General Assembly Session 53 meeting 12

The Acting President

In a letter contained in document A/53/345/Add.3, the Secretary-General informs the President of the General Assembly that, since the issuance of his communications contained in document A/53/345 and its addenda 1 and 2, Burundi and the Republic of Moldova have made the necessary payment to reduce their arrears below the amount specified in Article 19 of the Charter.

May I take it that the General Assembly duly takes note of this information?

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Djibouti.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Djibouti, His Excellency Mr. Hassan Gouled Aptidon, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Aptidon (Djibouti)

I bring to you, Sir, and to all the representatives to this General Assembly the warm greetings of the people of Djibouti. I extend to Mr. Opertti my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session. As the world grows smaller and the problems confronting us grow ever more challenging, the deliberations of humanity's forum, the General Assembly, assume a critical urgency. His competence and broad experience will undoubtedly guide us very ably in the coming year.

We are also most grateful to his predecessor, the former Foreign Minister of Ukraine, for bringing to bear a degree of focus and productivity that was exemplary. Through his exceptional grasp of the issues before the General Assembly, he was able to lead us to satisfactory results.

Our indefatigable Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, continues to earn our deepest appreciation for the manner in which he has managed the activities of the Organization, especially for the way in which the United Nations has risen in the eyes of the general public.

Demands on the United Nations have increased. Ever-changing economic, environmental, social and political problems have added to these demands. Core contributions to the funds and programmes continue to decline, however, and the United Nations faces unpredictable resource flows due to unpaid assessments. Recognizing that a radical transformation of the United Nations would cause political tensions, the Secretary-General wisely formulated a series of realistic reforms to rationalize operations, reduce costs and refocus on certain critical areas demanding United Nations attention, such as the mitigation of poverty, sustainable development and strengthening management and coordination, both at Headquarters and in field-level activities.

We support the Secretary-General's relentless efforts to communicate directly with and engage the people of the world, exploring critical issues and exchanging views with them, and explaining the role, capacities and constraints of the United Nations system. His work has given the United Nations a reality and a new face vital to its mission.

In early August, a corner of our world, eastern Africa, was profoundly shocked, baffled and aggrieved by the well-coordinated simultaneous bombings of United States embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. Over 260 people lost their lives and thousands of innocent people were injured in those attacks.

These brazen acts of aggression wrought unprecedented carnage and extensive destruction and damage to property. I recently visited Nairobi. What I saw resembled a war zone. I unreservedly condemn this senseless act of terrorism. Once again, I wish to express our heartfelt condolences to all the families who lost their loved ones in this tragedy and pray for the speedy recovery of the injured.

May I also express our concern at the United States action against the Sudan. There are growing doubts about the justification for the raid that devastated the El Shifa pharmaceutical plant, which produced desperately needed medicines and drugs. Visiting there recently, I was struck by the extent of the damage. All that is left of the plant is a mountain of rubble. The onus lies now on the United States to produce fuller evidence to support its claim. We also urge the United Nations to undertake an independent investigation to determine whether this factory was indeed making chemical weapons, as alleged.

It seems essential to remind ourselves that the annual session of the General Assembly has become the sole occasion for virtually all mankind, collectively, to appraise the human condition. Additionally, drawn as we are by the hypnotic spell of the approaching millennium, the need to assess our past successes, achievements and failures and to develop priorities and strategies for the future has assumed a sense of urgency.

A little over 50 years ago, the world embarked with great vision, enthusiasm and optimism upon a high-minded journey to end the scourge of war, eliminate poverty and create a world of freedom and justice for all. Undoubtedly, much has been accomplished and the world is a far better place to live in, despite the fact that many dreams remain unfulfilled and many commitments unimplemented.

This decade, in particular, has witnessed tendencies towards the fragmentation of societies, the spread of civil strife and conflict and a plunge further into the poverty trap. In general, we recognize that respect for human rights has improved and that many countries have embraced democracy and good governance, and we welcome that.

Unfortunately, human rights violations continue, and there is a lingering concern about the capacity, resources and mandates of the United Nations for timely intervention in cases of egregious violations of human rights. We have had the bad experience of regrettable vacillation and indifference in the face of appalling crimes committed in Bosnia and Rwanda, and now in Kosovo. As the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has correctly stated, efforts to prevent the most abominable violence should focus not only on resolving ethnic and political disputes, but also on the social issues of chronic underdevelopment, grinding poverty, mass unemployment, widespread illiteracy and systematic inequalities of income or opportunities.

We therefore welcome the establishment of the International Criminal Court, which replaces once and for all the ad hoc proceedings. It fills in the gap in international law exposed by the famous Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals: the need to install a permanent international institution able to investigate war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.

Much of the technological advancement of the twentieth century has created a host of other problems. Man's mastery over nature for his own benefit has become a potential nightmare of environmental disasters, one which we seemingly lack the will to contain or correct. Will we continue to have land to farm, clean water to drink and healthy air to breath? Will our cities decay into piles of humans for whom day to day survival becomes the crowning achievement of their lives?

Overpopulation, abject poverty, crime, drugs and the consequences they bring may soon threaten the foundations of social cohesion. To a great extent, these forces are transnational, extending beyond the capacity and control of individual States. They are global in nature and pose serious challenges to society and its leadership. We must act collectively in marshalling the resources necessary to mitigate the harmful effects of modernization and globalization.

Unquestionably, the founding of the United Nations was one of the outstanding achievements of this century. After 50 years, we can take pride in the continuing relevance of this institution. Naturally, given the breadth and complexity of issues facing the United Nations and mankind, there will always be differences of views on the evolving role of the United Nations. However, the basic mission of the United Nations has not changed one iota: collective international action for maintenance of international peace and security and promotion of economic and social development for all.

While the Charter remains relevant, the world of 1945 is no longer with us. The United Nations of today must embrace the realities of the new millennium. Anachronistic structures and outmoded thinking cannot coexist with current needs and perceptions. The phenomenal growth in the membership of the United Nations leads us to hope for a more democratic, transparent and representative Organization. This is the case in particular with regard to the Security Council, which must reconcile itself to undergoing a thorough transformation in both its structure and its functions in order to reflect a more equitable geographical representation of developing and developed countries.

The sudden outbreak of hostilities between our neighbours, Ethiopia and Eritrea, has greatly dismayed us. As in the case of Somalia, Djibouti has attempted to reconcile the different points of view in various ways, although there are few real signs of hope for a way out of the stalemate. Beyond the tragic loss of lives, displacement of people and destruction of property and facilities, the psychological wounds inflicted by the tensions and hostilities that are dividing these countries suggest that it will be several difficult years before the Horn of Africa becomes once again a region of peace and trust. Both leaders understand my frustration -- indeed, my exasperation -- at this wasteful, unnecessary and seemingly endless conflict. We are confronted by serious regional problems and must revive economies that have been dormant for a long time. We need a new vision, new perspectives and a far-sighted approach to deal with bilateral differences.

I urge my friends, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea, to give peace a chance. Let us end the hostile propaganda and provocative rhetoric and replace it with a genuine desire to engage constructively in finding a solution to this problem. It would be a tragedy if the relentless shuttling between Addis Ababa and Asmara by leaders and senior officials of many Governments, including heads of regional organizations, who have all demonstrated immense goodwill and perseverance and expended time, energy and boundless effort in trying to resolve the conflict, were to be taken by some to be largely symbolic. We believe they are more than that. The series of attempts made by a great many mediators and facilitators demonstrates the seriousness of this matter. The many views, opinions, decisions and resolutions relating to this conflict, even if not wholly acceptable to one or both parties, nevertheless contain significant elements that can form the basis of a settlement. It is incumbent upon both leaders to go beyond the immediate unfortunate problem and to look forward resolutely to a better and promising future of benefit to all. In the words of the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations, I call upon the leaders of those countries

"to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours".

There is no doubt that the speed of globalization and the expansion and integration of the international economy have brought immense benefits to many countries and positive changes in the living condition of many people. However, several countries and their populations, particularly in the developing world, are facing marginalization and hopelessness because they are unable to adapt to the rapid pace of integration. The least developed countries in particular require special attention so that they do not slip further into the abyss of poverty and disintegration.

The World Economic Survey 1997 shows that Africa will have to demonstrate still higher and more sustained rates of growth in order to alleviate widespread poverty and reduce high unemployment. Improved and sustained macroeconomic stability and economic reforms have played important roles in Africa's recent economic upturn, although the sacrifices have been great.

But Africa must now grapple with the erroneous perception by developed countries that private investment flows can be a substitute for development assistance, which in fact largely bypasses the continent: only 5 per cent of such assistance goes to Africa as a whole, and only 1 per cent to sub-Saharan Africa. Add this to the crippling debt servicing costs and it becomes clear that Africa, and in particular the least developed of its countries, is in a precarious financial position. The danger of prolonged, or indefinite, marginalization is a real one.

As the continent continues to be mired in a series of crises, the much vaunted policy of finding African solutions to African problems, which was among the precursors of Western disengagement, seems to be predicated on a number of premises that are tenuous at best. The fact is that Africa cannot succeed alone; it needs serious, resolute commitment to Africa's economic recovery on the part of the industrial countries, along with a determination to prevent and resolve conflicts. It is important to note that African countries have played an important role in the efforts to maintain and restore peace in Liberia and in Sierra Leone. That is a positive development that we cannot fail to welcome. But we are saddened by the resurgence of hostilities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We warn all involved in the current crisis that pursuing individual military agendas in the Congo is not in the interest of the long-term stability of the region or of Africa as a whole. The territorial integrity of that country must be respected, and no country in the region or in any other region of Africa should try to place any of its neighbours under its thumb.

Since 1991, at the time of Somalia's implosion, Djibouti, both independently and through the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), has tirelessly sought to restore peace and security to that country. In 1991, we organized the first two national reconciliation conferences; then the United Nations began its extensive operations. Subsequently, Ethiopia, with a mandate from IGAD and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), organized a series of meetings that led to the Sodere agreement. Other countries, the League of Arab States, various Arab States and other organizations have also made serious reconciliation efforts during this period. Every year, new conferences were held and new agreements signed, none of which were implemented. This shows that the faction leaders had learned the technique of making people believe in a reconciliation that would last about as long as their return flights home.

Since the United Nations departure and disengagement from Somalia in the mid-1990s, the international community has come to remember only a "failed operation" and a "failed State". But that devastated country needs the United Nations to become engaged once again. Somalia deserves greater interest and attention than it now gets. This is not solely a regional or even an African or Arab problem; Somalia was and continues to be an international disaster. Its neighbours have made enough concessions, and they stand to sacrifice and risk even more. It is therefore fair to say that it is not easy or tolerable to continue living in a no-peace-no-war situation. Imagine having to life beside a neighbour without laws, without a government, without a central authority.

After seven years of bickering, the faction leaders have nothing new to offer. Give the people of Somalia, with the support of the international community, a chance to elect leaders of their choice, by stages, both regionally and nationally -- without threats and without blackmail. It is not impossible that the evolving new approach of setting up regional administrations or "mini-states" could enhance security and stability and shape the future political structure of Somalia, so long as they do not compromise the country's unity.

We are deeply saddened by the lack of progress under the peace agreements in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Israel is continuing to seize Palestinian property; engaging in relentless settlement activities in the West Bank; imposing intransigent rule over East Jerusalem; and illegally and unilaterally extending the boundaries of the municipality of Jerusalem.

Israel's arbitrary and coercive measures, which include the suspension of the Palestinians' rights to enter, work, trade, reside, remain, build or travel in the country, have created intolerable uncertainties and a difficult situation. We demand that Israel immediately withdraw its troops, put a stop to settlement and construction in the settlements, and desist from taking unilateral decisions that undermine the peace efforts, as called for by the Oslo peace accords.

We are one with the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State and to live side by side with Israel in peace and within secure borders. Above all, we hope that Israel will heed the call by the international community to establish comprehensive peace in the Middle East on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978).

The relentless fratricidal war in Afghanistan shows no sign of abating, despite intense and continuing international efforts. The people of Afghanistan have suffered immensely and are on the verge of losing all hope of any political solution to this crisis. In the last two years there has been an increase in violence, intolerance, and the abuse of human rights, in particular against women. We hope that the risk of tensions escalating as a result of the murder of Iranian diplomats will be defused through the ongoing initiatives of the Secretary-General.

The international community has often turned to sanctions in order to combat violations of international law or to punish uncontrolled criminal behaviour. In practice, however, the application of sanctions is often too general and broad, serving particular political interests. Real targets or target groups are not affected, and it is the innocent population at large that suffers as a result of such blind embargoes. Once sanctions become personalized or are used to serve as weapons to serve and protect powerful interests, they cease to have time limits or clear indications as to when their requirements have been met. Their original purpose is lost and the sanctions assume a life of their own. The end result is a climate of frustration and non-compliance with a resultant considerable squandering of credibility. Without a sense of limits, purpose and fairness, the exercise then becomes futile and counter-productive.

Behind the broad global problems facing our planet Earth, some of which I have mentioned briefly, lie specific areas and countries which merit particular attention. For example, there is universal concern about the economic and financial crisis assailing Asia and its implications for the rest of the world. It is difficult to comprehend that the Asian miracle we had all come to marvel at should collapse so abruptly, with grave consequences for Governments, businessmen and peoples. Many of the countries involved risk falling into severe recession. Whatever the explanation for this crisis, this experience proves that there are real perils in the free flow of international capital. The danger is incalculable, forcing serious revision of some of our long-term development plans.

It is also disturbing to see so many of the resources of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) going towards rescuing large international banks and financial institutions that recklessly and of their own volition placed their funds in sectors where restraint and control were needed. Now we must all wonder who will be the next to suffer a flight of capital and who will help to bail them out. There is undoubtedly a strong case for creating a better mechanism to regulate international standards for financial management and capital flows.

The task of engendering a national sense of identity and cohesion and shared values against a backdrop of turbulence and instability is one of the core challenges of nation-building. In Djibouti, we have had our ups and downs. We continue to face daunting economic difficulties, aggravated by the presence of a great number of refugees, which has overwhelmed our limited means and severely strained our social services.

I am proud to say that Djibouti, despite these obstacles, has established itself as a nation, a responsible member of the international community. Since gaining independence over 20 years ago, we have effected a series of changes aimed at the attainment of better standards of living and have undertaken to found a culture of democracy and tolerance. The process of accelerated political and economic change continues, however fragile it may be.

I believe in the concept that there should be opponents but not enemies. That is why tolerance, compassion and forbearance have guided my actions as leader of my country. We have pursued a policy of regional and ethnic inclusion, and have long recognized the concept of diversity in unity.

Djibouti's approach to regional affairs has always been based on mutual respect, moderation and cooperation. We believe that the countries of the Horn of Africa must unite to confront the problems of poverty, conflicts and underdevelopment within the framework of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development whose revitalization is crucial.

At the international level, we credibly contributed to the maintenance of peace and security during our membership in the Security Council in 1993 and 1994. As an extension of this, we have participated in international peacekeeping missions to bring peace and stability to countries in the throes of conflict.

In the context of the current global financial turmoil, one thing is certain: yesterday's international institutions cannot cope with today's intensity, magnitude and rapidity, which demand greater openness and transparency. Djibouti therefore joins in the overwhelming call for a comprehensive overhaul of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank so that they can adequately respond to the financial calamity we are experiencing. They must also be fully equipped to mount a determined attack on poverty, growing hopelessness and underdevelopment. I pray that the new millennium will bring us more stability, understanding and harmony among nations, and among peoples within nations.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Djibouti for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Niger.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of the Niger, His Excellency Mr. Ibrahim Maïnassara Baré, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Maïnassara Baré (Niger)

His illustrious election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session gives me the pleasant opportunity to express to Mr. Opertti, on behalf of the people and Government of the Niger, our warmest congratulations. His unanimous election is assuredly a legitimate confirmation both of his personal merits and of the firm commitment of his country, Uruguay, to the triumph of our Organization's noble ideals.

These congratulations I extend to the other members of the Bureau who help the President in his task, in the achievement of whose success I can guarantee the full cooperation of the delegation of Niger.

I would also like to express my sincere compliments to the President's predecessor, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, for his invaluable work as President.

To Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of our Organization, I am happy to repeat here the full support of the Government of Niger for his remarkable activities in the service of world peace and the courageous reform work he is doing in order to allow the United Nations to better respond to the challenges of the coming new millennium. I cannot fail to pay tribute to his outstanding success in finding, through determination and courage, a diplomatic way out of the Iraq crisis at the beginning of this year, thus greatly contributing to the safeguarding of peace and security in the region and thus to enhancing the credibility and the prestige of our Organization, as well as to the strengthening of his personal commitment and his authority.

For more than a half century the United Nations has carried out one of its main missions by saving us from a third world conflict, which certainly would have been fatal to humankind. The end of the cold war brought hope of the emergence of a new international order based on total respect for the principles laid down in the United Nations Charter and international law, even if that hope needs further strengthening, in particular because of the persistence of violent and murderous conflicts, the increase of tensions of all kinds and the accumulation of increasingly destructive weapons by a growing number of nations.

Africa remains the region of the globe most affected by conflicts -- repeated, disturbing conflicts, genuine sources of instability, of intolerable suffering and of apocalyptic movements of populations and impoverishment. That is why the Government of Niger welcomed the Security Council initiative to invite the Secretary-General to submit a report to it on the causes of conflict in Africa and their possible remedies. I would like once again to congratulate the Secretary-General on the important report (S/1998/318) he submitted, a report remarkable for its frankness and its realistic recommendations for assuring durable peace and sustainable development in Africa. It is our earnest hope that this report will contribute to awakening the human conscience and bringing the international community to a point where it will further help the efforts of the African countries in their unremitting search for peace and prosperity.

Within the framework of the efforts made in Africa to redress the situation, the people and Government of Niger welcome the success this year in defusing numerous conflicts, particularly those in the Central African Republic and Sierra Leone. By personally participating in the festivities which marked the return to power of Mr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, the democratically elected President of Sierra Leone, I was able to show my Government and people's deep commitment to democratic processes and the establishment of the rule of law in Africa.

This is a good opportunity to pay tribute to the decisive, beneficial role played by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in the restoration of constitutional legality and the return of calm to Sierra Leone, thereby implementing the political will and determination of the ECOWAS heads of State. The exemplary intervention of ECOWAS to resolve conflicts in the West Africa subregion testifies to the opportuneness of giving more responsibility to subregional and regional organizations in the prevention and management of conflicts. Their unparalleled local knowledge could, when necessary, be given the logistic support and expertise of the United Nations to deal with local conflicts, in keeping with the prescriptions of the Agenda for Peace of the Secretary-General and with the provisions of the Charter.

Despite major progress achieved in this respect, the hostilities which are troubling several subregions show that the goal of peace is far from being achieved on the continent.

Somalia remains deep in torment, despite laudable efforts by neighbouring countries and the international community to promote national reconciliation and the restoration of a normal political and social life.

Confrontations and strife are continuing in the Great Lakes region, where instability and insecurity, as well as the poverty which accompanies massive movements of populations, daily trouble our consciences.

Faced with the unremitting recurrence of differences and disputes which degenerate here and there into armed conflicts, we urge the countries concerned to show restraint and to accede, with the help of the international community, to offers of mediation to resolve their differences, in keeping with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), to which they have freely subscribed.

Certain claims relating to identity, as well as the exacerbation of social, cultural or political characteristics, often generate violent upheavals, which may rapidly take the form of terrorism, at times blind and bloody. Faced with these phenomena, the international community must unite in efforts to pursue and deepen its thinking and the collective action initiated a few years ago at the Sharm el-Sheikh summit in Egypt, in order to deal appropriately with these problems.

In this regard, Niger would like, through me, from this lofty rostrum, to reaffirm once again its firm condemnation of terrorism and any use of violence in relations between nations, peoples and States. Just as we explicitly and firmly condemned the cowardly attacks carried out last August against American diplomatic representatives in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, and in Nairobi, Kenya, so do we disapprove of the unilateral resort to military force against sovereign States.

In this regard, the Government of Niger deplores the attack against the Al Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum, an attack which took the lives of many innocent people and undermined the provision of pharmaceutical products in several countries of the region. Therefore, it seems necessary to us to consider quickly sending to Khartoum an international mission of inquiry, as requested by the Sudanese authorities. We in Niger believe the request to be sincere, having had the privilege of visiting on 6 May the sites and the pharmaceutical factory in question.

The Middle East peace process has been at a stalemate for more than a year now despite the invaluable efforts of its sponsors to revive it. Therefore it is necessary to deploy every effort to bring the Government of Prime Minister Netanyahu to a point where it will respect the commitments Israel has solemnly made.

The Government and people of Niger would like to reiterate their unswerving support for the cause of the Palestinian people and to reaffirm once again their conviction that no peace in the Middle East can be just and lasting until the Palestinian people regain their inalienable rights, including their right to establish an independent state on their national territory.

Of course, peace in the region also means the withdrawal by Israel from the Syrian Golan and from southern Lebanon. That is why my Government welcomes the recent General Assembly resolution giving more prerogatives to the Palestinian representation within the Assembly. It is our wish that this significant progress lead to the recognition of Palestine as a fully fledged member of the community of States.

Turning to the question of Jammu and Kashmir, Niger, which supports the just struggle of the people of Kashmir to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination, deeply wishes that the international community continue to give full attention to this issue.

The arms race and the escalation that we have seen in that area recently strengthens our conviction that we should urgently convene a new and fourth special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. Additional progress appears indispensable in the area of the control of weapons of mass destruction and the establishment of more effective standards concerning conventional weapons.

The success achieved in banning anti-personnel mines should encourage us to go farther in order to bring about a better regulation of small arms and small-calibre weapons. In this case my country welcomes the measures taken to strengthen the Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Lomé.

For several decades our Organization has been seeking to adopt a coherent approach to effectively meet the major challenges of poverty and development, in particular by working to establish a strengthened world partnership to finance development. It is time, therefore, to reverse the trend of reduced official development assistance and to join our efforts together to increase the scope of that assistance by revising its modalities. In this respect my country expects a great deal from the second Tokyo International Conference on African Development, set for October 1998. We expect that Conference to explore new strategies for mobilizing official development assistance and to reaffirm the international community's commitment to make the development of Africa one of its priorities.

It is indispensable, moreover, resolutely to implement bold policies to relieve and even to forgive the external debt of the poorer countries as part of a general agreement to resolve this problem, whose solution is overdue. That external debt represents an insuperable hindrance to any effort to bring about economic growth and human development in a large number of developing countries, and in particular in the most deprived among them.

The marginalization of the African continent is continuing, which, in this era of globalization, calls for the establishment of an international mechanism that is capable of ensuring a more extensive integration of the developing countries into the world economy.

As is well known, my country, Niger, is facing various factors that limit its efforts at development: increasingly harsh climatic conditions; food shortages; strong demographic pressure; being landlocked; a drop in the price of its main export product, uranium; too heavy an external debt; and low investment. All of these things have contributed to making us for some time now a country at the bottom of the ladder in terms of the human development index.

But we have never given up, and my Government has drafted a national programme framework to combat poverty, proposing as a participatory measure a package of strategies in the medium term intended to control this scourge and to stimulate economic growth. This programme, moreover, is an essential component of our Economic Recovery Programme, which was adopted by our National Assembly in July 1997 and which last March in Geneva was the subject of a particularly successful round table.

I take this opportunity, since these organizations are part of the United Nations system, to say here how deeply we thank not only the Bretton Woods institutions -- the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund -- but also the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Children's Fund and the United Nations Population Fund. These agencies, which often have been among the first to perceive the key role that the right political and social environment plays in creative reform at the national level, have given us the benefit of their expertise and their advice and thus contributed to the success of that round table. We are certain that the promises of contributions they made at that meeting will very rapidly materialize.

At this stage I wish to reaffirm solemnly here in the Assembly and before the entire international community that the democratic process is making headway in Niger and will remain irreversible under my guidance. The vitality of our democracy is reflected in, inter alia, a multi-party system, with an unhindered opposition, that is tirelessly attempting to establish a culture of dialogue and peace on a permanent basis. But our democracy is also reflected in the existence of a totally free private press, a civil society that plays a front-ranking role and an independent judicial system that is determined to protect the rights and freedoms that the Constitution guarantees to citizens.

As part of strengthening the democratic process and consolidating peace, particular attention is being given to strengthen intermediate bodies, which are important partners of civil society -- the non-governmental organizations, associations and labour unions -- so as to allow them effectively to contribute to the process of creating a more dynamic and conscious political life. My Government is resolutely committed to consolidating these democratic achievements, as evidenced by the holding on 22 November of this year of local elections that will establish a policy of decentralization which we have chosen to promote the participation of the people in development and also to bring about good governance in Niger.

Similarly, on the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, I wish to reaffirm solemnly that my Government will work tirelessly to do everything in its power to bring about respect for, and to respect, human rights, based on its conviction that this respect is a precondition for the progress of human society.

In conclusion, I should like to express the full confidence that we have in the United Nations. In our view, this irreplaceable institution remains the only forum that can ensure the advent of a new world order based on justice, fairness, liberty and peace.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Niger for the statement he has just made.

The Acting President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Nicaragua.

The Acting President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Nicaragua, His Excellency Mr. Arnoldo Alemán Lacayo, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Alemán Lacayo (Nicaragua)

I would like, before beginning my statement, to express my solidarity with the peoples of the Caribbean nations who during the past few days have been victims of hurricane Georges.

As well as warmly greeting all representatives, I would like to express my very cordial congratulations to Mr. Opertti on his election as President of the General Assembly for its fifty-third session. This eminent position not only represents well-deserved recognition of his capability and experience, but is also a significant distinction for Latin America.

Allow me also to express my appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his vision and efforts to promote deep reforms of the United Nations system. Nicaragua gives its total support to these important initiatives, which are aimed at strengthening and promoting the Organization's role in international cooperation for sustainable development.

With regard to the Security Council, there are grounds for concern over the postponements and absence of concrete proposals from the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters Related to the Security Council. My country shares the opinion that resolutions involving amendments to the Charter must be approved by two thirds of the members of the General Assembly.

The globalization of all spheres of life and liberalization of the economy constitute a new challenge. In this connection, we share the view of the Secretary-General, expressed in his annual report, about the need to reorient actions and efforts with a new vision that will help countries carry out a satisfactory transition to the globalized economy, which involves complex and sensitive processes.

At the end of the twentieth century, the world is facing profound changes that require innovative solutions in order for humanity to move in such a direction that science and technology can have a positive effect on the development of countries. The historic transformation we are living through has frequently increased the inequalities between countries; we must therefore plan how to reduce these negative effects.

In commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we reaffirm our commitment to continue to work with all the means at our disposal to promote and protect human rights. In Nicaragua we are moving ahead with the consolidation of peace and democracy based on full respect for human rights, establishment of the rule of law, respect for the separation of powers and the guarantee of individual liberties. At the same time, we have taken important steps in order to reach higher levels of economic development with social equity.

My Government is convinced that in order to reap fruits we must plant seeds, human capital being one of the best investments for integrated and sustainable development. We have therefore made it a priority to raise levels of education and extend its reach to all sectors. Likewise, we are redirecting our efforts and resources to maintain and improve social programmes for the protection of individuals and families in great poverty. This, together with dealing with unemployment, is our priority.

The Government's social policies require healthy and effective economic policies that ensure continuity along with the necessary impetus for development. In this connection, the Government's general objective is to make it possible for the private sector to create products and jobs within a climate of stability, promoted by establishing clear, reliable and transparent rules that apply equally to everyone, as well as through dialogue and agreement, which are the cornerstones of governability and harmony. In this context, strengthening the integrated system for procuring and administering justice is essential. This includes the sensitive area of security for individuals and their property.

The macroeconomic transformations that we have undertaken include significant reforms in the taxation and financial system, as well as important measures to protect the environment, creating an awareness of the need to utilize rationally our natural wealth. These initiatives have been supported by the international community, and in this connection it is appropriate to recognize the assistance received from the United Nations Development Programme for many endeavours -- especially its support, in coordination with civil society and non-governmental organizations, for the National Commission for Sustainable Development.

Nicaragua hopes that at the next Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Buenos Aires in November this year, there will be recognition of the environmental protection work done by the developing countries in designating important expanses of their territories as protected areas. Likewise, we hope that mechanisms for clean development to facilitate the reduction of greenhouse gases will be adopted.

At the end of this millennium the battle against the production, trafficking in and use of drugs continues to be one of the greatest challenges to humanity. My country expresses its satisfaction at the results achieved during the special session of the General Assembly devoted to this important subject. Similarly, we are participating actively in the negotiation and signing of the Inter-American Convention against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and Other Related Materials, approved on 13 November 1997 by the Organization of American States.

We consider international terrorism and other forms of organized crime to be terrible scourges of our societies. We condemn all terrorist acts and reassert our conviction that they require firm and severe responses. We are in solidarity with the victims of these actions and support every initiative to increase international cooperation in confronting these inhuman, cruel and unlawful activities that affect the security of our States.

We repeat that the role of my Government is that of facilitator and promoter. We are firm believers in the free market economy, with a humanistic sensibility and social justice. We believe with the same pragmatic conviction in globalization and in the broadest and most active international relations, without exception.

Globalization is not a panacea per se, although it is an exceptional opportunity if prudent and realistic measures are envisaged and taken. These must also be imaginative and audacious, without neglecting the palliatives that mitigate and cushion the rigours of the first phases of adjustment and opening up.

There is no doubt that globalization will promote unity at the international level. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the whirlwind forces that could cause irreparable internal ruptures should the less-favoured majority sectors -- which are precisely those that demand our priority attention to their urgent vital needs -- be sacrificed to gain time and avoid difficulties. Moreover, the vulnerability to which smaller economies are exposed in the face of crisis -- such as that of the financial markets currently casting a shadow over the world economy -- cannot be avoided.

President Alemán Lacayo (Nicaragua)

In the first 18 months of my Administration, we have had the highest rate of economic growth in Central America: 5 per cent in 1997 and an estimated rate of slightly over 6 per cent for the current year. Within these indicators, the increase in the agricultural sector is 60 per cent. At the same time, we have created 170,000 new productive jobs, with a goal of 500,000 contemplated for the five-year term of 1997-2001 for which I was elected President. In 1997, we brought inflation down to an annual level of 7 per cent.

Our economic policy has received the backing of the international community, represented by over 40 countries and multilateral organizations. After Nicaragua reached an agreement with the International Monetary Fund, in Geneva, Switzerland, in April of this year, on a new programme for an enhanced structural adjustment facility (ESAF), these supporters won us $1.8 billion over the next three years. Furthermore, upon the completion of the ESAF programme, we would be forgiven up to 80 per cent of the large external debt inherited from the past, within the concessionary programme of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative. These signs appear to indicate that, given the steps we are taking and the enormous sacrifices we are making, the time-frame for our becoming creditors to these facilities could be shortened.

We have turned to the international community, calling on it from its highest forum to continue to support us in our daily and difficult battle to get ahead, leaving behind a dark past of destruction and violence which we have been slowly overcoming with the combined efforts of all, guided by a sincere spirit of reconciliation based on forgiveness and forgetting. The exhausting legacy of that past is the burden of a gigantic foreign debt of approximately $12.5 billion and a devastated economy, which, within the space of a few years, was set back dramatically by more than 50 years. We seek understanding and help to achieve forgiveness of our stifling external debt as soon as possible.

We must bear in mind that the United Nations, as a supranational body that coordinates and harmonizes the world's efforts in many areas, is the most important and pluralistic forum in which the opinions of all States are freely expressed and the most important decisions taken within the framework of world politics. Nevertheless, we note once again, with great sadness, the absence of the sister Republic of China, which, as we all know, was a founding Member of the United Nations in 1945.

The international community is aware that the Republic of China respects the principles that govern the United Nations Charter, particularly its mission of peace and broad and generous international cooperation. The denial of the right of a people to be recognized and accorded full and effective participation misrepresents and contradicts the noble spirit of the universal mission of this Organization and constitutes a painful collective violation of the human rights of more than 21 million people.

We therefore call once again on the nations of the world to reconsider resolution 2758 (XXVI), which so unjustly excludes the Republic of China, with a view to restoring its right to participate in all the activities of the United Nations.

We are certain, Sir, that under your enlightened guidance, we will achieve concrete results on the delicate points on our agenda that will undoubtedly help our peoples and Governments in a very positive and tangible way to achieve the widest and most satisfactory shared benefits.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Nicaragua for the statement he has just made.

The President

May I remind representatives that, in accordance with the General Assembly's decision taken at its 3rd meeting, the list of speakers will be closed today at 6 p.m.

The President

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

The President

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, His Excellency Mr. Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Sharif (Pakistan)

Mr. President,I wish to congratulate you on your well-deserved election to preside over this session of the General Assembly. It is taking place at a time of profound change and disturbing economic and political developments in various parts of the world. Your responsibilities are correspondingly imposing. I am confident that your accomplishments will be similarly significant.

Pakistan also wishes to convey its sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Udovenko, for the skilful and productive manner in which he guided the Assembly's work over the past year.

As we seek to build the structures for peace and prosperity on the eve of a new millennium, the United Nations has become even more indispensable. In an increasingly interdependent world, the United Nations is the only organization where nations can come together and evolve decisions democratically on critical social and political issues which affect all peoples. Pakistan has profound faith in the purposes and the promise of the United Nations.

I wish to pay a warm tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who has moved to revive the United Nations with bold reforms. These reforms must reinforce the democratic ethos of the United Nations, especially in the Security Council, where the endeavour of some is to create new centres of privilege rather than eliminate old inequalities. The reform we pursue must be inspired by the noble vision of the United Nations Charter: social justice, universal prosperity and global peace and security. To do anything else is to do less than history demands of us.

We are living in times of change and promise. The days of global confrontation are gone and doctrines of containment have lost relevance. The information and technological revolutions have brought about a phenomenal interaction among the peoples of the world. The global village is a reality. Today, the prosperity of one region supplements and supports that of another. The creed of our times must be partnership for peace and development. It will be an irony if the new vision and possibilities are lost because of narrow prejudices and interests.

The world is also pervaded with a deep sense of foreboding. We are being propelled into a future which appears anarchic and insecure. In recent months, the triumphal hopes for the spread of free markets, democratic freedoms and world peace have suffered sobering setbacks. The crisis spreading from the erstwhile economic dynamo of East Asia has shaken confidence in the prescriptions of trade and financial liberalization. With falling incomes and failing hopes, strife has spread among and within nations in virtually every part of the world. This will negate the emerging prospects for ending hunger, disease and ignorance universally.

New conflicts have appeared, while many old problems persist. The people of Kashmir and Palestine continue to suffer. Bosnia has seen a brutal war, and now Kosovo dreads the same fate. Internecine wars have scarred Africa. Afghanistan has yet to recover from the ravages of conflict. Peace has remained elusive in the Middle East. Tensions have been heightened in South Asia. There is increasing resort to the unilateral use of force and arbitrary actions against weaker nations. The multiple conflicts and suffering around the world have placed extraordinary demands on the United Nations.

We are pained by the continuing tragedy of Palestine. The promise of peace has turned to despair and desperation. Peace cannot be achieved without the realization of the right of self-determination and statehood of the Palestinian people.

Seventeen years of war have completely destroyed Afghanistan -- its economy, society and polity. Pakistan has, more than any other country, borne the consequences of Afghanistan's turmoil and suffering. We have a vital interest in the restoration of peace and stability in Afghanistan.

Pakistan is deeply concerned at the current tensions between Iran and Afghanistan. We will continue to do all we can to promote peaceful and friendly relations between these two fraternal neighbours. Those responsible for the outrageous killing of the personnel seized from the Iranian consulate in Mazar-e-Sharif must be apprehended and punished. We call for the release of all remaining Iranian personnel and other prisoners held by the parties to the Afghan conflict. We support a United Nations and Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) fact-finding mission to Afghanistan.

We urge reconciliation within Afghanistan through realistic compromise and mutual accommodation. We call for international engagement and dialogue with Afghanistan to promote the objectives of humanitarianism, human rights and peace. We ask for respect for the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and observance of the principles of non-interference and non-use of force.

This year the nuclear cloud has cast its dark shadow over South Asia. When India conducted its first explosion in 1974, the reaction of the major Powers was to impose restraints against Pakistan. We felt compelled to acquire a matching capability. Yet, even after we had done so, Pakistan continued to promote a nuclear-weapons-free zone, conventional arms restraint and a zero-missile zone in South Asia. India rejected all these initiatives.

India's nuclear tests in May should not have come as a surprise to the world. We had warned the world several weeks before the tests. Even after India conducted its tests, the response of the major Powers was weak and ambiguous. Once again, greater energy was devoted to restraining Pakistan than in responding to India.

Immediately after its nuclear tests, India's leaders adopted a belligerent posture towards Pakistan. They told us that the geostrategic balance had changed and that Pakistan should abandon its principled support for Kashmiri self-determination. Pakistan faced the threat of force. We felt compelled to convince India that any military aggression against Pakistan would have the most disastrous consequences.

The world must appreciate that Pakistan did not initiate these tests. India tested to alter the strategic balance and threatened our security and sovereignty. We waited for 17 days for the world to respond. We knew that no country could provide us security assurances against a nuclear India. Thus circumstances forced us to test and establish nuclear deterrence in self-defence. We have violated no international norm. Regrettably, some friendly countries have imposed sanctions and other restrictions against Pakistan. These are unjust. I ask the international community to determine who is in the wrong and why Pakistan should be subjected to punitive measures.

Pakistan's nuclear tests were conducted not to challenge the existing non-proliferation regime, nor to fulfil any great power ambition; they were designed to prevent the threat or use of force against Pakistan. Our tests, in response to those of India, thus served the cause of peace and stability in our region.

We are not insensitive to the concerns aroused by the South Asian nuclear tests. Despite the transformed strategic situation, we remain opposed to an arms race, nuclear or conventional. We have announced a unilateral moratorium on testing. We are prepared to strengthen peace and stability in the region by mutually agreed measures to avoid a war, to create a regime for nuclear restraint and conventional balance and to promote solutions to the underlying causes of conflict, in particular the Kashmir dispute.

We will discuss these issues with India when our dialogue commences. We are also engaged in a dialogue with several friendly countries to advance these objectives. Pakistan has never contributed to nuclear proliferation. We will continue to adhere strictly to our policy of not exporting sensitive technologies and equipment.

Pakistan consistently supported the conclusion of a Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) for over 30 years. We voted for the Treaty when it was adopted by the General Assembly in 1996. We have declared a moratorium on further testing; so has India. There is no reason why the two countries cannot adhere to the CTBT. In a nuclearized South Asia, the CTBT would have relevance if Pakistan and India were both parties to the Treaty. The Non-Aligned Summit has called for universal adherence to the CTBT, especially by the nuclear-weapon States. This demand is consistent with the Treaty's requirement that all nuclear-capable States, including India, must adhere to the CTBT before it can come into force. Pakistan will oppose any attempt to change this fundamental requirement at the conference of States parties to the Treaty, scheduled to be held in September 1999. Such a change can be made only by consensus. Pakistan is therefore prepared to adhere to the CTBT before that conference takes place. However, Pakistan's adherence to the Treaty will take place only in conditions free from coercion or pressure.

In this regard, we expect that the arbitrary restrictions imposed on Pakistan by multilateral institutions will be speedily removed. We also expect discriminatory sanctions against Pakistan to be lifted. And we count on the full support of the world community for a just resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

On the nuclear issue, Pakistan will insist on the principle of equal treatment with India, whether in terms of status or any kind of incentives. It must also be well understood that if India should resume nuclear testing, Pakistan will review its position and, if we have adhered to the CTBT, invoke the supreme interests clause as provided for under article IX of the Treaty.

Nuclear deterrence between Pakistan and India will remain fragile and dangerous as long as there is a growing imbalance in conventional forces. This needs to be redressed. Above all, durable peace between Pakistan and India and restraint in their military postures will be, as always, critically dependent on the resolution of the Kashmir dispute, which has been the root cause of all conflicts and tensions between Pakistan and India.

We welcome the recognition in the Secretary-General's annual report that the

"rising tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir and other issues is ... a major cause of concern" (A/53/1, para. 18).

For almost 50 years, the people of Kashmir have continued to await the exercise of the right of self-determination, as stipulated in the Security Council's resolutions. India is obliged to allow the plebiscite prescribed in those United Nations resolutions. India has, however, failed to honour its commitments and resorted instead to a policy based on force to deny the legitimate rights of the Kashmiri people.

Ten years ago, Kashmir's freedom struggle entered a new phase when Indian forces fired on peaceful Kashmiri demonstrators, killing over 100. Kashmir is now occupied by a force of 650,000 Indian troops. Over 60,000 Kashmiris have been killed and thousands maimed and arrested. Custodial killings, disappearances, arbitrary arrests and summary executions continue to be daily occurrences. The nightmare of the Kashmiri people continues. This year, moreover, scores of innocent Kashmiris in Azad Kashmir have been killed and hundreds injured by intensified Indian artillery and mortar fire. Even as I speak, tensions are high on the line of control.

My Government is committed to resolving our problem with India through dialogue. This is all the more important in a nuclear environment in which neither side has the luxury to contemplate the use of force. In June 1997, we agreed with India on an eight-item agenda and a mechanism for the dialogue. Unfortunately, the dialogue was interrupted due to differences over modalities. I am, however, happy to say that in a meeting which concluded a short while ago, Prime Minister Vajpayee and I reached an agreement to resume the dialogue with the commencement of talks at the Foreign Secretary level, which will address at the outset the primary issues of peace and security and Jammu and Kashmir.

The United Nations, the major Powers and the international community have a responsibility to support and facilitate a solution to the Kashmir issue. We request the Secretary-General to take appropriate initiatives to implement Security Council resolutions on Kashmir and to ease tensions and build confidence. In particular, we urge that the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan be strengthened and its mandate enhanced. The Security Council should regularly monitor the volatile situation along the line of control in Jammu and Kashmir.

Until last year, globalization of the world economy promised the spread of prosperity. Today, 30 per cent of the world economy is in recession; by next year, this figure is projected to double. Across East Asia, currencies have drastically depreciated, economies have contracted, incomes have plummeted and unemployment has risen, despite sound economic fundamentals.

As the East Asian crisis spreads, questions are being posed about the economic wisdom of rapid financial and trade liberalization and the social implications of globalization. Yet, in the age of the information and communications revolution, globalization cannot be reversed; it can only be effectively governed.

The world community must adopt a coherent approach to the current crisis. In the short term, it is essential to spur economic growth in all parts of the world. The international financial institutions must relax their unrealistic conditionalities to prevent any further contraction of the economies of the developing countries. Mechanisms need to be devised to direct greater development finance to the underdeveloped countries which have the largest latent demand. Meanwhile, markets, especially those of the industrial countries, must be kept open. New protectionism in the guise of concern for environmental or labour standards must be resisted.

In order to address these issues effectively, we have to proceed from three basic premises. First, decisions on ways to manage globalization must be made collectively by all nations. Secondly, specific policies must flow from the overriding objective of ensuring growth with equity: equity is not only a moral imperative, it is now a prerequisite for sustained global growth. Thirdly, the North and South must act together: prosperity for both is interlinked.

This suggests the need for concerted action by the international community, which should include, first, the strengthening of the capacity of multilateral institutions to address the issues of trade, finance and development in an integrated and coherent manner, thereby ensuring the effective governance of globalization. In this context, a global monetary conference to address the old and new problems of the international finance system is now a necessity and should be convened urgently by the United Nations. Secondly, this action should include correcting the inequities in the international trade regime, especially by more rapid liberalization in areas of primary interest to developing countries. And finally, it should include resolution of the long-standing issues of debt, development finance and access to technology.

What is required today is a realization that there is unity in the struggle of the South and the North for economic and social development. A new concept of a global community appears to be essential: a community where all human beings are acknowledged as being entitled to a life of dignity and to the right to development.

The concept of the ummah, or community, in Islamic thought offers a model for the realization of such a global community. This concept gives primacy to solidarity among human beings and to equitable benefits to all members of the community. Islam is the religion of peace and tolerance; it is inherently moderate and progressive. Here, I would like to warmly welcome President Clinton's vision affirming America's deep respect for Islam and rejecting the pernicious thesis of a clash of civilizations. We must work together to create greater understanding and harmony among all religions and peoples of the world.

The present drift towards an uncertain and dangerous world must be arrested. Inequality, conflicts and abuse of human rights are not the inevitable consequences of impersonal forces of history. They are the outcome of our own actions. It is in our power to fashion a more equitable and more peaceful world. We can do so if we rededicate ourselves to the ideals of the United Nations Charter. Only then can we ensure that the next century will dawn on a prosperous and peaceful world.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for the statement he has just made.

The President

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal, His Excellency Mr. Jaime Gama.

Mr. Gama (Portugal)

It is with the greatest pleasure that I congratulate my colleague from Uruguay, Didier Opertti, on his election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. In his election I see the recognition of the role played internationally by the Republic of Uruguay, an Ibero-American country and a friend of Portugal, as well as our appreciation and our confidence that his personal, intellectual and professional qualities will result in success in our work.

I would also like to pay tribute to the outgoing President, Hennadiy Y. Udovenko, for the dedicated and competent manner in which he steered the work of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session.

To the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, I renew my tribute for the remarkable manner in which he has been carrying out his difficult functions during a period in which the United Nations is increasingly called upon to intervene in many aspects of international life.

I would like to dwell upon some questions of particular importance to my country, beginning with those of a political nature, including Africa. I recall that my Austrian colleague has already addressed the Assembly on behalf of the 15 States members of the European Union.

When releasing last April his excellent report on the causes of conflict and the promotion of lasting peace and sustainable development in Africa, the Secretary-General did not hesitate to qualify as "colossal" (S/1998/318, para. 5) the scale of the human tragedy that persists in parts of the African continent, which has been devastated by the conflicts that have affected a number of States since the end of the cold war.

Within its possibilities and in accordance with the historical, cultural and social ties that bind it to many regions and countries of Africa, Portugal continues to make efforts towards helping overcome those conflicts by peaceful means and towards the promotion of economic development, social progress and good governance, which are indispensable for their eradication. I would like to underline the readiness Portugal has shown to participate in United Nations peacekeeping missions, particularly in Africa. By way of example, I recall the role played by Portuguese forces within the framework of the peace process in Mozambique, and in the ongoing United Nations missions in Angola, in Western Sahara and, most recently, in the Central African Republic, as well as in the evacuation operations undertaken in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in Guinea-Bissau.

I must express here the very serious concern of my country at the situation in Angola, a country to which we are bound by so many and such deep ties. The signs of rupture are becoming more dangerously evident in the peace process, which has proceeded with such difficulty. The refusal by the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA) to comply fully with the obligations of the Lusaka Protocol, which it freely signed, with regard to its demilitarization and transformation into a political party, and its obstruction of the normalization of State administration contribute to the resort to military options outside the framework of the negotiated solutions adopted by the international community.

As a member of the troika of observer countries to the Angolan peace process and as one of countries that contributed most to the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM) and to the United Nations Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA), Portugal remains committed to promoting concord in Angola in close cooperation with the United Nations and, in particular, with the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Issa Diallo, whose difficult mission should be helped and supported.

We are, however, fully aware of the fact that all the diplomatic efforts will be in vain if those responsible in Angola do not have an effective will for peace. The Government and UNITA must assume their responsibilities to the Angolan people, whose right to peace, security and well-being is legitimate and inalienable. We appeal, once again, for the Lusaka Protocol to be respected, and in particular appeal to UNITA to assure immediately the Protocol's implementation, in strict accordance with the terms that have been demanded of it by the Security Council.

The gains of a multi-party system in Angola must not be jeopardized. Its participants, particularly having endorsed peace and national reconciliation, must not see the erection of barriers to the respective mandates, and all must be given the conditions of security necessary to face the reconstruction of the country.

The Secretary-General deserves our full support in continuing to promote all the necessary responses that the gravity of the situation requires from the international community.

Guinea-Bissau -- a friend of Portugal with which we also share many varied and strong affinities -- has since June been the site of a conflict that has had grave human, economic and social consequences for its people. At the express request of the parties to the conflict, Portugal and the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) -- which is principally made up of African countries, and has among its main goals the political and diplomatic coordination of its members' policies -- carried out from the start mediation efforts designed to stop the fighting, obtain a negotiated solution to the conflict and bring humanitarian assistance to the population of Guinea-Bissau. At no time was it possible to doubt the legitimate intentions that led the CPLP, of which Guinea-Bissau is a founding member, to respond to the request made to it. The CPLP's intervention aligned itself with that of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), eventually permitting the signature of a ceasefire agreement between the Government and the military junta, which opened the way to a negotiated settlement of the conflict.

Still on the African continent, a word is also due on the events in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We defend unequivocally the need to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of that vast country, whose stability is strategically essential to the region in which it is located. We support unconditionally the African peace initiatives that seek a negotiated and peaceful solution to the complex political problems of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which are at the heart of the conflict and cannot and should not have a solution based on the use of force or on the presence of foreign military forces.

Notwithstanding continued difficulties, we still believe in a democratic, free and prosperous future for Africa. We are therefore committed to bringing to fruition the initiative we launched in 1996 to hold a summit between the European Union and Africa, which is now scheduled for 2000. We therefore welcomed with satisfaction the decision taken by the most recent Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in Ouagadougou to endorse that initiative.

I would now like to refer to another source of serious and justified concern for the international community, this time on the European continent: the crisis in Kosovo, which jeopardizes peace and stability in the Balkans and is producing heavy human losses, in terms of deaths, injuries, internally displaced persons and refugees. There can be no doubt as to who bears the primary responsibility for the eruption of the current crisis. The adoption a few minutes ago by the Security Council of a resolution co-sponsored by Portugal is a clear signal of the determination of the international community and cannot be ignored by those to whom it is addressed.

Portugal welcomes the constructive spirit that dominated the most recent round of ministerial talks on the question of East Timor, held under the auspices of the Secretary-General, whose efforts at mediation, as well as those of his Special Representative, Ambassador Marker and his collaborators, I would especially like to congratulate. I believe I can, for the first time, say that effective and promising steps have been taken towards creating the conditions to achieve a just, comprehensive and internationally acceptable solution to this problem, with full respect for the legitimate rights of the East Timorese people, in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.

While safeguarding the basic positions of principle of the parties, it was agreed to negotiate for East Timor a wide-ranging autonomy that we wish to see rest on genuinely democratic and participatory rules for its people, who, it is hoped, will progressively establish an ample degree of self-government. It was also agreed to associate more closely the East Timorese -- whose will, freely expressed in accordance with their legitimate right to self-determination, will be essential to validate any definitive solution to the question -- with the process of negotiations under way, entrusting the Secretary-General with the responsibility of promoting that wide consultation.

It is necessary now to achieve tangible progress with regard to the more critical aspects of the situation in the territory, such as the reduction of the Indonesian military presence, the release of all East Timorese political prisoners, including Xanana Gusmao, and the monitoring by the United Nations of the evolution of the situation on the ground.

We believe that we are still at a turning point. Nothing substantial has yet been settled or guaranteed. That is why we consider it essential that the international community continue to follow closely the evolution of this process in its varied aspects, so that the goal of finally enabling the people of East Timor to enjoy a future of freedom, peace and security is not delayed any further.

In just over a year, on 20 December 1999, the territory of Macao, currently under Portuguese administration, will return to the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China, in fulfilment of the terms of the Luso-Chinese Joint Declaration of 13 April 1987. The transition process has been carried out in a constructive and pragmatic climate, reflecting the good relations that exist between the two countries. We are convinced that this climate will persist until the end, thus guaranteeing a transfer of power conducive to the future stability and prosperity of Macao, while respecting its autonomy and uniqueness.

As a short note on the question of official development assistance, I would like to put on record that, according to data on 1997 recently issued by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Portugal was the donor that registered the largest increase in this type of aid -- 27.3 per cent.

Within the framework of the International Year of the Oceans, Portugal dedicated the last World Exposition of this century -- EXPO '98 -- to the theme "The oceans: a heritage for the future", attempting in this manner to contribute to a progressive enlightenment of humanity with regard to the risks and challenges related to the preservation of the oceans.

Still in this area, Portugal has participated actively in various activities undertaken in the context of the United Nations, namely at the level of the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Independent World Commission on the Oceans. In fact, Portugal was granted the honour of the presidency of the latter, in the person of Dr. Mario Soares, and its work led to the adoption of the report approved in Lisbon at the beginning of this month, which appeals for a democratic, equitable and peaceful management of the "ocean ... our future", and which will be submitted to the General Assembly.

Portugal is a non-permanent member of the Security Council until the end of this year. We have sought to contribute effectively to the strengthening of the Council's authority and the effectiveness of its action, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. On the other hand, increasing the transparency and democratic nature of its functioning is essential to us, allowing, in this way, non-members to better follow the work of the Council.

This year, as we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, none can purport to defend international law and legitimacy while ignoring the fulfilment of those fundamental rights.

Terrorism is one of the most perverse forms of human rights violation, and a coordinated international effort to combat it is urgently required.

I should like to mention that Portugal is a candidate for membership in the Commission on Human Rights, for a mandate that will begin in January 2000 and that will coincide with the Portuguese Presidency of the European Union.

In an era of globalization -- of markets, information, circulation of people and cultural exchange -- we also have a duty to include in the international agenda the globalization of human rights. This will be the best tribute we can pay to the Universal Declaration that was issued 50 years ago.

The President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, His Excellency Mr. Borys Tarasyuk.

Mr. Tarasyuk (Ukraine)

On behalf of my delegation, I extend to you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your election to the high post of President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session. We wish you every success in discharging your very responsible mission.

I would also like to express my profound acknowledgement to the President of the General Assembly at its previous session, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, who also happens to be my predecessor as Ukraine's Foreign Minister, for his efficient and fruitful work here. I believe that the results of the fifty-second session deserve our positive evaluation, for they gave a strong impetus to the process of a wide-scale reshaping and strengthening of the United Nations. The last session will undoubtedly enter history as the session of reform. I am very pleased to note that many previous speakers have attributed those achievements to a large extent to the skilful and fair presidency of the Ukrainian representative. This provides undeniable evidence that our nation is not only a consistent supporter of, but also an active participant in, the process aimed at reforming the Organization.

May I also applaud Secretary-General Kofi Annan, whose tireless efforts to initiate and promote this challenging goal deserve not only words of praise but, first and foremost, our active support.

The efficiency of the future functioning of the United Nations will be determined by its ability to respond adequately to the challenges confronting humanity at the start of the twenty-first century. The promotion of an interrelated and integral world, the search for universal human harmony, the protection and further development of the values of our civilization, and free access to them -- these are the main priorities on which the United Nations should concentrate its authority and attention.

It is widely acknowledged that the main feature of the present development of the world community is the globalization of political, social, economic and humanitarian life. The advanced development of information and communication technologies and the interdependence of the economic progress of countries, with their closely interwoven market of goods, capital and labour, bring together local processes, separate events, States and international institutions into a worldwide network. A great advantage of globalization is the possibility of resolving problems of individual regions and countries by using the world's experiences and the approaches that have proved to be most efficient.

On the other hand, recent years have been marked by some of the adverse effects of globalization. The financial crisis in Asia and Russia, whose repercussions have been acutely felt all over the world, has become a subject of special preoccupation in almost every country. In this regard, Ukraine fully shares the view that the social and economic impact of globalization should become a top priority on the agenda of the world community today.

The United Nations, which bears responsibility for international stability and sustainable economic development, has to find the means and tools that could help overcome the negative impact of globalization. In this respect, I wish to recall and reiterate the initiative of the President of Ukraine, officially announced in this Hall in 1995, to establish a new United Nations economic security council. In the meantime, Member States could also entrust the Security Council with additional assignments and the responsibility to deal with economic and social challenges that have direct repercussions for international peace and security.

Furthermore, there are other issues which cause discord and division among nations. These are the problems of national minorities, deported peoples, refugees, the spread of terrorism and organized crime, illicit drug-trafficking and money-laundering.

These challenges require greater responsibility on the part of individual countries and their leaders for their own policies, as well as concerted efforts by the world community to counteract them. All that means that the United Nations, as never before, faces the urgent task of harmonizing all human and national interests and creating a world order whereby a national idea is not opposed to global solutions. Hence, Member States should care more for regional and universal security in order to maintain peace and stability without prejudice to their national interests.

Events of last summer once again highlighted the issue of nuclear non-proliferation as pivotal for the world community. This issue remains a cornerstone and fundamental principle of preserving the world from a global conflict. Nuclear tests conducted by two nations in confrontation testify to the increasing urgency of expediting the entry into force of international agreements in the field of nuclear disarmament, as well as the need to ban other types of weapons of mass destruction.

The issue of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation has a special meaning for Ukraine as a nation which inherited the world's third largest nuclear arsenal and voluntarily renounced it and which suffered from the largest technogenic disaster of this century in Chernobyl. Ukraine has made an unprecedented and exemplary decision to initiate the process of practical nuclear disarmament, and it strictly honours its obligations undertaken in this field. That is why we believe that we have the moral right to urge other countries, first and foremost nuclear ones, to pursue further reductions and, in the long run, to destroy totally their nuclear potentials. We also call upon the so-called threshold nations to abandon their nuclear ambitions.

The world community should take effective measures to create reliable mechanisms for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and control over the implementation of relevant international agreements. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is in fact the only internationally binding document that consolidates the world community around the concept of global security. Hence, we have to substantially revitalize the efforts of the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for its support.

The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), signed by most United Nations Member States, is also of exceptional significance. Ukraine, as one of its first signatories, calls upon the States which hesitate to accede to it to make this document effective as soon as possible. As a positive example, it is worthwhile to note the recent signing of the CTBT by Brazil and Spain. We welcome this important decision by these two friendly countries.

For many years, the Conference on Disarmament has been playing an important role as a catalyst in freeing humanity from the burden of armaments, first and foremost, the nuclear ones. Ukraine, which a few years ago joined that body as a full member, continues to contribute to the success of its activity. I am glad to mention that it was under the presidency of Ukraine's representative at the Conference that the elaboration of the treaty of the prohibition of fissile material reached its final stage. As other priorities for the Conference, we are considering elaboration of a programme of global nuclear disarmament and of a multilateral agreement on granting security guarantees to non-nuclear nations by the nuclear Powers.

The contemporary age which has replaced the period of global confrontation has set new challenges before the United Nations in the field of international security. These include the growing numbers of local, mostly inter-ethnic conflicts inside countries, which cause civil wars and involve other nations. Moreover, these conflicts spread across regions or even turn into major international conflicts and become the source of global instability. We are deeply convinced that the international community must not be reconciled to the age of "cold war" being replaced by the age of "hot peace". Finding an adequate remedy to these dangerous phenomena is one of the main issues that the United Nations should address today.

Ukraine, with a population of over 50 million comprising 100 nationalities, has always pursued the policy of maintaining stability and social accord in its society. For seven years of its independent existence, our country, contrary to pessimistic predictions, has succeeded in avoiding ethnic tensions, regional division or fragmentation of the society. This has been possible thanks to the persistent efforts of all branches of State power aimed at the comprehensive development of democratic institutions and legal protection of national minorities. This policy is enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine that was adopted two years ago.

Conflict prevention remains one of the biggest challenges for the United Nations, especially the Security Council. It requires constant attention to potential sources of tension and immediate and adequate measures to prevent these tension points from growing into bigger conflicts. In this context, I would like to underscore the pressing need for strengthening the mechanism of United Nations global monitoring and early warning of threats to international peace and security in order to facilitate the Security Council's readiness for a timely and efficient response.

An important role in this respect is played by international sanctions which make it possible to exert pressure without resorting to force. We believe, however, that the mechanism of introducing sanctions requires serious improvement. First of all, there is urgent need to work out an efficient tool for compensation for losses incurred by third countries observing the sanctions. Regrettably, all previous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly to assist such countries so far remain unimplemented, leaving some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, in particular, to cope on their own with their uncompensated economic losses.

It is a recognized fact that peace and stability on the European continent are an inseparable part of the global security system. Ukraine views the future architecture of European security as one based on the principles of comprehensiveness, indivisibility and partnership. This fundamental position determines our country's active cooperation with European and Euro-Atlantic security structures, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Western European Union. Ukraine also actively advocates the further strengthening of the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as an important all-European tool for safeguarding stability on the continent by means of political mediation, protection of human and minorities' rights, strengthening of democracy and humanitarian activity. Closer cooperation and coordination of efforts between the United Nations and the OSCE should be established by making it a good practice to organize regular meetings between senior officials of the two organizations.

For Ukraine, a country of Central and Eastern Europe, establishment of friendly and partnership relations with its neighbours is of great importance. In line with this policy, last June Kiev hosted the first round of expert consultations among a number of Black Sea States to work out joint confidence-building and security measures in the naval military field in the Black Sea region. Thus, actively shaping a favourable security environment, Ukraine is asserting itself as a natural strategic link between various regions, for the North and South, East and West. That is why it was not accidental that the initiative of Ukraine's President Leonid Kuchma to convene in September 1999 in Yalta an international summit conference entitled "The Baltic-Black Sea Cooperation: towards an integrated Europe of the twenty-first century without dividing lines" has received broad support.

Contributing to the solution of vital global issues by fostering internal harmony in society, projecting stability on its environment through its active participation in non-proliferation and peacekeeping, by shaping a vast network of regional cooperation, Ukraine, as one of the United Nations founding members, gives top priority to strengthening international peace and security and aspires to be elected next year as a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the period 2000-2001.

This year the world community is marking the fiftieth anniversary of United Nations peacekeeping activities. Over past decades, peacekeeping operations have grown into an effective instrument of preventing the escalation of armed conflicts. While it is true that not all of the United Nations peacekeeping missions have been equally successful, the overall evaluation of United Nations activities in this field should be considered positive. Despite enduring hardship conditions, and often at risk to their health and even their lives, the "Blue Helmets" courageously perform a noble mission of bringing peace to peoples in the planet's trouble spots. In this regard, I have the honour to propose that the Assembly adopt at the special commemorative meeting to be held on 6 October a declaration in commemoration of those who served in United Nations peacekeeping operations, an idea initiated by Ukraine.

The recent practice of peacekeeping in various regions of the world demands the development of a comprehensive basic document comprising the conceptual principles of a new generation of peacekeeping operations. These principles should have an integrated block of military, civil, humanitarian, political, legal and other aspects of such operations. We are convinced that strengthening the United Nations peacekeeping potential should become an integral component of the process of United Nations reform.

In this context, I should like to reiterate the need to reinforce the United Nations rapid reaction capabilities by perfecting the United Nations standby arrangements and making energetic efforts to set up the rapidly deployable mission headquarters. Ukraine has made a practical contribution to United Nations peacekeeping operations, in particular in the former Yugoslavia and in some of the Commonwealth of Independent States countries. We are ready to continue our active participation in peacekeeping and to commit additional resources to United Nations standby arrangements.

Our country supports all measures necessary to enhance the security of United Nations peacekeepers and missions. In this regard, we call upon those States which have not done so to accede to the Convention on the Safety of United Nations and Associated Personnel in order to facilitate its entry into force as soon as possible.

While globalization has become a driving force at the international level, and liberalization and economic reforms a dominating tendency within nations, international economic cooperation based on the principles of non-discrimination, fair competition, partnership and mutual benefit has become increasingly relevant. The United Nations should continue to play a leading role in creating effective mechanisms for such cooperation.

We believe that the Organization's social and economic activities should focus more on countries with economies in transition to accelerate their integration into the world economy. International assistance will be helpful for a smoother conduct of economic reforms in such countries and for overcoming the inevitable difficulties in transforming national economies. Subsequently, these nations will achieve a level of economic development and thus be able to help other countries. The experience of some countries of Central and Eastern Europe proves that such a prospect is quite possible.

Based on this knowledge, Ukraine's course towards the complete and comprehensive integration of its national economy into the European and global economic systems remains unchanged.

I should like to place special emphasis on Ukraine's strategy of integration into the European Union, endorsed by the President of our country. This strategy provides for the harmonization of national legislation and the intensive development of trade and economic relations with European Union members based on the partnership and cooperation agreement that entered into force last March. I avail myself of this opportunity to commend the countries of the European Union for their support, so clearly expressed by the Austrian Presidency.

We attach great importance to the regional component of international economic cooperation. Ukraine was one of the initiators of the regional economic process within the framework of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) and of the BSEC's establishment as a fully fledged international organization. We think that today the Black Sea Economic Cooperation organization has full grounds for claiming observer status in the General Assembly.

This year we are also marking another event of historic significance: the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has become a milestone in the quest of the individual to find his or her own identity in society. This Declaration provided a powerful impetus to the development of the international system of protection of human rights, the creation of the relevant branch of international law, and the introduction of a ramified system of control over the fulfilment by States of their commitments in the field of human rights.

The Declaration remains a crucial element of all human rights activities within the United Nations and a model for constitutional practice in many parts of the world. For instance, the Constitution of Ukraine, which provides that safeguarding human rights and freedoms make up the essence of national policy, is based on the humanistic ideas of the Declaration.

An entire series of events dedicated to the fiftieth anniversary of this Universal Declaration is under way in Ukraine. The most important of them was the International Conference organized early this month in Yalta by our Government together with the United Nations Development Programme, which was attended by representatives from 27 countries and a number of international organizations; a booklet on that Conference has been circulated to members. A new Yalta spirit associated with the observance of human rights and freedoms was proclaimed at the Conference. This spirit is best protected in the context of the growing role of international law.

I believe that it is a matter of honour for all States Members of this Organization to strictly abide by their commitments to the United Nations Charter and the fundamental principles of international law, in particular as regards respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the strengthening of the role of preventive diplomacy.

Ukraine supports the proposals to strengthen the International Court of Justice, which reflects the increasing tendency to resolve international disputes by means of law. The Security Council and other United Nations bodies should consider making better use of the International Court's potential when dealing with international disputes.

Equally important is the setting up of the International Criminal Court, which should be considered in the context of the global changes that have taken shape after the end of the cold war. The importance of this international judicial institution is supported by the fact that its jurisdiction covers the most serious crimes committed against humankind.

Following the recognized principle of pacta sunt servanda, Ukraine rigorously adheres to its commitments under international instruments and to the standards and rules of its national legislation, which are applied in accordance with the norms of international law.

The decisions on United Nations reform adopted at the fifty-second session of the General Assembly represent only an initial stage of the Organization's sweeping transformation. Painstaking work is needed to translate them into practice so that the United Nations can enter the new millennium renewed and able efficiently to address the persisting challenges of the present time.

It is therefore necessary to continue with wide-scale structural adjustments and the reorganization of United Nations programme activities to make them more results-oriented, businesslike and tailored to the needs of the Member States.

The key issue in renewing the United Nations is the reform of the Security Council. Unfortunately, prompt resolution of this fundamental question does not appear to be forthcoming, as the issue has obviously stagnated. It is in the interest of the international community as a whole to make every effort to achieve a consensus decision on the reform of this important United Nations body. It is impossible to imagine a reformed United Nations without this crucial issue having been resolved.

To make decisive progress in shaping a more reliable and predictable world and promoting economic prosperity, social justice and ecological safety, we must demonstrate perseverance, courage and political will. Near-universal membership, a far-reaching mandate, a broad spectrum of activities and the institutionalized presence of the United Nations at many levels can and should bring it to the centre of these efforts.

The authority and efficiency of this world Organization depend entirely on the membership. If we wish to see the United Nations truly reformed and revitalized, we must prove it by our practical deeds. We must prove that people can continue to rely on the United Nations and that our Organization is prepared to respond to new challenges and withstand any tests.

The President

The next speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chile, Mr. José Miguel Insulza, on whom I now call.

Mr. Insulza (Chile)

Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on behalf of the Government of Chile and in my personal capacity, on your election as President of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly, which represents a deserved tribute to your political skills and diplomatic career, as well as a recognition of your country's commitment to the work of the United Nations. It gives us very special pleasure because you are a national of Uruguay, a Latin American country that is especially close to Chile, and with which, in addition, we are cooperating closely in the Rio Group and the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR).

We also congratulate the Secretary-General on the leadership he has demonstrated since he took up his duties. His vision of the necessary reform of this Organization, as well as his dedication to the solution of important international problems, gives us great satisfaction. We encourage him to persevere in pursuit of the goals he has set himself.

Globalization, interdependence and regional integration are phenomena that characterize present-day international realities. The experience of many countries, Chile among them, shows that greater participation in the world economy, if appropriately channelled, can constitute a key element in the economic growth and prosperity of countries. Nevertheless, these phenomena, whose logic and dynamics are universal in scope, still offer ambivalent and contradictory lessons and meanings, depending on their magnitude and the effects they are causing in the different parts of the world. It is obvious that this process gives rise to legitimate uncertainties and concern in the context of the financial upheavals that, having started in the Asia/Pacific region, now affect the whole world. The need for more effective and concerted action by the main international economic Powers and the specialized agencies to deal with these situations is becoming increasingly apparent. The need to reshape the global financial architecture is becoming ever more obvious.

It seems clear that there is a need for greater coordination regarding the international community's institutional capabilities to deal with situations like the present one. The world has experienced similar situations before, but they now take place in a context of much greater interdependence. This necessitates an in-depth review of the current structures of the world financial system in order to adapt them to the new challenges of internationalization. Otherwise, we shall always be vulnerable to upheavals like the present ones, and to setbacks in those parts of the world that are affected.

Obviously, no agency of the multilateral system, on its own and using only its own methods, is in a position to bring certainty and stability to the current crisis. In the search for solutions, we need to combine different approaches and concerns: financial order, growth of international trade, effective social security networks, promotion of investment and growth, and respect for workers, among others. We have a great opportunity to grasp fully the integrated nature of these problems and define genuinely coordinated policies in order to solve them. This is a task in which the entire international community must participate. The Latin American countries have assumed their responsibilities for building sound economies with increasingly low levels of inflation, progressively decreasing their budget deficits and reducing unemployment and indebtedness.

What Chile has done in this respect is recognized, and has been frequently praised in recent years. In little over a decade, Chile has doubled the size of its economy. This year, 1998, will be our twelfth year of uninterrupted growth. For eight years we have been constantly reducing inflation and unemployment, with a financial surplus and high domestic and external savings rates. All of this has taken place in a context of great openness to the outside world and a regional integration process conducted with a view to promoting open regionalism. It has also taken place in the context of an increasing expansion of social investment, whose benefits for the most vulnerable sectors of the population are apparent in the high indicators achieved by Chile in this Organization's latest Human Development Report.

However, despite these significant achievements we have also had to face in recent months problems that we share with many countries in our region, stemming from the global financial crisis and the difficulties created in some of our main export markets. President Frei's Government has adopted stringent adjustment measures in order to reduce public and private expenditure, avoid an upsurge of inflation, and, at the same time, maintain social investment and protect Chileans' jobs.

This permits us -- as the Heads of State and Government of our region did when they met on 5 September at the Twelfth Rio Group Summit -- to call on all to discharge their responsibilities in this respect, as we have discharged our own. Our Presidents are concerned about the possibility that the crisis will become more acute, and accordingly they urge the countries in which it arose to take the necessary measures to correct their imbalances; the countries of the Group of Seven to take action to restore the stability of financial markets and ensure the growth of the world economy; and the international financial institutions to involve themselves more rapidly and effectively in resolving the crisis.

There is also a need to prevent a mishandling of the crisis or half-way measures leading to the reproduction or even accentuation of the inequities that characterize the current international system, which not only postpone access to progress and encourage despair, but also pose a serious and constant threat to international peace and security.

The emergence of a new worldwide awareness, the enlargement of the international agenda and the need to deal collectively with the problems of interdependence provide an impetus for the adoption of new international regimes. Examples of the progress achieved in cooperative multilateralism include the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Antarctic Treaty, international humanitarian law, the Uruguay Round agreements that led to the creation of the World Trade Organization and the set of regimes relating to arms control and disarmament in general.

Human rights have ceased to be an issue reserved exclusively for the sovereignty of countries, and have become a universal concern that no Government can ignore. Protection of the environment has an undoubtedly international dimension, in that issues as vital to our future as climate change, pollution and over-exploitation of the seas, depletion of the ozone layer and the advance of desertification all call for global treatment.

The promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms constitute an inescapable responsibility of the United Nations. The fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the fifth anniversary of the World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna, constitute opportunities to renew our concern for and commitment to the values and principles embodied in the Declaration and the agreements adopted at the Conference.

For Chile, the universality of human rights means assuming the intrinsic dignity of all inhabitants of the planet, regardless of their culture, religion, social status, ethnic origin, gender or traditions. Neither lack of development nor cultural characteristics can be invoked to justify limiting the human rights recognized in a Declaration to which we have all subscribed. In this context, the recently approved International Labour Organization Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up is an important step forward in strengthening the basic rights of workers throughout the world. This new international regime must be promoted by the entire multilateral system.

A few days ago, I had the great honour of signing in Rome, on behalf of my Government, the Statute of the International Criminal Court. Chile has committed itself to participate actively in the launching of the Court. This institution has been a long-standing aspiration, and many recent events have made it essential. It will contribute to the strengthening of the international human rights regime, the progressive development of international humanitarian law, the prevention of mass violations and the fight against impunity in cases of genocide or crimes against humanity.

The subject of disarmament also continues to be one of the most vital issues on the international agenda. Recent events in this field, such as the nuclear tests carried out in South Asia, which my Government deeply deplores, highlight the urgent need to enhance the validity and universal application of instruments such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). We must take responsibility for the danger of nuclear proliferation and urge the parties concerned not to repeat such actions, and we must renew our calls on all States to sign and ratify the international instruments designed to eliminate the nuclear threat. Accordingly, we welcome Brazil's recent accession to the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

We must also make efforts to develop and improve our instruments for regulating the manufacture, trade and use of conventional weapons. In this context, we are extremely pleased to know that the Treaty on the elimination of anti-personnel landmines has entered into force with the completion of the first 40 ratifications. Chile hopes to complete its process of legislative approval shortly in order to be able to ratify this important instrument. For these same reasons, we adopted this morning, together with other countries, a declaration supporting the ad hoc group in its wo