General Assembly Session 50 meeting 26

The President

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Cyprus.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Cyprus, His Excellency Mr. Glafcos Clerides, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

President Clerides (Cyprus)

I should like to begin by extending to you, Sir, my warmest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. This is not merely a recognition of your long experience and your outstanding ability and diplomatic skill, but also a reflection of the esteem in which your country, Portugal, is held in the United Nations. We are certain that under your able guidance the work of this very important session of the General Assembly will be a landmark in the history of the Organization.

I should also like to pay a warm tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the determined leadership which he has demonstrated on vital issues and for his reports on the work of the Organization, which have already resulted in the adoption of a series of measures, providing working tools for the activities of the United Nations. Cyprus is particularly grateful to the Secretary-General and his dedicated staff for their untiring efforts to find a just and lasting solution to the question of Cyprus on the basis of United Nations resolutions.

In April 1945, when it was obvious that the world was breaking up into two armed camps, delegates from the then independent nations met to create a world organization capable of building an era of peace and international cooperation out of the chaos and conflict of the Second World War. They drafted the United Nations Charter, a document of principles and norms, aimed at effectively dealing with aggression and improving human rights and economic and social conditions for people everywhere.

For five decades the spirit of the Charter was kept alive under very difficult circumstances, even when in many cases the United Nations took the blame for the failings of its Member States. It is an indisputable fact that the United Nations, despite its shortcomings, has managed the transforming of colonies into independent countries, restoring democracies and promoting the rule of law. It has also been successful in resolving conflicts in many parts of the world -- in Namibia, in Mozambique, in Angola, in Cambodia, in Central America and in the Caribbean -- and it has provided the inspiration for the drafting of major arms-control treaties. Its peace-keepers have saved thousands of lives, fed millions of people, and helped to restore a degree of normality in areas of conflict.

Equally, it has played an important role in promoting human rights and stimulating economic recovery, monetary stability and growth in the developing world. Furthermore, over the past 50 years there has been a series of United Nations-inspired conferences which dealt with major issues that vitally affect the peoples of the world. More recently, United Nations-sponsored conferences, including the Earth Summit at Rio, the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, the Cairo International Conference on Population and Development, the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development and the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women, have left their indelible imprint on the history of mankind. On the other hand, there have been reversals -- in Rwanda United Nations efforts failed to avert genocide, and in Somalia the tragedy continues. Equally distressing is the unabated bloodshed in the Balkans, while United Nations efforts on the problem of my country are still to bear fruit.

Fifty years of existence provide an important opportunity to look back, to reflect on both our successes and failures. But it is also an opportunity to look forward, to determine where we can and should go from here, especially now, when the cold war, now ended, has regrettably generated a wide range of security problems stemming from economic, political or social tensions or issues of nationalism. The complex nature of the challenges calls for multilateral action and an integrated approach. Drawing from the lessons of the past and the challenges of the present, we must open up new ways to use the mechanisms provided originally by the Charter.

In this context, the continuing debate on the Agenda for Peace has stimulated new thinking about the particular changes needed to re-equip the United Nations for its role in this field, so as to vindicate the vision of its founders. From this rostrum I have had the opportunity to present in some detail our views on the proposed conceptual orientations. I do not need to stress that my country is fully committed to these goals. The recent history of Cyprus can be seen as a case study, demonstrating the need for such an initiative and the importance of further expanding its concepts.

Under the United Nations Charter disarmament and arms control are integral parts of international peace and security. Though for decades progress towards disarmament and arms control was made impossible by the rigidities of bipolarization, the latter's demise has now opened up new possibilities.

In the last two years we have witnessed major achievements, the most important of which was the decision to extend indefinitely and unconditionally the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, along with the strengthening of the review process for the Treaty and the adoption of a set of principles and objectives for nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. Furthermore, we will soon be entering into commitments for the conclusion of the comprehensive test-ban treaty and the negotiation of a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear purposes. These should be seen as products of the momentum which has built up in the disarmament field since the end of the cold war. We share the view that much still needs to be done in the areas of both non-conventional and conventional weapons, for, as long as military threats to security exist, the disarmament and arms-control process will continue to be an essential element of international security.

The reduction of forces and armaments alone cannot provide for or guarantee international security, but it can reduce the risk of an outbreak of military conflict and can contribute to confidence-building and conflict resolution. In this context, I would like to remind this body of my proposal for the complete demilitarization of the Republic of Cyprus: the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces, the disbanding of the National Guard of Cyprus, the handing over of all its arms and military equipment to the custody of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force and the placing into a United Nations account of all money saved from the purchase of arms, to be used for infrastructure development projects beneficial to both communities. I feel that our proposal reflects not only our good intentions but also the spirit of the times. Unfortunately, it was rejected by Turkey.

Genuine security also includes economic well-being, protection of human rights and environmental sustainability. All these dimensions function together, in an interlocking and mutually reinforcing way, as foundations of peace. There is much concern today that the United Nations should have an agenda and working method of direct relevance to the economic and social needs of societies in which individuals or groups are deprived of their freedom or of the basic necessities on which human life depends. Newspapers and television screens air these needs daily. The international community's ability to offer a decent and secure existence to all its citizens is called into question by the numerous human tragedies, atrocities of war, terrorism, traffic in illegal drugs and long-term ecological degradation of our planet.

It is self-evident that global cooperation and effective action is a sine qua non for effectively combating these and other evils tormenting world society. Our most important goal must be the implementation of our existing commitments, as provided for in the Charter. In placing the emphasis on this, we are setting no modest objective. What we should recognize is that the body of principles and commitments which have been built up over the last 50 years cover the full range of civil, political, economic and social issues.

Our task should be to reduce the obvious gap between accepted principles and everyday practice, to apply these principles without discrimination and at the same time to consider ways of strengthening further the existing mechanisms. In this context, we must face up to the problem of holding to full account those who flout the authority of the United Nations, persistently refuse to respect the rights of others and choose to disregard the international commitments which they have freely accepted.

When I speak of the need to uphold the authority of the United Nations, I feel entitled to use as an example the experience of my country and its people. Since 1974, when Turkish forces invaded Cyprus, 37 per cent of the territory of the Republic has remained under military occupation by Turkey. The Turkish occupation troops, instead of withdrawing after repeated calls by solemn Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, are increasing in number and modernizing their military equipment, thus posing not only a serious threat to the security of our region but also a challenge to the authority of the United Nations. The Secretary-General has stated in his reports to the Security Council that the area of Cyprus under occupation by the Turkish forces is the most militarized area in the world.

Another point of particular concern to us is the massive violation of the human rights of the displaced persons who were forcibly evicted from their homes by the Turkish occupation forces and whose homes and property have been usurped by illegal settlers imported from Turkey to Cyprus in an effort to change the demographic composition of our population and colonize the part of Cyprus occupied by the Turkish forces. All these flagrant human rights violations have been committed against my country despite a number of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions calling on all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of the Republic of Cyprus and to avoid any actions which could change the demographic structure of the island.

Turkey's defiance extends also to resolutions calling for the withdrawal of foreign forces from the Republic of Cyprus, the return of the refugees to their homes under conditions of safety, the humanitarian issues of the missing persons and the implementation of the third Vienna agreement, regarding the living conditions and welfare of persons in enclaves in areas under the control of the Turkish occupation forces.

On this solemn occasion, I wish sincerely to express, on behalf of the people of Cyprus, the Government and myself, deep appreciation for the solidarity offered us by the Assembly. I ask that its most valuable support be reinforced with added emphasis, for it is high time the resolutions of the United Nations on Cyprus were implemented if a just and lasting solution is to be arrived at without further delay. We must remember that failure to uphold international law and respect for human rights in one situation sets a precedent for similar failures elsewhere, with often catastrophic consequences. Recent experiences have demonstrated this all too blatantly.

At every turning point in modern history, nations convene to shape a new world order. This is another such historic turning point, and the United Nations is the forum for the world order we must build. We have, I believe, a collective responsibility to understand the nature of the new, post-cold-war role of the United Nations, to continue our effort towards the institutional reforms needed to re-equip the United Nations for its role and to make commitments of the human and financial resources necessary for the United Nations to carry out effectively its mission. We believe that the topics of prime consideration should include the restructuring of the Security Council, the system of international security as provided for in the Charter, the further development and implementation of the basic concepts of An Agenda for Peace and An Agenda for Development and the finances of the United Nations.

It is now generally accepted that the Security Council's membership must be increased so as to become more representative of the Organization's membership. It is also recognized that it has to improve the effectiveness of its decision-making to deal with the challenges of international security in the future. Openness in its proceedings, democratization in its decision-taking procedures, and broader consultation by the permanent members with non-permanent members and with those outside the Council whose interests are affected by a particular issue before it, will contribute to the effectiveness of this all-important United Nations body.

On the other hand, we should ensure that the General Assembly, the universal organ of the United Nations, where the sovereign equality of Member States is democratically depicted, be fully respected and utilized more, if we are to serve well the peoples of the world.

It is of paramount importance to recognize that, for peace and stability to be maintained and for democracy to be rooted, economic and social development is indispensable. That is why we welcome the efforts of the United Nations to answer social and economic problems, though the United Nations was created primarily as a political body to address political issues. Today, however, more than ever, we must face social and economic challenges, for it is not enough to bring forth the end of strife and violence. It has been correctly said that if we contain violence but ignore poverty we will sooner or later discover that we have simply traded one misery for another.

The historic Middle East accord offers a good example in this respect, where what has been achieved in the course of the peace process should be cemented by the economic support of the international community, thus ensuring a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

Never in the history of mankind has the awareness of interdependence and globalism been so strong as it is today, and never has mankind had so much technological know-how at its disposal. Building upon the accumulation of 50 years of United Nations experience in multilateral relations and the everlasting principles and ideals of the United Nations Charter, we can and must do everything within our power to bequeath to coming generations a better world, where security, democracy, human rights and prosperity prevail and are shared by all.

The President

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Cyprus for the statement he has just made.

The President

I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lesotho, His Excellency, the Honourable Mr. Kelebone Maope.

Mr. Maope (Lesotho)

Mr. President, it affords me great pleasure to congratulate you on your election to direct the work of this historic session of the General Assembly. Such an honour bears testimony to your undoubted dynamism and diplomatic skills, which will in no small measure bear on the outcome of the work of this Assembly.

Permit me also to pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, of Cote d'Ivoire, for his outstanding leadership of the forty-ninth session. We congratulate him also on the many initiatives that he took in the furtherance of the work of our Organization.

Lastly, may I refer to the sterling work that the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Boutros Ghali, continues to do against great odds. His report on the work of the Organization in 1995 has painted in sharp relief the awesome task that faces us at the threshold of a new millennium and as we enter the second half-century of the United Nations existence.

The United Nations has been, and will always be, the symbol of humankind's fervent desire to conduct its affairs with the purpose of eternal survival. When the dark clouds of war threatened to engulf the world with a catastrophe of unimaginable proportions, humankind found strength within itself to negate the Armageddon. The pattern of large-scale wars involving many nations has been reversed, and the worst that we suffered in recent years was a cold war that was more psychologically than physically damaging. Happily, that is now behind us.

But, even as we stop to ponder and reflect on the past, a new pattern of ethnic intra-State conflagrations has emerged and continues to threaten the very survival of humanity. This new scenario has posed a serious challenge to the initiatives and peace-keeping capabilities of our Organization.

The record of the United Nations in the recent past in peace-keeping has been mixed. We have had unqualified successes in some places, but then in others success has eluded us. Our resolve, therefore, has to be to shift the balance in favour of greater success. Our machinery for peacemaking and peace-keeping needs to be fine-tuned to maximum precision. The implications of this requirement are far-reaching and need to be appreciated in their amplitude.

First, the financing of peace-keeping operations must be put on a more secure footing. Persistent arrears, such as those we are currently experiencing, especially when they are incurred by major Powers, cannot but have an adverse effect on the morale of the small countries, such as my own, that make great sacrifices to meet their obligations to the Organization.

Secondly, greater attention should be paid to peace-making and preventive diplomacy, thereby reducing the prospects of conflicts, with their attendant costs. In this regard, the ideas contained in the Secretary-General's Supplement to An Agenda for Peace merit our close attention. The strategy of pre-empting the eruption of conflict is, of course, closely linked to the United Nations efforts in the fields of social and economic development, because it is in the soil of poverty that the seeds of national upheavals take root and sprout.

Last, but not least, the changed nature of the challenges facing the Security Council call for the restructuring of that organ to reflect the changed realities of present-day international relations. All the international peace-and-security matters of which the Council is currently seized pertain to developing countries or countries in transition. Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the composition of the Security Council should include an appropriate proportion of developing countries in both the permanent and non-permanent categories.

My delegation therefore supports the view that the reform of the Security Council should be in accordance with the following principles: one, the reform of the Security Council must not put in danger its effectiveness, but, on the contrary, should strengthen it; two, the enlargement of the Security Council should enhance its representative character, taking into account the emergence of new economic and political Powers as well as the increase of United Nations membership; three, the enlargement of the Security Council should enhance equitable geographic representation; four, the possibility of smaller Member States serving on the Security Council should not be diminished; and, lastly, the enlargement should take place in both categories of permanent and non-permanent members.

The Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council has continued to address the question of the reform of the Council. It is encouraging to note that discussions have shown a general support for the need to increase the membership of the Security Council, especially of developing countries, and a subsequent need to review the Council's composition. The general view is that the size and composition of an expanded Council should reflect more accurately the universal character of the United Nations and present-day realities.

It has further been recognized that the principle of the sovereign equality of all Members of the United Nations and the concepts of equitable representation and distribution, legitimacy, effectiveness and efficiency should serve as guiding principles for the reform of the Security Council.

A number of political questions continue to preoccupy us. In this regard, the leaders and people of Israel, Jordan and Palestine deserve our congratulations on having transformed the hopes and goals embodied in the Middle East peace process into tangible achievements. The people of Israel and the Palestinians have overcome formidable obstacles. Yet the most difficult and divisive issues still remain unresolved.

The peace process in that area of the Middle East is of the utmost importance and must therefore be negotiated against a backdrop of continuing and satisfactory progress. Only that will help give both Israel and Palestine the further confidence needed to make the political decisions that will ultimately achieve a lasting solution.

We also need to urge the international community to respond quickly, appropriately, generously, practically and flexibly to the needs of the Palestinian people. Achievements must match expectations.

In the tragic situation of the former Yugoslavia, the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be commended for accepting the peace proposal of the five-nation Contact Group, which has been endorsed by the Security Council. This peace proposal, as recent developments have indicated, does not sufficiently respond to the requirements of justice and equity, but we are none the less encouraged by a number of positive developments that have taken place.

We therefore urge the international community, in particular, the Security Council and the member States of the European Contact Group, to respond effectively to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that the logic of peace will finally overcome the logic of war, on the basis of the cease-fire, which is yet to come into effect.

In Africa, many significant developments have taken place in respect of peace-keeping that have to be understood in the context of changes in the international environment. The changes include the fatigue and reluctance of the leading world Powers, especially those in the Security Council, to participate in peace-keeping operations in Africa. That reluctance was exemplified by the events in Burundi, where the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had to deploy a limited observation mission because the United Nations could not.

On the other hand, however, some of the Western countries have launched several initiatives aimed at identifying ways in which the international community can assist Africa to cope with the challenges of conflict prevention and management. While Africa, in keeping with its determination to combat conflicts on the continent, is appreciative of these gestures from its outside partners, we wish to remind the international community of the United Nations primary role as the guardian of world peace and stability everywhere, including in Africa. Africa remains part of the international community, and the notion that "African problems need an African solution", as some countries advocate, is erroneous. The determination of Africa to address, through the OAU, the problem of conflicts on the continent should not be misconstrued as absolving the United Nations from its responsibility for peace and security where Africa is concerned.

The Sahraoui people have a right to self-determination. We therefore appeal to all parties to respect the decision to hold a referendum in Western Sahara, to be held as scheduled in January 1996.

My delegation believes that the key to attaining nuclear disarmament and a nuclear-free world continues to be the universality of the non-proliferation regime. In this connection, therefore, I wish to register my delegation's strong rejection of nuclear tests, which are clearly inconsistent with the decision of the Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) regarding the principles and objectives of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, which committed all States to work towards the elimination of nuclear weapons and to exercise the utmost restraint with respect to nuclear testing. We call on all nuclear-weapon States to refrain from any further testing.

We express our deep disappointment at the lack of concrete results on the question of the review and appraisal of the implementation of the declaration of the 1990s as the Third Disarmament Decade.

It is important to note that at its forty-ninth session the General Assembly adopted resolution 49/75 B of 15 December 1994, in which it decided to undertake, at its fiftieth session, such a review and appraisal. The Assembly requested the Disarmament Commission, at its 1995 session, to make a preliminary assessment of the implementation of the Declaration and of suggestions that might be put forth to ensure appropriate progress. We regret to note that despite extensive efforts to agree on consensus language, there was a divergence of views and it was not possible to reach a consensus. It is disappointing to note that delegations were not willing to engage in serious negotiations to find even small areas of common ground.

In recent decades the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has also adopted a number of other resolutions on disarmament and on the denuclearization of the African continent. Convinced that the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones can contribute to the strengthening of the international non-proliferation regime, the sixtieth ordinary session of the OAU Council of Ministers adopted a resolution in which the OAU Secretary-General was requested to convene a joint meeting of the Organization of African Unity inter-governmental group of experts and the Group of Experts to Prepare a Draft Treaty on an African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone set up jointly by the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. This initiative needs the unrelenting support of the international community, in particular that of the nuclear-weapon States, through their accession to the protocols that concern them in connection with the reduction and prohibition of the use and testing of all weapons of mass destruction.

My Government, like the Governments of all African States, is convinced that the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones worldwide, through the encouragement of the United Nations -- especially in the Middle East, as already proposed by Egypt -- would enhance the security of Africa and the subsequent viability of the African nuclear-weapon-free zone.

In the social and human rights field, the United Nations continues to make some progress. The World Summit for Social Development, held at Copenhagen in March, was a milestone in humankind's quest for consensus on universal standards for social development. The implementation of the undertakings which the Heads of State or Government made needs to be monitored closely in order to assess the degree of progress being made in achieving those undertakings. In this regard, the 20/20 compact is an important step in the direction of international collaboration to achieve balanced development of the social sector. It is the intention of my Government to fulfil its commitment to allocate 20 per cent of its development budgetary allocation to the social sector; we expect our development partners to meet us half way in this endeavour.

The outcome of the Fourth World Conference on Women is still very fresh in our minds, having been achieved only a few weeks ago. Although it was unfortunate that some countries found it necessary to enter reservations in respect of certain paragraphs of the Platform for Action, we are encouraged that a significant step forward was taken towards the goal of recognizing the right of women to be equal partners with men and to have complete control over all aspects of their lives. The triple goals of equality, development and peace, enunciated 20 years ago in Mexico City, underscore the undeniable truth that development and peace are not feasible while half of the world's population is discriminated against and not allowed to realize its full potential. My delegation reaffirms our Government's determination to forge ahead with vigour with the implementation of the Platform for Action until the full emancipation of women is attained. In this connection, I should like to call for an early follow-up and review conference lest the momentum generated in Beijing be lost.

There is a widely held myth that the developing world is experiencing a high growth rate because of the remarkable economic performance of East Asia. How can this be true when a total of 47 developing countries classified as least-developed countries continue to fight for survival? These countries account for 10 per cent of the world's population but earn only 0.1 per cent of the global income. For over two decades now, they have continued to experience serious declines in per capita income. Their share of world trade has declined from 0.6 per cent in 1980 to 0.2 per cent in 1992.

Africa continues to be the region most in need of help. The 1995 economic growth indicators, however, present an encouraging picture. For the first time in over six years, the economic-growth rate is projected to match the population-growth rate, which is, unfortunately, the highest in the world.

Africa has been used over the past 20 years, and is still being used, as a policy laboratory for the Bretton Woods institutions. It is regrettable that today, as the United Nations celebrates its fiftieth year since the signing of the Organization's Charter in San Francisco, many people in Africa continue to live under even harsher conditions of poverty, hunger, disease, civil war and natural disaster. The plight of the African continent remains a major challenge for the emerging world order. There is an urgent need for a stronger consolidated effort to pull the continent out of the poverty trap into which it continues to sink.

A few months ago at Geneva, the Economic and Social Council, at the high-level segment of its 1995 substantive session, deliberated an item entitled "The development of Africa, including the implementation of the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s". The high-level segment recognized that, among all the five regions of the world, Africa continues to be the only one lagging far behind in terms of development and that it remains the most marginalized in the world economy.

Allow me at this juncture to take this opportunity to applaud the Government of National Unity of the Republic of South Africa for having embarked on a reconstruction and development programme as a strategy for tackling the thorny issue of the economic imbalances created by the policies of apartheid. It is important for the international community to realize that the entire southern African subregion was as much affected and that it still suffers from the impact of the apartheid legacy. Any international support for the implementation of the reconstruction and development programme in South Africa should take this fact into account.

The southern African States members of the Southern African Development Community continue to pay priority attention to closer and stronger integration of their economies. The international community should make its best endeavours to ensure that our efforts are adequately supported through complementary financial and technological support, including improved terms of trade, increased flows of direct foreign investment and appropriate debt relief measures.

Lesotho, as a land-locked and least developed country, attaches great importance to issues of concern to the least developing countries, particularly their transit transport problems. We welcome the adoption by the intergovernmental meeting of the land-locked and transit developing countries, donor countries and financial institutions of a framework for cooperation to alleviate transit transport problems of the land-locked States and of their transit neighbours. It is our sincere belief that this session of the General Assembly will seriously address itself to the provisions of this framework, with a view to speeding up their implementation.

The Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s remains largely unimplemented. Lesotho, as a least developed country, is seriously concerned about this.

In Lesotho, as in many other countries in Africa and other regions, we have undertaken far-reaching political reforms, thus heeding the international clarion call to restore democratic administration, popular participation, accountability and good governance. These reforms have been undertaken amidst painful but necessary structural adjustment programmes intended to improve our macroeconomic policies and structures. The international community needs to realize that the success and sustainability of all these reforms cannot be guaranteed unless they bring about tangible results and satisfy the expectations of our people, particularly the most disadvantaged.

Our cooperating partners, in the forefront of advocates of democratic rule, seem to be relinquishing their responsibility of seeing to it that democratic institutions are sustained. In most of our countries our fledgling democracies face the serious challenge posed by lack of resources initially promised by our friends. We see emerging in each of our countries pockets of discontent which in essence challenge and destabilize the very shaky foundations of our young democracies. We in Lesotho understand very well the complementarity of democracy and development, and it is on this basis that we call upon our partners to carry out as a matter of urgency their international responsibility, particularly in this area.

For two consecutive years now, Lesotho has been experiencing an unprecedented devastating drought, which has adversely affected food production. This year the quantity of acreage cultivated was substantially reduced, due to lack of rainfall. As a result of the drought, the Government had to declare a state of food emergency and send urgent appeals to our traditional and new food donors for a helping hand. Unfortunately, not very encouraging responses have so far been received. It is therefore my humble duty and responsibility to renew this appeal to the international community through the Assembly.

Today's world is increasingly being made smaller and smaller by technological advances. Developments in one part of the world are of direct relevance and interest to other parts of the world. Closer cooperation and collaboration between partners is more urgently needed than ever before. South-South cooperation has to be further strengthened and universalized. In this regard, the importance of triangular arrangements for promoting and expanding South-South cooperation cannot be over-emphasized. Furthermore, increased transfer of modern productive and efficient technologies is a necessary condition for all the nations of the world to be able to fulfil their obligations and commitment to leave man's common heritage -- the Earth -- in a condition that will enable future generations to sustain life on it.

Many of us are doing our best to develop the full potential of our human resources through education, good health, a clean living and working environment and nutrition. We have put in place appropriate policies to ensure the realization of this noble objective. We are worried about slow progress towards the discovery of a permanent cure for the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and would urge all humankind not to spare any effort or resources until this menace has been vanquished. We therefore join the appeals for increased political commitment and financial and material support for scientific and other research that will lead to the discovery of a cure for this disease.

For a long time the nations of the world have expressed their desire to enhance the international justice system. The recognition that an international criminal court was an essential element in building respect for human rights throughout the world led the Members of the United Nations nearly half a century ago to pledge to create a new system of international justice. Progress in this regard has, however, been slow.

The atrocities in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda provided an impetus to establish a permanent international criminal court. Lesotho supports the view that a permanent international criminal court should be established by 1996. We believe that the most practical method of establishing such a court is by a multilateral treaty that would enter into force following ratification by a reasonable number of States. It is our fervent belief that such a court would be the living embodiment of the fundamental principles of international criminal law. Besides being able to hold individual perpetrators of human rights violations personally liable, the court would complement prosecutions in national courts by acting when States were unwilling or unable to bring perpetrators to justice.

The commendable efforts of the International Law Commission in preparing the draft statute for the court are to be applauded. It now remains for Governments and other organs of civil society to strengthen the draft statute to ensure that it is a model of justice, fairness and effectiveness.

The President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Jordan, His Excellency Mr. Abdul-Karim Kabariti.

Mr. Kabariti (Jordan)

It gives me great pleasure to begin my statement by congratulating you, Sir, and on the Government and people of your country, Portugal, on your election as President of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly, which coincides with the Golden Jubilee of the United Nations. I am confident that, with your skill and expertise in diplomacy and international affairs, you will be able to steer the deliberations of this session most efficiently and competently.

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326             if agendagidcurrent and (not gadice or agendagidcurrent == gadice):

global WriteSpoken = <function WriteSpoken>, gid = u'pg009-bk04', dtextmu = u'<h3 class="speaker"> <span class="name">Mr. Kaba...nd sincere action at the international level.</p>', councilpresidentnation = None

/home/undemocracy/unparse-live/web2/unpvmeeting.py in WriteSpoken(gid=u'pg009-bk04', dtext=u'<h3 class="speaker"> <span class="name">Mr. Kaba...nd sincere action at the international level.</p>', councilpresidentnation=None)

69     print '</cite>'

70

71     print dtext[mspek.end(0):]

72

73     print '</div>'

dtext = u'<h3 class="speaker"> <span class="name">Mr. Kaba...nd sincere action at the international level.</p>', mspek = <_sre.SRE_Match object>, mspek.end = <built-in method end of _sre.SRE_Match object>

<type 'exceptions.UnicodeEncodeError'>: 'ascii' codec can't encode character u'\xf4' in position 128: ordinal not in range(128)
      args = ('ascii', u'\n\t<p id="pg009-bk04-pa01">I should like also to ...nd sincere action at the international level.</p>', 128, 129, 'ordinal not in range(128)')
      encoding = 'ascii'
      end = 129
      message = ''
      object = u'\n\t<p id="pg009-bk04-pa01">I should like also to ...nd sincere action at the international level.</p>'
      reason = 'ordinal not in range(128)'
      start = 128