrate its clear commitment to assuming its global responsibilities. The Secretary-General recognized this, especially as regards peacekeeping.

The President

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, His Excellency Mr. Ali Alatas.

Mr. Alatas (Indonesia)

It gives me great pleasure, Sir, to extend to you my congratulations and those of the Indonesian delegation on your election to the presidency of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly. I should like to assure you of our full cooperation in the discharge of your duties.

To your distinguished predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, I wish to convey our felicitations for having so ably guided the fifty-second session to a successful conclusion.

Let me also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his dedication to the reform and restructuring of the Organization, as well as for his determined efforts to seek a peaceful solution to conflict situations in various parts of the world.

One of the great ironies of our time is that at the end of a century in which the amazing advances of science and technology could have been harnessed to effectively address the problem of poverty, scores of millions more people have slipped below the poverty line. At the same time, there has been a massive application of science and technology to increase humankind's capacity to deal out death and destruction. Even in the best of times, humankind's use of economic resources has not been marked by any deep sense of responsibility but rather by mindless consumption that has often led to the degradation of our environment. Unfortunately squandering resources is an old habit of the human race.

Today, I fear that the awesome force of globalization, itself propelled by science and technology, is also being squandered: instead of serving to unify humankind in a decisive assault against the persistent systemic problems of our time, it is being used to press the advantage of the strong over the weak, thereby widening the gap between the developed and developing world.

Herein lies the tragedy of the human race: that our vast capacity to alter the planet on which we live has been matched to a parochial vision. Large and complex actions are motivated by narrow self-interest. And in the narrowness of our perspective we inflict great harm on one another. That is why the imbalances and inequities in international relations persist: we can never get rid of them until we attain that essential balance within ourselves, between the scope of our actions and that of our intentions.

Yet I do not despair. Against the backdrop of a century of conflict, one human achievement shines: the founding of the United Nations. It is admittedly a flawed achievement, for after five decades it has not yet brought us the global peace that we envisaged to be its greatest promise. But it has spared us from the horrors of another world war and possibly from a nuclear holocaust. That this flawed jewel of human reason should remain to serve us in a more effective way in the next century is an imperative. Through its instrumentality, it is still possible for us to tame the dogs of war and to exorcise the spectre of poverty. Through its processes of consultation and debate, we can still attain a broadness of mind that matches the global sweep of our actions. Through the habits of cooperation and trust that it engenders among its Members and among the countless individuals and institutions that participate in its dialogues, we might yet realize our shared vision of a global civil society. But first it must be reformed, further democratized and fully empowered.

The United Nations, as the central mechanism and catalyst for multilateral cooperation, must be enabled to play its mandated role in the achievement and maintenance of peace, security and development. It is therefore of the greatest importance that it be provided with the resources with which to carry on its work instead of being strapped for funds as it is now. The legal obligation of every Member State in that regard must therefore be strictly met.

It is also essential that the ongoing process of reform of the United Nations be intensified, particularly with regard to the Security Council, taking into account the desire of all States from all regions to participate in its work, as well as present political, economic and demographic realities. For indeed, developing countries are grossly under-represented on the Council especially at a time when its work is focused on conflict situations in the developing world. This anomaly has to be redressed by an increase in the representation of the developing world in the permanent as well as in the non-permanent membership of the Council. The legitimacy, credibility and effectiveness of the Council's work depend on its representative character. Indonesia views the task of Security Council reform as a matter of urgency, but we must not be rushed into any hasty or ill-advised decisions that would be detrimental to the long-term interests of Member States. In this context, there is a need to continue and accelerate the work of the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters Related to the Security Council.

If the cause of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, has not made substantive progress in recent years, it is largely because there are States that believe they have much to gain by their exclusive possession of nuclear arms. The unjustifiable privileges conferred on the nuclear-weapon States have given rise to a regime of discrimination and hypocrisy as well as a situation where non-nuclear countries wishing to enjoy the same privileges seek to become nuclear States themselves. Thus, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) has not fully met its objectives, and the imbalances and discrimination inherent to it have persisted. Regrettably, too, the second Preparatory Committee for the 2000 Review Conference failed to agree on substantive issues. Still, we must persevere and prepare ourselves for the next NPT Review Conference and focus on the inequities and imbalances inherent in the Treaty. At the same time, we urge the nuclear-weapon States to implement faithfully both the letter and spirit of agreements relating to non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament. We call on all States to refrain from developing these weapons so that we may the sooner attain our ultimate objective of their total elimination.

The slow pace of progress towards non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament compels us to work even harder to achieve global disarmament objectives. The convening of the fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament is essential for providing new political momentum that would enable and encourage the Governments and peoples of the world to move towards disarmament, including the elimination of nuclear weapons. It is therefore imperative that we take further concrete steps leading to the convening of the fourth special session.

While disarmament marks time, discord is rampant in the form of armed conflicts, disputes and tensions between and within States in many parts of the globe. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a source of continuing concern for Indonesia. Hence, we reaffirm our steadfast support for the full, impartial and effective implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. In Afghanistan, we call on the warring factions to cease hostilities and to start constructive dialogue. The protracted civil strife in that country also threatens to spill over beyond its borders. We urge the parties concerned to cooperate with the United Nations in its concerted endeavours to restore peace and stability in the region. The dire situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo calls for continued and concerted efforts in restoring peace and tranquillity.

Indonesia is appalled by the terrorist bomb attacks on the American embassies in the capitals of Kenya and Tanzania that caused the death of nearly 200 people and the wounding of thousands. We reiterate our condemnation of all acts and forms of terrorism wherever they may occur and whoever perpetrates them. At the same time, we stress that we will never condone the resort to unilateral acts of aggression and violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States as a means to combat terrorism. We therefore urge all States to enhance international cooperation in the fight against terrorism while strictly observing and implementing the relevant international instruments.

My delegation welcomes the recent positive developments concerning the Lockerbie incident that culminated in the adoption of Security Council resolution 1192 (1998). It is our hope that discussions will now take place between the United Kingdom, the United States and the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, including on the appropriate trial arrangements. Early implementation of this resolution will hopefully lead to a definitive settlement of this issue and the lifting of sanctions imposed on Libya.

In the Middle East, the situation in the occupied territories keeps deteriorating as the peace process remains in the grip of a stalemate. Israeli policies and practices of oppression and provocation have continued unabated. In a blatant attempt to change the demography of the occupied territories, Israel keeps building new settlements and expanding existing ones. More ominously, it has arbitrarily extended the administrative powers of the occupying authorities in Jerusalem beyond the city's borders in a bid to consolidate Israel's hold on East Jerusalem and the West Bank and thereby entrench Jerusalem as its capital. This would pre-empt negotiations on the status of the Holy City and threaten to unravel the peace process, with grave repercussions not only for the Middle East but also beyond.

Peace and stability will continue to elude the region until Israel complies with its treaty obligations and unconditionally withdraws from all occupied Arab territories in accordance with all relevant United Nations resolutions, in particular 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978). The peace process must be resumed and agreements reached must be implemented in their entirety and not selectively or conditionally.

In South-East Asia, the elections held recently in Cambodia, deemed to have been generally free and fair by international observers, should now lead to the restoration of normalcy in the country. It is time that all the parties in Cambodia resolve their differences in the spirit of national reconciliation and unity in the larger interest of their country, work together toward the formation of a new government and thereby contribute to peace and stability in South-East Asia.

The world economy is teetering on the brink of recession, if not already experiencing one. Economic output has slowed for the developed and developing countries alike, and growth in world trade has also decelerated. While official forecasts indicate a slowdown in the growth of world output to 2.5 per cent, any such forecasts may still be too optimistic. Only a little more than a year ago, the world economy was on a significant growth path, and the outlook was generally bright. In Asia, robust growth for decades had transformed much of the region into an economic powerhouse. Today, many of those dynamic economies are crippled. One third of the world is grappling with serious economic slowdown and the frightening possibility of a depression.