General Assembly Session 52 meeting 24

The President

The first speaker is the Vice-Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Madagascar, His Excellency Mr. Herizo Razafimahaleo.

Before I give the floor to the Minister I would like to apologize to him, since he was not able to address the General Assembly in the morning session. I am very grateful to him for agreeing to make his statement this afternoon.

Mr. Razafimahaleo (Madagascar)

The success of a session of our General Assembly lies heavily with its President, the chief catalyser and conductor of our work during the session; with the state of affairs left by his predecessor; and, of course, with the capacity of the whole United Nations Organization to implement in a credible, coherent and sustainable way the various decisions, resolutions and recommendations made by the General Assembly.

It is therefore a pleasure for me to express to you, Sir, on behalf of the Republic of Madagascar, our warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the present fifty-second session of our General Assembly. Please be assured of our support and of our conviction that your proven experience in international affairs is definitely a major asset towards the success of your mission.

We would also like to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Ambassador Resale Ismaili, whose commitment during his tenure we admired and whose work and achievements make up a solid foundation on which this and upcoming sessions will build and further construct.

Last but not least, I should like to reaffirm our strong praise and encouragement for our Secretary-General and his staff for their highly laudable work on proposed reforms of the United Nations aimed at making our Organization an even more credible and efficient body, capable of meeting the challenge of the next century. It would thus be a matter of legitimate pride to realize at the end of this process that major and positive United Nations reforms would have been achieved under the tenure of a native African Secretary-General.

Mr. Razafimahaleo (Madagascar)

There is no doubt that the question of United Nations reform, which has been of concern to us more particularly since the middle of July last and which has figured prominently in most of the statements made during the general debate, is not only making the fifty-second session of the General Assembly seem like a hive of feverish activity leading up to major events but also is lending it a special character that will remain in the annals of the Organization because of the importance of the stakes for all of humankind.

It is a starting point for this necessary process to find answers to our aspirations for the future of our Organization, following the solemn commitment made here two years ago by our Heads of State and Government, in the framework of the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, to work jointly to promote peace, development, equality, justice and understanding among peoples.

This reform process should reflect the changes and profound upheavals that have taken place in the world and that have made it necessary for our Organization to adapt itself and its structures to the new realities of the world in which we live -- a world characterized by an upsurge in globalization and by greater interdependence among nations. The free movement of goods, people, capital and information has increased. Technological progress is making it possible to transmit and disseminate ideas, cultures and lifestyles.

Some developing countries have undergone rapid economic growth and have become integrated into the dynamic current of the world economy. Others -- and unfortunately there are far too many of them -- have experienced slow or even negative growth and have been marginalized in the globalization process. Poverty and famine still affect a considerable number of people. The figures speak for themselves: at a time when some people are privileged enough to surf the Internat to do their shopping, 800 million others go hungry every day -- that according to a report of the Food and Agriculture Organization at the World Food Summit last November. And that is to say nothing of illness, illiteracy or violence.

The basic principles that have given impetus to this process of renewal include good governance, sound management, transparency and the democratization of international relations. In this respect, Madagascar cannot but welcome this innovative approach because it is based on the same values and the same ideals underlying my Government's quest for social and economic progress, whose goal is to provide a higher standard of living for the Malagasy people in conditions of greater freedom.

Indeed, we in Madagascar hope to ensure that the observance of human rights, social justice, participation by all in national development efforts, the implementation of economic reforms and the practice of democracy do not remain mere political slogans but are put into practice. As the representative of a Government born of a democratic change of power seven months ago, I know what I am talking about.

At this stage of the considerations presented by our Secretary-General, certain points are noteworthy. Among those I would refer specifically to restructuring, financial reform and the Security Council.

With respect to restructuring, it is clear that efforts must be made to merge agencies of the United Nations system in order to ensure improved efficiency and better coordination. An example would be to merge into a single unit in Geneva the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for Human Rights in order to strengthen complementarity in related activities of our Organization.

My country believes that we must increase transparency and create a culture of shared savings, which a reform of the Centre's administration would bring about -- this with the aim of avoiding by every possible means the non-observance of democracy, which is the fundamental reason for serious human rights violations throughout the world. Likewise, humanitarian relief, which the United Nations continues to provide to countries that are facing natural disasters, would become more effective with the creation of an office for the coordination of emergency situation efforts, complemented by an appropriate intervention mechanism.

I take this opportunity to convey my country's gratitude to those who did not hesitate to assist Madagascar in our efforts to deal with the locust invasion in the southern part of the island. I would mention in particular the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the United Nations Development Programme, the World Food Programme, the United States Agency for International Development and the World Bank, as well as friendly countries -- Japan, Germany, France, Norway and the United Kingdom, among others.

My delegation, which welcomes the strengthening of certain United Nations activities and the inclusion of new priorities, agrees with the conclusions of the fifty-third session of the Commission on Human Rights, according to which human rights are inseparable from the promotion of peace, security, economic prosperity and social equity.

It reaffirms, therefore, that the work of the United Nations in the area of human rights must be considered as an element of the Organization's activities in the field of preventive diplomacy, and that United Nations operations to monitor the observance of human rights must promote respect for these rights in order to be able to restore social stability and assist in the reconstruction and recovery of societies following periods of conflict.

In this regard, the restructuring of the Secretariat should take into account all approaches to human rights, in accordance with the outcome of the Vienna Conference, which, as we know, proclaimed the interdependence and indivisibility of human rights as well as the promotion of the right to development.

My delegation, however, would appeal for greater vigilance on the question of human rights, bearing in mind that on 10 December we shall begin to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in view of the possible consequences of international oversight of human rights for the sovereignty of States, particularly when this involves monitoring measures and even conditionality, under the guise of humanitarian concerns.

Reform must not be reduced to a simple cost-cutting exercise; rather, it must strengthen the role of the Organization and above all enhance its efficiency. Hence Madagascar recognizes the need to strengthen the role of the General Assembly, which we feel must remain the primary forum for States to discuss essential issues of peace, security and development. At a time when the virtues of democratization are preached, the General Assembly is the only body capable of guaranteeing that as many people as possible can make their voices heard at the world level and play an effective part in the management of international affairs.

The Charter could therefore be amended to give greater power to the General Assembly, so that it might play a bigger role alongside the Security Council, particularly in the maintenance of peace. We therefore support the Secretary-General's initiative to set up a ministerial commission to consider the possible changes.

On financial reform, many eminent speakers -- I would refer in particular to the Prime Minister of Pakistan -- have stated in this debate that one of the main weaknesses of the United Nations stems from the fact that while some Members are supposed to pay their assessments in full and without conditions, others delay payment, making it contingent on one reason or another, whether stated or not.

Madagascar appeals for what I would call a code of good conduct or financial civic-mindedness, in order to remedy this situation. We support the principle that the financing of the United Nations must be an integral part of the reform process. Moreover, the scale of assessments, the key to the apportionment of expenses, must reflect the capacity of each State to pay, as it is applied in most, if not all world organizations, on the basis of equity, pure and simple. It is clear to us that the scale cannot be set in stone and that there should be provision for amendment when necessary -- that is, when there is a change in a country's capacity to pay.

Finally, we welcome the desire of the Secretary-General to allocate more predictable resources to finance development, to ensure an overall increase in official development assistance and to create an Office for Development Financing to allocate to developing countries what have been described as the dividends of reform.

In regard to the Security Council, it would be putting it mildly to say that its present membership no longer reflects reality. To speak of our continent alone, Africa has the greatest number of Member States of the United Nations, and yet the continent has no permanent seat on the Security Council. Nor was the continent even consulted or considered at the time of the first review of the Council in 1965.

Madagascar endorses the position of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and would opt for an expansion of Security Council membership based on democratization, transparency and equitable geographical representation. An increase in number and an improvement in the Council's functioning and working methods, as well as its relations with States that are not members of the Council, are essential in order to reflect the present reality, and above all to allow the United Nations to lend an attentive ear to the problems of the poor and less favoured countries. In addition, relations between the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council must be strengthened, so that decisions on international peace and security can take into account social factors.

In this regard, my delegation welcomes the decision of the sub-working group of the African Group, chaired by Egypt, which is considering the modalities for implementing a rotation system for two permanent seats which could be allocated to Africa, called for in the Harare Declaration of the summit of Heads of State and Government of the OAU.

We feel that the veto must not be considered separately from the question of expanding the membership of the Council. Moreover, given the principles of democracy supported by the international community as a whole, it would be logical to extend the right of veto to all permanent members, or simply to abolish it.

In addition, we emphatically reaffirm that any question relating to reform of the Security Council must be subject to a two-thirds majority vote of Member States, in accordance with the provisions of Article 18 of the Charter. Any initiative to submit a simple resolution running counter to that would be prejudicial to the Organization and to its Members.

The 15 priority areas on which the Secretary-General has taken action and made recommendations respond to the demands of today's world. My delegation is certain that the substantive comments and proposals of the General Assembly will help implement the initiatives taken, so that our Organization can keep pace with the demands of our time and, above all, live up to the expectations of our people. In any event, Madagascar, within the framework of the regional forums to which it belongs, is considering the proposals of the Secretary-General in a spirit of constructive dialogue and without preconceptions.

However, I cannot speak of international peace and security without expressing my concern at the slow pace of negotiations leading to general agreement on every aspect of Security Council reform. We are concerned because, despite the establishment of a Department for Disarmament and Arms Regulation, announced in the package of reforms, the Council will still remain, under the Charter, the body entrusted with maintaining international peace and security. However, the Malagasy Government welcomes the fact that cooperation between the United Nations and the OAU with regard to peace was mentioned in the Secretary-General's report to the fifty-second session, as well as in statements made last Thursday at the ministerial meeting of the Security Council on the situation in Africa. We are pleased to note the determination of the Secretary-General to increase this cooperation and extend it to all activities related to the maintenance of peace, including conflict prevention. In this area, we welcome the Secretary-General's plan to appoint a representative based in Addis Ababa. It is important here to emphasize the importance not only of combining, but also coordinating, the efforts of the OAU -- which has a central Mechanism for Conflict Prevention Management and Resolution -- with those of the Security Council, so that we do not work at cross-purposes. Here I would like to recall that the OAU welcomed the principle of strengthening African peacekeeping capacity, which France, the United Kingdom and the United States of America have jointly proposed to assist.

My delegation welcomes the negotiations to date on nuclear disarmament measures and on limiting and gradually reducing conventional weapons and in particular anti-personnel mines. On this last point, Madagascar has voted in favour of General Assembly resolutions on a moratorium on the export of mines. We welcome the agreement drafted in Oslo on the text of a convention for the complete elimination of anti-personnel mines, as well as Norway's commitment to provide $100 million for demining activities and assistance to victims.

In this respect, my country appeals to States with military arsenals to continue resolutely to take measures aimed at general and complete disarmament. The participation of all States in this process of disarmament, in cooperation with the Department for Disarmament and Arms Regulation, whose establishment is part of the reform programme, will provide an invaluable contribution to the easing of global tensions.

This international determination will also be a source of mutual assistance and cooperation in combating organized transnational crime. Transnational criminal organizations have, in fact, existed for a long time, but the globalization of international relations with regard to the economy, commerce, telecommunications and the rapid progress of technology, as well as the disappearance of ideological blocs, have permitted the activities of transnational criminal organizations to expand and have increased their power to such an extent that they are now a permanent threat to the foundation and internal security of States, to their cultural and artistic heritage and to the environment of the planet. Today we are witnessing the emergence of new forms of transnational crime: money-laundering or the investment of capital generated by activities that are usually interconnected, including drug-trafficking, corruption, traffic in weapons, terrorism, traffic in nuclear and toxic material, traffic in protected natural resources, traffic in human beings, removal of organs, and more.

From this standpoint, the countries that are weakest in terms of economic, institutional, material and technological capacity are the most vulnerable -- developing countries in general and African countries in particular -- because the automatic effect of the activities of developed countries to prevent and combat organized crime is to condemn such countries to becoming new zones of expansion.

We must therefore urgently find an effective response to this threat by defining a common objective based on a united stand and coherent action, by establishing or strengthening cooperation for exchanging experience and knowledge, by increasing our exchange of information and, above all, by actively promoting and supporting cooperation with international or regional forums so as to provide institutional technical assistance and logistical support. That notwithstanding, we note the special importance attributed by the Secretary-General to the need to improve the capacity of the system to combat drug-trafficking and terrorism.

Peace is, with development, one of the main missions of the United Nations. My country reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the principle of settling disputes peacefully. It is deeply concerned by the threats to destabilize peace in the world, especially in Africa.

With regard to the Republic of Congo, therefore, Madagascar appeals to the parties to develop a dialogue aimed at a definitive ceasefire, in accordance with the spirit of the Libreville Summit, held on 14 and 15 September 1997, and at allowing the deployment, under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), of the international intervention force recommended at the Summit.

As for the internal crisis in the Comoros, which is an immediate neighbour of Madagascar, we support of the efforts of the Secretary-General of the OAU as well as those of the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Furthermore, we reaffirm our support of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros with regard to sovereignty and territorial integrity. In this respect we support the convening of an international conference to restore peace in that sister Republic, and we have expressed the readiness of Madagascar to become involved in any initiatives along these lines.

Also in Africa, Madagascar welcomes the establishment of direct talks between Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, which recently culminated in the Houston Agreement, as a result of the mediation of James Baker. We believe this to be a major landmark on the path to the settlement of the question of Western Sahara, which has gone on for too long.

In the Middle East, Madagascar also strongly appeals to the parties concerned to safeguard the progress achieved in the peace process. We believe that an essential element for this is for Israel to halt the establishment of new settlements.

Finally, we reaffirm our support for the concept of the reunification of Korea and welcome the progress that is starting to appear in this regard.

During the course of the United Nations conferences on human rights, the environment, population, social development, women, etc., we succeeded in achieving important global commitments, and we must ensure the follow-up. We have achieved an international consensus on the need to ensure that ecological realities and priorities for environmental policies are taken into account in structural changes that are in progress in the international economic order. To be more specific, we must integrate environmental factors -- a precondition for sustainable development -- into economic priorities. In this regard Madagascar encourages the efforts already undertaken by international development finance organizations and by Governments. We are convinced that the overall implementation of the provisions in the basic Agenda 21 document for rapid and specific action will come to fruition in the recommendations of the Secretary-General as contained in his programme for reform.

In conclusion, I take this opportunity to recall my comments at the nineteenth special session of the General Assembly, on an overall review and appraisal of the implementation of Agenda 21. While reaffirming our full adherence to the principles of mutual interest and the shared but differentiated responsibilities of developed and developing countries contained in the Rio Declaration, and to its general implementation, we requested, first, that developed countries honour the commitments undertaken in Rio to devote 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to development assistance. Secondly, we requested that the Global Environment Facility be restructured and adequately replenished so as to facilitate access to resources; and thirdly and above all, that, following the concept of the "democracy dividend" and the "economic adjustment and reform dividend", an "environment dividend" should be advocated for the least developed countries to enable them to protect their environment and thereby speed up the eradication of poverty, the main cause and consequence of environmental degradation.

We now ask whether the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in its present form has the necessary power to impose sanctions or to grant dividends, or whether we need to strengthen its mandate or create a new structure with adequate power.

For its part, Madagascar -- we cannot repeat this often enough -- is proud to comply with the measures recommended in Agenda 21. Indeed, it stands out in its capacity as a country that is both a nature sanctuary and a natural sanctuary, possessing treasures and specific characteristics that are rare, if not unique in the world, in terms of flora and fauna.

We hope that in Kyoto in December firm commitments will be made to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, which cause global warming and thereby contribute to the further deterioration of our environment.

It rests only with us to make this session a session of reform, as the Secretary-General wishes, or to make it a session like so many others -- one in which speakers assail us with rhetoric or at best with verbal promises that are not followed up with actions. Madagascar is convinced that we will make the right choice at the right time to consolidate our ideals.

The President

The next speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Jordan, His Excellency Mr. Fayez Tarawneh.

Mr. Tarawneh (Jordan)

It gives me great pleasure to begin my statement by congratulating you, Mr. President, and the Government and people of your friendly country on your election as President of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. I am quite confident that you will conduct the proceedings of this session efficiently and competently, given your renowned skill and experience in both diplomatic and international affairs.

I would also like to express our utmost appreciation and gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail, for his successful and distinguished management of the affairs of the fifty-first session which has just ended.

It is also my pleasure heartily to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, on his election to the office of Secretary-General of the United Nations at the beginning of this year. I wish him success and wish our Organization progress and prosperity under his leadership.

Since the start of the peace process in the Middle East, Jordan has carefully upheld the purposes and terms of reference of this process, which began in Madrid in 1991 with the participation of all the concerned parties. Since recovering its territory and water under the peace treaty signed with Israel in October 1994, Jordan has maintained its pivotal role in the process and continued its efforts with the other parties to achieve the desired goals of establishing a just, comprehensive and lasting peace which will be accepted, preserved and protected by future generations. We fully believe that the durability of peace is closely tied to the need for it to be just and comprehensive. We understand comprehensiveness in its broadest sense, namely, all parties to the conflict without exception must be involved and all aspects of the conflict must be dealt with, whether its inherent causes or those which have evolved and been aggravated over the years and during the various phases of the conflict.

Jordan has always emphasized its adherence to Security Council resolutions, particularly resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978), as the basic terms of reference for the peace process, in addition to the principle of handing back occupied Arab territory in return for peace. Based on this and on relevant United Nations resolutions, legitimacy and justice, we call for the resumption of negotiations on the Syrian-Israeli track and the Lebanese-Israeli track. We have also made and continue to make our best efforts to achieve the implementation of the transitional phase agreements and go on to the final status negotiations on the Palestinian track. We do this out of our firm conviction that the peace process will not attain comprehensiveness nor justice unless the Israelis and Palestinians arrive at a just solution for the question of Palestine, including the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people and the establishment of their independent State on their national territory.

Jerusalem, the city of peace, which is the seat of the Holy Places of the three heavenly religions, and to which the hearts of believers the world over turn, deserves our utmost attention, with a view to reaching a satisfactory solution that ensures to all freedom of access to the Holy Places, preserves the holy character of the city and keeps it as a symbol of peace among peoples across the world. We affirm that East Jerusalem is an occupied Palestinian Arab city to which Security Council resolution 242 (1967) applies, as it applies to all occupied Arab territories.

If the security problem is a major obstacle to peace, confidence-building and peacemaking are the best means to achieve individual and regional security as well as stability in the Middle East. There is no peace without security and no security without peace.

Accordingly, we would like from this international rostrum to call upon Israel -- the State with which we have concluded a peace treaty -- to do everything possible to build and consolidate confidence with the peoples of the region in general and the Palestinian people in particular. A first step toward that would be to abandon, in its dealing with security matters, the language of force, the language of siege and restrictions on the livelihood of the Palestinian people. At the same time, Israel must abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention by abandoning the settlement policy and the policy of creating a new fait accompli on Palestinian territory, including its attempts to change the demographic structure and the religious, historical and cultural character of the occupied territories, including Jerusalem. We also call upon Israel to implement the agreements concluded with the Palestinian side in letter and spirit as soon as possible, for delay and siege will create a state of despair in which it becomes impossible to control extremism and prevent it from wreaking havoc on security and stability. Extremism undoubtedly finds in these policies a fertile ground for the achievement of its anti-peace objectives.

On the other hand, in order to build confidence with the Governments and peoples of the region, Israel has to abandon the production and development of weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear weapons. All the Middle East States, except Israel, have become parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The whole world recognizes that the current situation in the region is indeed a unique situation unparalleled in other regions of the world. A single State has a monopoly of nuclear capabilities, while the other States of the region are bound by treaties and international law.

Because the presence of nuclear weapons is a major obstacle preventing the peace process from reaching its goals, the ideal solution for this problem would be to remove this obstacle by establishing in the Middle East a zone free from all weapons of mass destruction.

In this context, permit me to announce the decision of the Government of Jordan to accede to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. This decision was motivated by Jordan's belief that weapons, including all weapons of mass destruction, do not establish security nor restore stability to the Middle East region or to any region in the world unless there is full confidence among its Governments and peoples.

The Iraqis no longer see any ray of hope of ending their continuous suffering caused by the embargo that has been imposed on them for the last seven years. Iraqis have suffered enough and tasted enough bitter pain. It is high time that our international Organization moved to alleviate their suffering and dress their wounds, so that they may recover their livelihood and contribute anew to the development and prosperity of the region.

In issuing this serious and sincere call for the lifting of the embargo imposed on the people of Iraq, we would like to reaffirm that it is necessary to preserve Iraq's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We also call upon the Iraqi Government fully to implement all Security Council resolutions and to do its best to reach a solution for the problem of Kuwaiti prisoners and missing persons, to pave the way for the reestablishment of normal and friendly relations among the States of the region on the basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States.

Just as the Iraqi people are suffering from the blockade, so are the Libyan people. Since the sanctions were imposed on Libya, the Libyan people have been suffering from a ban on flights. We therefore call for a peaceful settlement of the problem arising from the Lockerbie tragedy within a framework of international law and legitimacy.

We call upon Iran to enter into serious negotiations with the sisterly United Arab Emirates in order to reach a peaceful solution, ensuring the return of the three occupied islands, Abu Musa and the Greater and the Lesser Tunb, to the United Arab Emirates, which would effectively contribute to the establishment of peace, security and stability in the Gulf region.

Since war began in the former Yugoslavia, Jordan has joined its voice to those of all the States that called for an end to the suffering of the people of the nascent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, suffering that shocked the conscience of the whole world and moved the international community, which had held high hopes following the conclusion of the Dayton Peace Agreement. We now reaffirm that peace, security and stability in Bosnia -- and, indeed, throughout the Balkans -- depend largely on the full and honest implementation of that Agreement. A strong international commitment is also essential for making the peace process an irreversible reality. The international community must do what is incumbent upon it in this regard, including providing effective assistance for reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina and ensuring the effective management of public enterprises as provided in the Dayton Agreement. This would have an important impact on the preservation of Bosnia's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The problem of Palestinian refugees, the resolution of which has been left to the final status negotiations, is one of the most intricate problems faced by the Middle East region. However, the international community, regrettably, does not accord this problem the attention that it deserves. The financial crisis which grips the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has been escalating year after year without a solution being found. UNRWA has been forced this year to announce austerity measures entailing a large reduction in services offered to the Palestinian refugees, including the immediate cessation of the scholarships funded from the regular budget; the elimination of all medical compensation and referral to hospitals during the last two months of this year; the freezing of emergency cash assistance and shelter rehabilitation from the regular budget; a freeze on the creation of new posts, international as well as local; the suspension of recruitment of international staff; the suspension of appointments to local posts, with the exception of those considered essential for the continuation of operations; and a plan to consider collecting fees from students in UNRWA's areas of operation.

Although all those measures have been put on hold following pledges by certain donor countries during their meeting with UNRWA and host countries, held recently in Amman, to increase their voluntary contributions by an amount sufficient to cover this year's deficit, which amounts to $20 million, the danger of cutting services remains as long as no final solution has been found, taking into consideration the need to meet the requirements of natural population growth among refugees and inflation rates.

Since the beginning of the refugee tragedy more than five decades ago, Jordan has borne the heaviest burden of all the host countries. The number of refugees in Jordan is 1.5 million, 20 per cent of whom live in refugee camps serviced by UNRWA and the rest of whom are scattered throughout Jordanian cities and villages. Out of its sense of humanitarian responsibility, the Government of Jordan has provided all services needed by the refugees, including infrastructure, education, health and welfare services and financial support, in addition to public security and civil defence services. Thus, Jordan, despite its scarce resources and limited means, spends approximately $340 million annually on services provided to refugees, an amount almost equal to UNRWA's total budget. That is not all. The Government of Jordan has also developed this year a strategic plan, a so-called social security package designed to develop infrastructure for refugee camps and disadvantaged areas, to provide sustainable development and to reduce poverty. The total share of refugee camps in this plan comes to nearly $240 million, which will be allocated to the rehabilitation of water systems, solid waste treatment, sewerage systems, water purification plants, road and electricity projects and the provision of essential public services.

While Jordan affirms that improving the standards of living for the Palestinian refugees does not diminish their political right to return and compensation, as provided for in General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of 1948, it reaffirms that the support of UNRWA is a collective responsibility of the international community. It also stresses the legal, political and humanitarian dimensions of the refugee question and considers that any failure to discharge the humanitarian responsibility for this question would negatively reflect on political responsibility.

My country therefore affirms from this rostrum the need to take serious and sincere action and to make every effort to continue the services provided by UNRWA to Palestinian refugees until a lasting, just and comprehensive solution to their problem is reached. We also call for the abandonment of any attempts to abolish UNRWA, suspend its operations, reduce the services it provides to refugees or turn its mandates and responsibilities over to any other agency, for that would have a negative impact on the political and legal dimensions of the refugee question. It would also have a negative impact on the peace process and stability in the region.

We call for compliance with the letter and spirit of General Assembly resolution 194 (III) of 1948 on the question of refugees, as well as with Security Council resolution 237 (1967), which calls for facilitation of the return of displaced persons. We call upon donor countries to fulfil their commitments to UNRWA and increase their contributions to an extent commensurate with the natural increase in the numbers of refugees. We also call upon the international community in general, and potential donors in particular, to give due attention to this matter.

The refugee problem reminds us of international humanitarian law in general and the need for its full application in particular. This subject has always been one of interest to Jordan. Since 1981, Jordan has been submitting a draft resolution to the Third Committee entitled, "A new international humanitarian order", which calls for respect for the full application of international humanitarian law. My Government has also amended Jordanian laws to give priority and immense importance to the application of this law. I would recall here the appeal by His Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Jordan to work hard with the international community to bring into existence a new international humanitarian order.

The report of the Secretary-General entitled, "Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for Reform", which he submitted last July, constitutes a good basis for the reform process and a studied plan for the future, embodying a serious and real desire for change for the better.

The report reviews the main strategic functions of the Organization and provides for each of them specific proposals charting the way and making Member States real partners in achieving an Organization better prepared to deal with humanitarian and political crises; based on greater efficiency; qualified to play a more vital role in the areas specified by the Charter; and made imperative by the changing security, economic, social and political circumstances of this world. Jordan calls for opening membership of the United Nations to all peace-loving States, in accordance with Article 4 (1) of the Charter, in order to achieve the universality of the Charter.

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, while fully appreciating the good efforts of the Secretary-General in preparing his plan, stresses the fact that the purpose of reform is not confined to cutting costs or dealing with unwieldiness. It goes far beyond that to reactivate the role of the Organization to discharge its responsibilities and carry out its functions with a high degree of efficiency, transparency and credibility. We agree with the Secretary-General that reform is not an isolated event, but a continuing process that does not stop at the implementation of the proposals contained in the report. It extends to encompassing the general direction in which the Organization will evolve as a result of the implementation of the proposals.

The coming century will witness deeper and quicker global changes. The United Nations must be prepared to deal with these changes in the five major areas corresponding to the main mandates of the United Nations: peace and security, economic and social affairs, development cooperation, humanitarian affairs and human rights.

In the area of international peace and security, we find that the multiplicity and diversity of armed conflicts in the post-cold-war era have made the Security Council a hub of international efforts to establish peace and security throughout the world. This makes it very important to restructure and reform the Council. The Security Council, established after the Second World War, does not reflect the balance of power prevalent in today's world. It has become necessary to review its structure and rules of procedure. The Working Group on the restructuring and reform of the Security Council has made tireless efforts over the past few years to achieve this purpose.

There are many useful and feasible concepts that have appeared in the context of reform. What has been lacking so far is the collective political will to translate these concepts into reality. In this regard, Jordan feels that any new restructuring of the Security Council must take into account the representation of the developing countries throughout the globe. We feel that the Arab Group, in view of its major and effective role, is entitled to a permanent seat on the Security Council.

There is no doubt that the United Nations peacekeeping operations will continue to be one of the most important activities of the Organization in enhancing international peace and security. Driven by its belief in this noble aim, Jordan has, on the direction of its Hashemite leadership, participated for many years in these activities to the extent that, at one point, its contribution ranked second among all the troop-contributing countries.

I must, however, point to the financial difficulties faced by some troop-contributing States, including Jordan, as a result of the financial crisis gripping the Organization, because reimbursements have not been made in a timely manner. I appeal from this rostrum to all Member States to pay their assessed contributions to the Organization without condition, in full and on time.

Moreover, Jordan has participated in the United Nations stand-by arrangements. It was the first country to sign a memorandum of understanding with the United Nations under this system. It also participated effectively in crystallizing the idea of establishing a rapidly deployable mission headquarters to contribute to enhancing the Organization's ability to respond rapidly to crises as they occur.

As for disarmament and arms control, the progress witnessed by the world during the past few years is really encouraging. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has been extended indefinitely and is now approaching universality. Last year, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty was concluded, in addition to other significant achievements in the reduction of the nuclear-weapon arsenals of the United States and the Russian Federation. All eyes are now set on the Conference on Disarmament in the hopes of seeing it crown its achievements with a treaty banning the production of fissionable materials used in the manufacture of nuclear weapons and another providing full security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons.

Since development in the economic and social fields is one of the primary objectives of the United Nations, serious attention must be directed towards reform of United Nations organs functioning in these two spheres, foremost among them the Economic and Social Council. This reform should enhance international cooperation in setting forth effective national policies aimed at advancing growth in all Member States with no exceptions.

The most important characteristics of the world economy, as we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, are two: first is the global transition to market economy, and second is the rapid technical development of communication and information technology, making knowledge the most important factor of production. The new world economy is also characterized by intense competitiveness, speed, the intensive use of information and increasing globalization.

We must, however, consider how we can find the means to avoid the negative effects of globalization, represented by the marginalization of some developing countries, because of their declining exports and an increase in their external indebtedness, and of social groups in these countries as a result of the inequitable distribution of income. Globalization is not concerned with the problems of distribution, but with being a prime mover of economic growth in general.

In view of this situation, the industrialized countries are called upon to increase their official development assistance to the developing world, to find comprehensive solutions to the problem of external indebtedness, to integrate the developing countries into the world's free-trade system and to improve these countries' terms of trade.

Jordan, as a developing country, has suffered economic problems since the end of the 1980s, which were aggravated by the Gulf crisis and the Gulf War early in this decade. By pursuing structural adjustment policies, however, with the assistance of the International Monetary Fund, Jordan was able to achieve very good results that exceeded expectations. The budget deficit was substantially reduced, as was the size of external debt. All macroeconomic indicators have improved.

Substantial progress has been achieved in the area of privatization and the reform of internal financial regulations and the banking sector, which gave the private sector a chance to participate effectively. Jordan has gone ahead on the way to development. It has initialled a partnership agreement with Europe and is now taking the preparatory measures needed to join the World Trade Organization (WTO). To that end, we are doing our best to adjust our economy and prepare it for full integration in the global free-trade system.

In association with our Arab brethren and other countries in the Middle East, we are making tremendous efforts to widen the area of cooperation, trade and investment in the region. We have succeeded in attracting substantial investments in the stock exchange and other industrial and tourist projects. The Government of Jordan is working hard to remove the remaining restrictions which limited the inflow of regional and global investments, including lifting all restrictions on foreign currencies.

The world recognizes the historical responsibility that we assume towards future generations to preserve a sound global environment, in compliance with the principles adopted by the Earth Summit. In spite of its scarce resources, Jordan is committed to applying the Rio principles and is working hard to make its contribution as a partner with other countries of the world in sustainable development.

Although we are committed, as a developing country, to doing what is required of us by virtue of this partnership, we, along with other developing countries, have noticed regression and procrastination by developed countries in discharging their obligations under this partnership. We have also felt that the nineteenth special session of the General Assembly was held to consecrate this regression in the discharge of obligations, rather than to enhance them and to cooperate in carrying out those not yet implemented.

In conclusion, if the establishment of peace, security and stability in this world is one of the noble purposes of our international Organization, we must provide the solid ground for that, which is to reduce poverty, control diseases, illiteracy and unemployment and work towards the creation of a clean environment and sustainable development for future generations.

The President

The next speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Maldives, His Excellency Mr. Fathulla Jameel.

Mr. Jameel (Maldives)

First of all, Sir, let me congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. Your election is a reflection of the confidence and the hope that this body has in your abilities to guide this session to a successful conclusion.

I would also like to take this opportunity to express my delegation's profound gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, for the exemplary manner in which he carried out his responsibilities and steered the work of the General Assembly during his term as President.

It is also my privilege to take this opportunity to extend, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, a very warm welcome to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan. We have no doubt that his long experience as an international civil servant and his vast knowledge of the United Nations system will give him all the insights he requires for carrying out his responsibilities fairly and firmly. He deserves every assistance and support from all Member States of the Organization.

With great enthusiasm for capitalizing on the opportunities created by the end of the cold war, we embarked on a journey to revitalize the United Nations and to reform the way it functions, making it more effective and capable of playing the central role it is entitled to in maintaining the world order, and perhaps shaping a new world order for the future.

However, as the discussions continue, the views remain far from consensus, even on the single issue of restructuring the Security Council, which I agree is important and pivotal. But at this point we should remind ourselves that in our approach to reform we should be covering the whole spectrum of political, social, economic and legal activities of the United Nations and its specialized agencies.

It is rather disappointing that the focus is at present mainly on the restructuring of the Security Council. Furthermore, the proposals made so far on this issue are sadly inadequate, and many suggest the creation of a new form of idiosyncrasy.

In the absence of a formula which is comprehensive and just, we may as well suggest the following.

First, increase the number of non-permanent members in the Council to an appropriate level, reflecting the growth of the membership and its present diversity.

Secondly, amend paragraph 2 of Article 23 of the Charter to enable the non-permanent member States to be re-elected for any number of consecutive terms, so that those who seek to occupy a seat in this important body on a continuing basis can do so as long as they enjoy the confidence and support of the Member States.

Thirdly, encourage the permanent members of the Security Council to agree among themselves on an accord which will remove or at least minimize the common apprehension arising from the fear of their misusing the veto power.

My delegation applauds the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring much needed reforms to the administrative and financial functioning of the Organization. The proposals that he submitted to the Assembly on 16 July 1997 deserve our careful consideration, as they contain far-reaching and constructive arrangements which will at least help the United Nations emerge from its present difficulties.

The enthusiasm which followed the end of the cold war also provided us the opportunity to meet in several international conferences to deal with some of the issues of true concern to all of us. These issues include the environment, social development, population, women, human settlements and food security. At those meetings we adopted ambitious action plans, reaching the conclusion that sustainable development should be the core of the achievement of our objectives. Yet without the genuine and sincere will of the international community to honour their commitments, the action plans, which bear enormous price tags, cannot be implemented effectively.

This stark truth dominated the special session of the General Assembly in June this year, when we noted the lack of progress in the international action called for in the historic Agenda 21 of the 1992 Earth Summit.

The emission of greenhouse gases is continuing unabated, polluting the environment and warming the global atmosphere more and more. If the latest predictions of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on greenhouse-gas emissions and global warming were to come true, then by the year 2100 almost 80 per cent of the low-lying island countries, including my own, would be submerged in the sea.

For the Maldives and other small island developing States, which are most affected by the degradation of the world's environment, the lack of progress in international action is most lamentable. We are not only fearful of an impending danger, we are also anxious that unless the world acts now and swiftly, it may be too late for us to avoid environmental catastrophe.

If we care to halt and reverse this lurking threat, we need the unwavering commitment and cooperation of the entire international community. And there is nothing we can do on our own.

Ever since my President, Mr. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, apprised this Assembly in 1987 of the impending environmental disaster that rising sea levels posed to our country, the Maldives has been warning vigorously, at national, regional and international levels, of this problem.

Today I am happy to state that at the national level we are continuing successfully to create environmental awareness by involving non-governmental organizations and the private sector. We have also successfully implemented a few projects to protect and preserve the environment. For instance, under the two-million-tree national programme the people of the Maldives have planted eight trees per person in the last two years. I wonder what a spectacular impact we could have on our planet if we could plant eight trees per person in the entire world over the next two years.

At the regional level, the Delhi Declaration of the Environment Ministers of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) stands as testimony to our regional efforts. The Declaration, which reflected the common position of our region on global environmental issues, was presented to this Assembly by President Gayoom at its nineteenth special session. Another important meeting of SAARC environment ministers is scheduled to be held this month in the Maldives.

At the international level, we are working closely with the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) to pursue our cause. We attach the utmost importance to the swift and steady implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States, and once again we call upon the developed countries to fulfil their commitments and pledges of support.

In this connection, we call upon the industrialized countries to follow the examples set by the United Kingdom and the European Union during the nineteenth special session of the General Assembly and to commit themselves to legally binding and meaningful targets to reduce their greenhouse-gas emission levels.

For the Maldives, a country that will be affected severely, if not fatally, by climate change, it is hard to accept a target below the 20 per cent reduction level by the year 2005, as contained in the AOSIS protocol, as a meaningful reduction.

Last month the Maldives hosted the thirteenth session of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climatic Change, which was regarded not only as a very important meeting on the subject, but also a very timely one, as the world is looking forward eagerly and with great optimism to the forthcoming third session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Kyoto.

My country and many other small States in the developing world, especially those among the least developed countries, have placed our trust in the United Nations to help us face and overcome the inherent constraints we have as we continue our quest towards progress and prosperity. We also look to the United Nations to develop policies and take effective measures to protect us from threats, whether economic or political, and alleviate our sufferings from environmental calamities. The fact is that we cannot on our own face the odds and that our economies are more vulnerable than those of larger and more prosperous States. Protection of the weaker should not be seen as a burden, but rather as a shared responsibility of all, recognizing the realities of our diversified membership in this Organization.

While liberalization of the world economy may have boosted the prospects for some of the developing countries to successfully integrate themselves into the new international trading arrangements, those with little access to the world market, capital and new technologies find themselves becoming marginalized, away from the mainstream of the world economy.

The gap between the rich and the poor is continuing to grow unabated. Several developing countries, and particularly the least developed of them, still continue to suffer from endemic poverty, which is compounded by the severe debt burden and leads to political and economic dislocation.

The overall decline in official development assistance over the years has aggravated the conditions of the least developed countries. Unless the developed countries fulfil their commitment to reach the United Nations accepted target of dedicating 0.7 per cent of gross national product to official development assistance and intensify their efforts to reverse the present downward trend, hopes for the least developed countries will remain as grim as ever.

The Committee for Development Planning, at its thirty-first session, held in May this year, proposed in its report that the Maldives be graduated from the least developed countries list at the time of the next review in the year 2000, if we continue to prosper at the present rate.

We are overwhelmed to see our development efforts being rewarded with a decision of expulsion. Over the years, my country has successfully cleared numerous hurdles in the path of socio-economic development, despite its limited resources. We were able to improve the per capita income, raise the standard of living of the people and provide basic services to the community and individuals at higher levels than many others in the least developed country category.

This success was in large measure due to the stable political climate that we enjoyed, which in turn provided us the opportunity to implement carefully planned, action-oriented policies and strategies. At the same time, we could not have achieved these happy results without the support we received from friendly countries and multilateral organizations.

However, if one were to consider these few achievements against the background of an extremely fragile economy deprived of natural resources, and a high dependency on tourism and fisheries -- both of which are susceptible to global economic change and environmental and other external factors -- the whole scenario could easily change from a happy and promising one to an obscure and insecure one. The vulnerability of our economy compels us to continue to depend on external resources, to build infrastructures that we cannot build on our own and to develop our own needed human resources for further development.

Furthermore, the smallness of our countries has also made us vulnerable to the activities of drug-trafficking, money-laundering, terrorism and other forms of organized crime carried out by criminals who are looking for new territories to operate from. We therefore need to remain close to our development partners in a relationship of trust, which is far beyond kindness and charity. Therefore, my delegation would like to stress the importance of developing and applying a vulnerability index for the small island developing States as a basic and meaningful criterion for determining the status of least developed countries, recalling the content and the spirit of resolution 51/183.

Mr. Jameel (Maldives)

I cannot overemphasize the important role that the regional organizations are playing in international relations: fostering mutual trust and understanding and opening up greater prospects for the promotion of peace, stability and socio-economic cooperation within the region.

The activities of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), to which my country proudly belongs, are no exception. In fact, I am happy to state that the ninth SAARC summit, held in the Maldives in May this year, has adopted far-reaching and bold initiatives that will bring the countries of South Asia closer to each other and enhance further cooperation between them in the economic and technical fields. Among other important decisions, we have pledged to eradicate poverty from our region as early as possible, preferably by the year 2002. We have joined hands to accelerate our efforts to achieve trade liberalization and establish a free-trade area by the year 2001. We have also, for the first time, decided to begin informal political consultations in order to enhance and foster good-neighbourly relations, relieve tension and build trust and confidence between and among Member States.

The alarming level of tension that exists on the international political scene is of utmost concern to us. In the recent past, we have witnessed in various regions of the world the reigniting of old conflicts the emergence of new and serious ones that possess the intensity to stretch the United Nations to its limits.

The dangerous developments unfolding in the region of the Middle East have brought into question once again the credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations. The present Israeli Government's arrogance towards and utter disregard for United Nations resolutions and the agreements that they themselves reached with the Palestinians under the Oslo accords have shattered the little hope that the people of Israel, Palestine and the international community at large had for a lasting solution to this age-old conflict. Recent events have drastically diminished the confidence that is so essential for the success of the process, leaving us to wonder if peace will ever come to this region.

The General Assembly met twice in emergency session this year to consider the issue. At those sessions, the international community almost unanimously rallied behind the Middle East peace process and demonstrated its genuine and unwavering support. While my delegation fully shares the view that continued negotiations in good faith between the two parties is essential for a permanent solution to the conflict, we strongly believe that the United Nations also has an important and crucial role to play in the peace process. The decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council must be respected and fully implemented without any preconditions. We call on both parties to respect the agreements reached so far and to exercise maximum restraint in resorting to activities that may undermine the peace process.

The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina may have faded a little from the headlines of the international press, but we must realize that our job will not be complete unless and until the perpetrators of genocide and other brutal crimes in that country are brought to justice.

In the field of disarmament and arms control, the international community has achieved considerable success. The indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the adoption of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention are testimony to this. The Maldives attaches utmost importance to the efforts of global and regional disarmament and arms control, and vehemently supports them. It was in this spirit that we signed the CTBT two days ago.

Contrary to our expectations, the era of peace and economic prosperity of the post-cold-war era has so far proved elusive. Outbreaks of violence and ethnic strife in several parts of the world have precipitated unbelievable levels of human suffering. Conflicts within States have crossed national boundaries and ignited conflicts of international proportions. Unless the United Nations is equipped to act swiftly on such symptoms of rupture, large numbers of people will remain in the shadow of conflicts. We should redouble our efforts to deliver on the promise of peace, human rights, fundamental freedoms and economic prosperity contained in the Charter of this Organization.

The United Nations should not be solely a political forum. It was meant to cover the wide spectrum of all human activities with institutions for social as well as economic matters. The disparities vividly observed around the world, a half century after the creation of the United Nations, prove that none of the institutions has diminished in importance. They were created to remedy these imbalances among States and to contribute to justice, equality and peace. They were established to build and consolidate a climate of cooperation, to help each other on the basis of moral and ethical obligations and not merely of charity. They were erected to help the poor -- not just some of them, while neglecting others; to help children -- not just some of them, while neglecting others; to consolidate human rights -- not just some aspects of it, while neglecting others; and to further peace and prosperity for all mankind -- not just for certain segments of humanity.

If we want the United Nations to perform the duties that we have entrusted to it, then we should ensure that we honour our financial obligations to it. My delegation is convinced that without a firm and sound financial footing, even our reform efforts will be totally meaningless.

The Acting President

I call on The Honourable Patteson Oti, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Solomon Islands.

Mr. Oti (Solomon Islands) --> -->

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