General Assembly Session 50 meeting 17

The Acting President

I call first on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uganda, His Excellency Mr. Ruhakana Rugunda.

Mr. Rugunda (Uganda)

Allow me on behalf of the Ugandan delegation to convey our warm greetings to Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on the occasion of his election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. His election does great honour to his country, Portugal, with which Uganda enjoys very cordial relations. We are confident that Mr. Freitas do Amaral will guide the Assembly's deliberations to a successful conclusion.

Allow me also to pay special tribute to His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Foreign Minister of Côte d'Ivoire, for the skilful manner in which he presided over the work of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly.

I salute the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless efforts in the service of our Organization.

Fifty years ago, in the aftermath of the Second World War, with its destructive nationalism, economic and social depression and the attendant social dislocation, the United Nations was established. It was founded by men and women who were determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. They created the United Nations as the only universal international organization that would exist to cope with global problems and ensure that the international community enjoyed peace and prosperity. The United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provided the bedrock for a new system of rights and obligations for the promotion of international peace and security.

The new order, organized on the basis of universality and sovereign equality, was intended to encompass all nations, large and small, strong and weak, in order to promote the well-being of all peoples. The United Nations thus emerged as a beacon of hope out of the ruins and darkness of the Second World War. Today this vision remains as valid as it was 50 years ago. It is for that reason that we reaffirm our confidence in the Organization and its global mandate.

In the five decades of the existence of the United Nations, the world has witnessed remarkable changes. The communications revolution and the globalization of the world economy have transformed the world into a global village and have increased interdependence among nations. The cold war, which dominated the post-War era, ended, with the favourable dramatic transformation of East-West relations. Over 100 States which were colonial dependencies in 1945 achieved independence. We also witnessed the birth of a free, non-racial and democratic South Africa and the elimination of the obnoxious system of apartheid.

While the end of the cold war has reduced tension between the major Powers and has facilitated the resolution of a number of regional conflicts, we continue to witness the proliferation of intra-State conflicts. These are new challenges which call for more innovative approaches and which underscore the continuing relevance of the United Nations.

We believe that the United Nations should address in a concrete and decisive manner the issue of socio-economic development, without which peace and security cannot be sustained. The United Nations and the international community have to renew their resolve to eradicate poverty and deprivation. This spectre of poverty and deprivation is rampant in Africa and in the least developed countries. We should act collectively and decisively to change this situation. The fiftieth anniversary celebrations are a fitting occasion to make this solemn commitment.

It is no coincidence that our region, Africa, which is the least developed in the world, is also the most affected by strife and conflict. In order to put an end to this we need to foster a comprehensive approach which addresses the root causes of these conflicts and consolidates and guarantees durable peace and security. To this end, we must, first of all, boost our capacity to anticipate and prevent conflicts before they occur, through preventive diplomacy. Secondly, we should be prepared to respond swiftly to emergency situations. And lastly, we must consolidate the peace by putting in place recovery and rehabilitation programmes in order to create the economic conditions for peace and stability.

In addition to this, there should be increased recognition of the role of the affected regions in the formulation of appropriate responses. It is for this reason that we consider the establishment of the Organization of African Unity mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution a timely and appropriate initiative. The Organization of African Unity decision to put in place a Central Organ for that mechanism was an equally positive development. We appeal to the international community to render the requisite financial and technical support to complement Africa's efforts to make these institutions work.

We salute the return of peace to Cambodia, Haiti, Mozambique and Angola, and we are encouraged by the positive developments in Liberia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Middle East. We commend the steps being taken by the Government in Rwanda to restore normalcy and national reconciliation, and we call for expeditious and full activation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda.

We believe that it is possible to contain the situation in Burundi and avoid the replication of the genocide that was perpetrated in Rwanda last year. We continue to be concerned about the situation in Somalia and call for reconciliation among the parties to the conflict there.

As regards Western Sahara, we urge all parties to exercise the statesmanship necessary to prepare the way for a just and durable solution. In order to consolidate and give hope to all these troubled parts of the world the international community must render all necessary support. We in Uganda will continue to contribute to conflict resolution, peacemaking and peace-keeping, within our capabilities.

The threat posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remains a matter of grave concern to this Organization. We welcome the conclusion of the Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). This should strengthen the non-proliferation regime. If that is to be fully realized, it should be complemented by the entry into force of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. It is deplorable that, in spite of the indefinite extension of the NPT, some countries have continued to carry out nuclear tests. This goes against the letter and the spirit of the understanding on the indefinite extension of the non-proliferation Treaty.

We note the progress made so far in the negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban Treaty, and we urge its early conclusion. We welcome various regional initiatives aimed at establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones and we support the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa as a contribution to global disarmament efforts.

In both its domestic and its foreign policy, Uganda accords high priority to the observance of human rights. We have entrenched in the new Constitution a human rights commission as an institutional framework for the development and observance of human rights. We wish to express our appreciation to all countries and institutions that have supported us in our efforts to develop and strengthen human-rights monitoring and enforcement capabilities.

We have just completed the process of establishing a Constitution, aimed at consolidating the rule of law. The new Constitution was enacted on 22 September 1995 by a democratically elected Constituent Assembly and is due to be promulgated shortly. The Constitution paves the way to the holding of general and presidential elections, which are scheduled for early next year. This will enhance the empowerment of the people to take charge of their own governance and their own destiny.

The Government has made efforts to empower our people, especially women, young people and other vulnerable groups. Within the framework of the bottom-up Resistance Council system, the population has been mobilized and provided with modest capital -- entandikwa -- as part of our national endeavour to create productive and income-generating opportunities in order to improve the earning capacity of the family and, thus, improve the living conditions of the people.

As we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should reaffirm our commitment to the primacy of the democratic principle at all levels, including that of the United Nations. It is in this context that Uganda supports restructuring of the Security Council to make it more transparent and democratic in its decision-making, and more representative of the increased membership of the United Nations.

In the same vein, we urge that the Bretton Woods institutions take into account the problems, concerns and aspirations of developing countries in the formulation and design of policies and programmes in order to respond to their social and economic needs.

Many developing countries continue to be adversely affected by the uneven and inequitable trends in the global economy. These trends have widened further the gap between the rich and the poor countries. The socio-economic situation in Africa is critical and continues to deteriorate. It is characterized by a weak physical and institutional infrastructure, underdeveloped human resources, epidemics and disease, lack of adequate shelter, poverty and deprivation. All these factors undermine peace and stability, and this, in turn, hampers growth and development.

We have undertaken bold economic and political reforms in Uganda with a view to creating an environment conducive to the consolidation of social and economic progress. These reforms have been characterized by the attainment of basic macro-economic stability and the enhancement of democracy and the rule of law, and they have stimulated reasonable economic growth and social progress. In spite of these modest achievements our countries continue to depend heavily on the export of primary commodities, which do not attract fair prices in international markets. There has also been a steady decline in the availability of both domestic and external resources for development. To compound the situation, most of our countries are saddled with heavy debts, the servicing of which is no longer sustainable.

All these and other factors have contributed to the marginalization of Africa and have made it difficult for the continent to benefit from the positive impulses of globalization and the liberalization of world trade. These issues were reviewed at the high-level segment of the Economic and Social Council, which addressed the theme of African development and implementation of the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s, and in the ongoing discussion here at the United Nations about the mid-term review of the Global Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s.

The two meetings agreed that the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s and the global Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 1990s remained largely unimplemented. We should seize the opportunity provided by the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations to decide on concrete actions that will give hope to the peoples of Africa and of the least developed countries.

The stagnation and decline in official development assistance (ODA) are disturbing. We are equally concerned at the wavering commitment towards the eleventh replenishment of the international development assistance fund. We urge our development partners to fulfil the internationally agreed obligations with regard to official development assistance. This would be a fitting and tangible show of solidarity with Africa and, indeed, the least developed countries.

Our external indebtedness and debt-servicing obligations have reached unsustainable levels. We therefore call for an urgent once-and-for-all development-oriented initiative on all types of debts, which could include the following: first, an enhancement of the Naples terms and an improvement in its accessibility; and, secondly, a significant initiative on multilateral debts, including a softening of the financing terms of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans to make it IDA-comparable. These initiatives could be achieved through the sale of IMF gold stocks and by creating an appropriate debt-relief facility. We believe these actions will release much-needed resources, which are currently going into the debt-servicing of development activities, including the eradication of poverty.

At the moment Africa accounts for a meagre 2.4 per cent of world merchandise trade. In the context of the Uruguay Round agreements, it is estimated that the continent could lose up to $2.6 billion annually in the course of the initial years of the implementation of the agreement. By contrast, global trade will be boosted by $500 billion annually. The legitimate concerns of Africa and the least developed countries have been identified and specific measures to address them have been recommended by both the Ministerial Decision of Marrakesh and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). For Africa to benefit from the liberalization of world trade, these measures, including capacity-building, compensation, enhanced-market-access provisions and financial assistance towards institutional and economic transformation, must be implemented fully and without delay.

To assist in the follow-up and implementation of the Uruguay Round agreements, two institutions are significant and must be strengthened and supported -- UNCTAD as the institution with a specific focus on trade and development issues, especially as they relate to developing countries; and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) because of its role in the promotion of industrialization.

We note the ongoing discussions under the open-ended ad hoc Working Group of the General Assembly on an Agenda for Development. It is our hope that this process will generate specific measures and commitments to address the specific problems of developing countries. We also hope that it will help to forge consensus on development which takes into account, and builds on, the commitments and programmes of action already agreed on in the series of United Nations conferences that have been held since 1990.

Uganda is concerned about the serious problem posed by the rapid growth and spread of water hyacinth on Lake Victoria and other lakes and rivers in the Nile valley. This has adversely affected the ecological balance of our waters and the livelihood of our populations, who depend on fishing as a means of survival. Besides, the hyacinth is threatening to choke the Owen Falls Dam -- our only major source of hydroelectric power. It has disrupted our water transportation system, which is very important for a land-locked country such as Uganda. We make an urgent appeal to the international community to extend support to enable us to address the problem of water hyacinth.

We consider South-South cooperation to be an important aspect of development cooperation. The sharing and pooling of information, knowledge, markets and resources are some of the ways in which developing countries can promote their growth and development. To this end we are active participants in all arrangements for cooperation in our subregion and support the establishment of the African Economic Community. We believe that these arrangements and the institutions established to promote them, such as the South Centre, should be supported by the international community.

The United Nations has over the years provided a forum for intensive dialogue on all issues. Through a series of global conferences, it has helped to forge international consensus on global problems -- issues such as the environment, population, the status of women, human rights, development, and many more. Its specialized agencies have made an invaluable contribution in their respective spheres of activity and have provided humanitarian and development assistance to many parts of the world. In recent years, despite drastic limitations on personnel and resources, the United Nations has responded to the dramatic rise in the demand for peace-keeping and other emergency operations throughout the world. These are laudable accomplishments, which should strengthen our resolve and our confidence in support of the Organization.

As we stand in the twilight of the twentieth century and approach the dawn of the new millennium, we should use the occasion provided by the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations to strengthen the Organization. We should demonstrate our dedication to the Organization and its component parts by providing it with the resources necessary for the accomplishment of its immense mandate. Our challenge is to bequeath to succeeding generations a democratic, transparent and more effective United Nations.

The Acting President

I now call upon the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt, His Excellency Mr. Amre Moussa.

Mr. Moussa (Egypt)

It gives me great pleasure to extend to the President, and to his friendly country, Portugal, our congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly for this historic session, which crowns 50 years of international work under the banner of the United Nations in the service of humanity, individuals and peoples.

I should also like to express our profound appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte d'Ivoire, for his wise conduct of the work of the forty-ninth session and for his valuable efforts in the preparatory work for the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary.

We now live in an age wherein the international map of political relations is being redrawn, side by side with the reshaping of the scales of economic relations and, probably, the essence of existing social and cultural systems. The universal nature of issues and the similarity of the problems facing our contemporary societies have become the principal feature of our world. Consequently, the only way to deal with such issues and problems is to promote and rationalize international cooperation, since the majority of the problems we face today cannot be dealt with unilaterally at a time when the fluctuations of financial markets, the transactions of transnational corporations and the impact of information networks and communication satellites all transcend the national boundaries of States. We cannot hope to succeed in dealing with problems against such a complex backdrop without international and collective action in the interests of the entire human race. In this, we see a very significant role for the United Nations in formulating the modern concepts needed in dealing with problems in such a difficult and complex era.

Although the ending of the cold war did remove tremendous obstacles that, for so long, had adversely affected efforts of international cooperation in all fields, this, in itself, has not been conducive to the spontaneous emergence of a new international order based on legality, justice, and democracy, that is capable of maintaining peace and bringing prosperity to peoples. This requires a consensual vision of what the content and rules of such a new international order should be. It also requires the dissipation of the growing fears that many countries now harbour as a result of the tendency to entrench policies of double standards, to look for some ideological or intellectual foe to demonize and to make a target for criticism, international mobilization and techniques of subjugation.

This can be seen clearly in the performance of the Security Council and in its hesitant posture when it comes to facing up to certain situations, probably because of the lack of the necessary political will, or to the fact that that will falls hostage to conflicting attitudes. Again, this may be due to the fact that we, as an international community, are still unable to develop a concept of a system of collective security that would be in consonance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter.

In this connection, let us call to mind the tragedies of ethnic genocide perpetrated against the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having done this, let us call to mind the ability, the inability or the ambivalence demonstrated in reacting to those international crimes and the adverse impact they have had on the credibility of the world order, of which the United Nations continues to be a principal cornerstone. We need to pause and review the collective-security system and how we can improve it. We must also consider the need for a parallel economic-and social-security system in the light of the global trend towards market economies and in the light also of the achievements made in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the related problems in the developing world, which constitutes the overwhelming majority of the human race.

It is no longer possible to face up to the challenges of tomorrow with the methods of yesterday, especially that the concept of security is no longer limited to territories or national boundaries at a time when most armed conflicts take place within such national boundaries, and when the lack of economic and social development has become a universally grave problem. It follows from this that the challenge which now faces the international community represented by the United Nations has to do with the extent of the Organization's ability to address such new issues, with the degree of its success in forging an international and democratic consensus in that regard, and with the presence or absence of the political will to enable the United Nations to perform its role through the provision of the resources it must have in order for it to do so.

The United Nations has made an outstanding contribution towards the promotion of international awareness of issues which stand as milestones in the history of the twentieth century, prominent among which are decolonization, the eradication of apartheid and dealing with the issues of economic and social development and human rights. Such concepts have now become the very foundations of civilized international behaviour.

Having said this, we must say that what the future requires is a new universal social contract as I called for in my statement before the General Assembly at the forty-seventh session, in commenting on the Secretary-General's "Agenda for Peace" submitted in 1992. A series of international conferences on children, on the environment, on human rights, on population, on social development and on women have provided the international community with a wealth of programmes of action and ideas which could provide solid basis for drawing up the universal social contract we propose in order for our work to lead to development, security and peace.

Whether the United Nations is able to forge such consensus, will depend on its ability to close the credibility gap from which it has suffered over the past few years. No amount of administrative reform or restructuring, however great, would enable it to rise to the demands of this new era unless such reform is accompanied by the mobilization of the political will to support the United Nations and to uphold its credibility together with a process of conceptual reform that should be inspired by the ideals and objectives of the Charter and should aim at formulating a modern programme of action that responds to the realities, issues and challenges of today's world.

In order for the United Nations to lead international action in such directions, it must enjoy financial stability. Such stability cannot be achieved without our collective commitment to pay in full our assessed contributions to the Organization's budget. Egypt hopes that the Member States shall seize the opportunity of the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Organization, truly a historic occasion, by issuing a declaration committing all Members, and especially all the States permanent members of the Security Council, to pay all assessed contributions and all arrears before the end of the year, to underscore our collective and genuine support for the Organization.

The General Assembly has achieved a great deal over the past 50 years in the political, economic, social and environmental fields and has contributed to the establishment of principles of international conduct in the spheres of democracy, respect for human rights and the codification and development of the principles of international law. However, the present era is a time for reformulating international relations, which requires the Assembly to perform a new role that promotes our collective capacity in the areas of security, development and international cooperation.

The Secretary-General's initiatives have also contributed to initiating a discussion of such hot issues as preventive diplomacy, peace-building in post-conflict situations, and coordination between the United Nations and other international and regional bodies. Such discussions have shown that there is a growing tendency to attach increasing importance to such issues, particularly on the part of the developing countries, a matter which highlights the need to promote the focal role of the General Assembly in building international consensus on such important issues.

The growing tendency to develop and reform the United Nations has focused attention on the Security Council's role and its performance. It was only natural that the General Assembly should have focused on discussing the rules and procedures that the Security Council should follow, particularly in the areas that need to be reviewed in the light of the latest developments in international affairs.

Any in-depth examination of the Council's role in the light of such developments would highlight the fact that many of the substantive and procedural aspects of the Council's work need to be reviewed, either by the Council itself or by the General Assembly if the Council should fail to do so. Since the end of the cold war, the Council's performance has tended to be characterized by certain features of which stand out the ineffectiveness of some of its resolutions, which lend themselves to many diverse interpretations and the tendency of some of those resolutions to aim at achieving political objectives whose objectivity is often debatable. All such aspects have an undoubted effect on the Council's credibility and efficacy.

The ongoing consultations in the Working Groups on how to improve the methods and procedures relating to the imposition and lifting of sanctions by the Council highlight the concern felt by the Member States over such matters. The point is that, in such cases, there should be a minimum level of safeguards, through the application of a set of agreed, uniform rules and procedures, in order for the imposing and lifting of sanctions to take place in a manner that strikes a balance between, on the one hand, the interests of the international community and, on the other, the extent of the human suffering endured by peoples on whom the sanctions are imposed.

The increasing importance the international community attaches to the question of reforming the Security Council has focused attention on a number of issues such as the need to improve the Council's practices and procedures, improve its performance and underscore the need for transparency in its work.

Egypt is convinced that there exists consensus of opinion that there is a need to increase the membership of the Council in order to expand international participation in discharging the major responsibility of the Organization and, thereby, to promote the Council's efficiency. We are also aware of the heavy responsibilities that go with membership in the Council. Proceeding from this and given Egypt's regional and international contributions in the contexts of Arab, African and Middle Eastern affairs and other spheres, together with its constant support of United Nations activities, we believe that Egypt is well placed in the ranks of the States qualified to bear the responsibility of membership in a new and expanded Security Council that would be more equitable and balanced in its representation of the different regions of the world.

When we speak of expanding Security Council membership, we do not have in mind a mere increase in the number of permanent seats allocated to the developed countries at the expense of the developing countries. What we have in mind is striking the necessary balance between the developed and the developing countries, by reinforcing the Council with a number of developing countries that are capable of shouldering such a responsibility and are capable of having the necessary impact at the regional and the international levels, in a manner that would make the Council more representative of international reality and, thereby, much more effective in dealing with international issues.

On the other hand, and from a more practical point of view, we believe that the ideas put forward by Egypt and by other countries concerning the addition of a number of new, rotating seats for a specific number of States would afford a larger number of States the opportunity of sharing in exercising the responsibilities of membership in the Council. We believe that this would promote the Council's role, enhance its credibility as a body that is truly representative and enrich it with the membership of countries that play important and effective roles in their regions.

I should like to seize this opportunity to put on record that Egypt welcomes the consultations the Security Council conducts with the countries that contribute troops to peace-keeping operations, and call upon the Council to adhere to the spirit of the provisions of Article 44 of the Charter by institutionalizing such consultations so that they may become an integral part of the decision-making process in relation to any peace-keeping operation. This would increase the chances of success for all such operations.

Here I must point out the vital role that could be performed by regional organizations and arrangements, in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter, in maintaining international peace and security in general and in the area of preventive diplomacy in particular. In this connection, I should like to mention that Egypt has set up the "Cairo Centre for the Settlement of Disputes and the Maintenance of Peace in Africa", and that we are confident that this Centre will receive the necessary assistance from the United Nations Department of Peace-keeping Operations and from States with the necessary expertise in this field.

The founding of the United Nations was contemporaneous with the beginning, 50 years ago, of a sad chapter in the evolution of the question of Palestine that triggered the Arab-Israeli conflict, with all the wars and tragedies that conflict entailed. Now, half a century later, we witness the beginnings of a comprehensive settlement to this question and the progress towards an Arab-Israeli peace. The United Nations has left its imprint on all aspects of the question of Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Some of its earlier resolutions sparked off the Arab-Israeli wars. Some others have laid the foundations for a peaceful settlement, such as Security Council resolution 242 (1967), and resolution 425 (1978) on Lebanon, the resolutions on Al-Quds, the refugees and the Palestinian people's right to self-determination.

A few days ago, in Washington, we witnessed the signing of the transitional-phase agreement by the Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat, and the Israeli Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin. This is a historic achievement towards resolving the Palestinian problem, as it initiates the second phase of the agreement concluded between the two parties and expands Palestinian authority to the West Bank. This is a sound move that brings Palestine closer to having a full-fledged Government with its legislative, executive and judiciary branches within a preliminary regional framework.

Although the agreement is transitional and represents a delicate balance of commitments between the emerging entity and Israel, it is undoubtedly a major positive step at the strategic level. In practical terms, paves the way for the partition of the land of Palestine between Israel and the Palestinian entity which would reach completion only through the establishment of the Palestinian State on all the territories of Gaza and the West Bank. It is important to note here that the Palestinian parliament, which will be elected within a few months, will represent also the Palestinian people in Al-Quds.

Early on, Egypt had opted for the role of pioneer in the long march towards peace in the Middle East. Camp David and Taba, which were two outstanding milestones on this long march, have now been joined by a host of other landmarks along the road to peace. However, we are fully aware of the obstacles and pitfalls that are still in the way of a comprehensive peace, both on the Syrian and the Lebanese tracks, which must be reactivated urgently indeed, and on the Palestinian track, where everything depends on the honest and immediate implementation of the agreement and serious preparations for the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations on the final status. Egypt looks forward to a day in the near future when its vision of a new Middle East would materialize.

From this very rostrum, at the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly, on behalf of Egypt, I called upon the States and peoples of the Middle East to give thought to the shape of our relations in the post-settlement period. I invited them to join us in formulating the makings and foundations of new relations between the countries of the region that would rest squarely on three pillars: political settlement, economic and social development and regional security and arms control.

Our views in all this proceed from the conviction that peace will never become permanent and will never take root without a balanced and constructive interaction that would serve the common interests of all parties. I have touched upon the recent developments in the area of political settlement. I should like to add here that the framework of this settlement is still fragile and that it needs a great deal of prudence and caution. What is needed above all else in this respect is that all parties should abstain from taking any unilateral action that might infringe the rights of the other parties or pre-empt the final outcome of the negotiations.

The Economic Summit meeting for the Middle East and North Africa, held in Casablanca in October 1994, was an important step for regional economic cooperation. The participants in that meeting may recall Egypt's insistence that genuine peace is peace that prevails amongst peoples and that genuine peace is that which serves as a foundation for economic cooperation. As we move closer to the Amman summit, scheduled to be held towards the end of October 1995, we reiterate that belief and call for real progress on the different tracks of the peace process in order to provide the necessary conditions for promoting cooperation in the region.

In this connection, Egypt believes that it is the issues of arms control and regional security that will determine the form and extent of cooperation amongst the countries of the region in the future. Egypt views security, as the principal mainstay of the edifice of peace in the Middle East, and believes that it should rest squarely on the firm foundation of equal rights and obligations for all parties in the region with regard to disarmament, so that equal security may be achieved at the minimum level of armament and guaranteed through the defining of common rights and interests and not through the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction.

Proceeding from this, we call for initiating concrete steps towards:

- Israel's accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and subjecting its nuclear facilities to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) international regime of safeguards and inspection.

- Engaging in discussion aimed at establishing a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East.

- Reviewing the relevant international agreements on disarmament, by the countries of the region, with a view to harmonizing their positions and commitments regarding those agreements.

I seize this opportunity to call upon the permanent Members of the Security Council which sponsored the resolution relating to the Middle East in the Review and Extension Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to take concrete steps that would ensure the accession to the Treaty by all States of the region and to initiate the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East in accordance with the Egyptian initiative which has enjoyed the consensus of all the parties concerned for more than 15 years now.

Speaking of the Middle East, I shall now address the situation in the countries neighbouring Egypt. I shall begin by extending a brotherly greeting to the brotherly people of Sudan and say that only what is right and true will prove to be right and true in the end and that things will inescapably revert to normal in a Sudan that will be free from the politics of terrorism under the guise of religion. The historical ties of friendship that took root over the ages between our two peoples will continue to flow as strongly as the flow of the river Nile through our two countries. Egypt, which does not change its position on such matters, clearly reaffirms its support for the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan within its political borders.

On the western borders of Egypt, we can state that Libya now has the firm political will to put an end to the Lockerbie crisis by accepting the trial of the accused and by working for practical solutions within the framework of implementing the relevant Security Council resolutions. In the interests of justice and fairness to the families of the victims, any objective view of the problem would underscore the importance of respecting international legality by accelerating the process of trying those accused of perpetrating an international crime.

On the other hand, the stability of the Middle East requires the achievement of the security and stability of the Gulf. In Iraq, the suffering of the Iraqi people continues as that people lives under very cruel conditions. Even the territorial integrity of Iraq is being threatened continuously, a matter which we shall never accept or acquiesce in. We do look forward to the day in the near future when the suffering of the Iraqi people will come to an end and Iraq will resume exercising its rights and obligations as a responsible member of the Arab family and the international community.

Now that the Iraqi Government has recognized the sovereignty of Kuwait and its international borders in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, we hope that resolving the problem of the prisoners of war and the detainees, side by side with the fact that it has complied with the provisions of Security Council resolutions on weapons of mass destruction will be the first major step towards easing the sanctions imposed on Iraq as stipulated in resolution 687 (1991). We also hope that this will lead to practical steps by the Council towards the establishment of a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East in implementation of paragraph 14 of the said resolution, the only paragraph of the resolution which has remained unimplemented.

Across the gulf, we invite Iran, with which the Arab world entertains well-known links and well-known differences at the same time, to seek to settle the problem of the Arab islands in the Gulf, namely: Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunb Islands and to respect the sovereignty of the United Arab Emirates. This will no doubt serve the interests of stability in that part of the Middle East and work in favour of normal Arab-Iranian relations.

Allow me to state candidly that we are finding it increasingly difficult to promote moral support for the United Nations because of a general feeling of frustration vis-à-vis what is going on in the world. Such frustration was inevitable in view of the destruction, killings and war crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina against the backdrop of an unjustified dereliction of duty on the part of the international community vis-à-vis those atrocities. This, very naturally, has led to a great deal of questioning about the double standards which have come to be the main characteristic of the so-called new international order and have deprived that order of credibility even before it took concrete shape.

Allowing the United Nations-declared "safe areas" to fall has shaken the international order and raised doubts regarding the effectiveness of the peace-keeping system. The continuing deterioration of the situation in Bosnia has led the Islamic countries to take a decision to reject the applicability of the arms embargo on Bosnia since it contradicts the right to legitimate self-defence enshrined in the United Nations Charter, when necessary.

However, we welcome the current international peace efforts aimed at halting the bloody conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, provided that such efforts and policies do not lead to Bosnia's partitioning or fragmentation, and provided that the peace plans will prove to be honest in their formulations and objectives. We also welcome the parties' success in reaching a declaration of principles on a regional settlement and hope that the ongoing negotiations will lead to a comprehensive, just and viable solution which would respect legality and help bring stability to the region.

Proceeding from our constant support for the rights of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their just cause, we accept what their Government deems acceptable, especially that, as the whole world has seen, President Alija Izetbegovic has shown admirable flexibility and has responded positively to international legality throughout all the stages of the crisis. At the same time, we underline the need for the negotiation process not to ignore the fundamental principles established by the United Nations in dealing with this problem. In particular, we underscore here, the following principles:

First: Any attempt to treat the aggressor on the same footing as the victim of aggression is unacceptable. Pressure should not be brought to bear on the weaker party under the pretext of searching for applicable solutions.

Second: The territorial map of Bosnia and Herzegovina should not be redrawn in a manner that would consecrate the results of aggression, expansionism and ethnic cleansing.

Third: Recognizing an entity for the Bosnian Serbs inside the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the international community to deal very carefully indeed with the lack of political, military and institutional balance between the parties. It also requires international guarantees to ensure the implementation of any eventual settlement. This highlights the importance of arming the government of Bosnia Herzegovina with the necessary defensive means that would enable it to exercise its legitimate right to self-defence in consonance with the Charter, so that this Member State of the United Nations may not continue to be exposed to destruction or fragmentation should the Serbs renege on the commitment to respect Bosnia's territorial integrity.

Fourth: The measures of collective security measures should be applied, if necessary, to support the negotiation process until the plan for a regional settlement is put into effect.

Fifth: War criminals must be punished for the crimes they have perpetrated. Short of this, it will be farcical to talk of upholding human rights in any part of the world and expect people to take such talk seriously.

As we speak of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I must commend the efforts of the United Nations Protection Force and salute, in particular, the sons of my country, the Egyptian officers and soldiers who are bravely carrying out their duties under very difficult conditions. I should like also, to stress in this connection the need for the United Nations Forces should continue to carry out their mandate until the Bosnian Government army becomes capable of shouldering its tasks in defence of Bosnia's territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty.

The fact that the Economic and Social Council allocated the high-level segment of its last substantive session to discussing the problems of development in Africa is proof of the United Nations awareness of the serious challenges facing economic and social development in the continent. It is essential to intensify international efforts aimed at restructuring the economies of African countries, diversifying their exports and strengthening regional integration amongst the countries of Africa, particularly since the Abuja agreement which established the African Economic Community has entered into force.

Egypt's awareness of the seriousness and urgency of these challenges and of the need to face up to them led it to call for a special extraordinary ministerial session of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The meeting took place in March 1995 and adopted the Cairo Plan of Action for economic and social development in Africa.

Even a cursory look at the overall situation in Africa would reveal that the urgent need for a climate of peace and stability, makes it necessary for the United Nations to increase its contribution towards the creation of such a climate, in coordination and cooperation with the Organization of African Unity. This highlights the importance of the efforts deployed by the African countries towards supporting and developing the OAU's mechanism for the prevention, management and resolution of disputes in Africa. Such efforts require the financial and technical support from both the United Nations and the international community.

As I speak, tension persists in many parts of Africa. In particular, Rwanda and Burundi, Egypt's sisterly partners in great resource, the Nile, continue to be in the grip of a situation that endangers the stability and security of a large area of Africa. This calls for solutions that would allow everyone to live in a society based on justice and equality. Egypt believes that the proposed regional conference for the countries of the Great Lakes region must elaborate regional policies aimed at finding solutions to the problems of the countries of the region from an overall perspective that would take into account the plight of refugees, ethnic conflicts and other matters. Although the primary responsibility for finding solutions to such problem rests with the countries of the region, which must manifest a spirit of tolerance and moderation if they are to achieve national reconciliation and social peace, the United Nations is called upon to support all the efforts deployed in that direction, in line with the Secretary-General's oft-repeated pledge that the United Nations shall pay attention on an equal footing to the problems of all regions of the world.

In Somalia, Egypt hopes that all parties will adhere to African values and listen to the voice of reason in order for them to extricate the Somali people from its cruel plight.

Such a review of the hotbeds of tension and crises in Africa should not detract from the importance of the positive developments that have taken place in Africa over the past two years, particularly in Mozambique, Angola and more recently in Liberia. These have been truly important achievements which were made possible by good intentions and through the effective role played by the United Nations and the OAU. We do hope that all parties, especially in Angola and Liberia, will remain committed to the agreements to restore peace and normal life in these two sister countries.

I turn now to the world economy. In this respect, allow me to state that, although the responsibility for achieving development and improving economic performance falls mainly on the shoulders of the States concerned, we believe that the solidarity of the international community -- through the establishment of a propitious economic environment and extending a helping hand -- is a very important element in the area of development.

The growing marginalization of the role of the developing countries in an increasingly interdependent world could adversely affect stability. We heartily welcome the ideas which the Secretary-General set out in his Agenda for Development and hope that the General Assembly's deliberations on the Agenda will contribute to correcting the current serious imbalances.

There is a need, as a matter of priority that should be addressed with courage and creativity, to reformulate policies and solutions to the problem of the external debt of the developing countries that would help create a climate of equal opportunity amongst peoples and nations and make use of the latent potential of many parts of the world in paving the way towards balanced and comprehensive development at the threshold of the twenty-first century.

The liberalization of international trade is an essential ingredient of economic growth. However, this liberalization requires rationalization in the light of the present structural imbalances and the huge and widening gap between the developing and the developed countries. Moreover, the selective policies pursued by some developed countries in liberalizing their trade and the disguised protectionist policies which are put in place behind a façade of environmental, human rights or other considerations, contradict the spirit and the call for liberalizing international trade and would lead to the worsening and entrenchment of the present imbalances.

We welcome the World Trade Organization as it begins its work. We hope that rectifying those imbalances will be one of its most important concerns in the future. We should also like to stress the need for the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to continue to perform its role as the international negotiating forum that is qualified to build consensus on issues relating to free trade and development and also as the very valuable source of technical assistance and information on world trade for the developing countries.

Changes on the international economic arena make it necessary to embark on a broad review of the role, the capabilities and the structures of international financing institutions with a view to enabling those institutions to respond to those changes and to the requirements of comprehensive and sustainable development in a manner that would reflect the spirit of democracy and reform.

There is no doubt that the phenomenon of terrorism has become cause for deep concern to many peoples who have become fed up with criminal acts that aim at terrorizing whole societies and with the export of terrorism by countries that, having allowed themselves to become safe havens for extremism and bases for assassins and criminals, have hosted terrorists and provided them with refuge, protection and assistance.

In this connection, I should like to point out that events have shown that terrorism is not limited to any specific geographical area or to any culture or religion. Therefore, it is not wise for some to try to pretend that Islam is synonymous with extremism. Also, it would be absolutely unfair to ignore the fundamental difference between Islam, a religion of tolerance that upholds human values, and the terrorism practised by certain fundamentalist, so-called religious groups that are deviants from Islam. It is therefore incumbent upon us to implement the Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism, which we adopted last year. Let us close the door in the face of those whose hands are smeared with the blood of innocent victims and develop a strict legal regime to prosecute terrorists and try them for the heinous crimes they perpetrate to the detriment of international stability and security.

In conclusion, I should like to pay tribute to the outstanding role and sincere efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali, to enhance and revitalize the United Nations so that it may cope with the realities of our era and the expectations of our peoples for peace, security, development, justice and equality. Egypt is proud to see one of its prominent sons at the helm of the United Nations, at this important juncture of its history and during this critical era of the history of mankind.

Now that we are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we find ourselves still far from achieving the noble goals and objectives enshrined in its Charter. On the threshold of a new century and a new millennium, we have to work together to support the United Nations and strengthen its capabilities. This is an absolute necessity if we are to look to the future with confidence and hope for a better life for everyone.

The Acting President

I now call on the Secretary of the General People's Committee of the People's Bureau for Foreign Liaison and International Cooperation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, His Excellency Mr. Omar Mustafa Muntasser.

Mr. Muntasser (Libya)

It is a pleasure for me to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election to this lofty post is a tribute paid by the international community to your country and to you personally. It also bespeaks recognition of your abilities and skills. To your predecessor, Mr. Amara Essy, the president of the forty-ninth session, who demonstrated great dedication and a high level of efficiency, we should like to extend our deep appreciation for his efforts and skill.

On this occasion, I cannot fail to express my delegation's appreciation to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his tireless efforts to enhance the United Nations and increase its effectiveness. Through his "Supplement to An Agenda for Peace'", he has demonstrated once again high initiative in seeking to enable the United Nations to rise to the challenges of today's highly complex world.

This session of the General Assembly convenes on an important occasion. In a few days, celebrations will commence to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations with the aim of sparing humanity the repetition of the suffering it had endured as a result of two world wars. This historical occasion, which marks the end of the post-war era with all its ramifications, affords us an opportunity to take stock, while we celebrate, of the Organization's progress over the past five decades, to evaluate its performance, and to seek the ways and means whereby it could overcome the negatives that in the past prevented it from achieving its goals. In so doing, we should put forward plans and programmes of action that would revitalize the United Nations and enable it to face up to the challenges of the future and to establish a better world that would be consonant with principles of the Charter and the common values and aspirations of all nations.

Last year, the world witnessed certain encouraging developments. The efforts deployed to promote international cooperation in the interests of economic and social development, to reduce environmental degradation and to combat the phenomena of poverty, terrorism and drugs continued apace. The dispute in Mozambique was settled by peaceful means and peace in Central America has been consolidated. All these developments and tendencies give cause for hope. However, we should not allow ourselves to be overly elated. Civil wars and regional conflicts continue to wreak havoc and to undermine security and stability in many parts of the world. In the post-cold-war world there are many other challenges, which I shall address presently. Before I do so, however, I seek your indulgence in allowing me to turn to another question that is not far-removed from the present international situation and the way small countries have come to be treated especially when they adopt independent policies and positions. I refer here to the dispute between my country and France, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America over the Pan Am flight 103 incident, and the crash of the French UTA aircraft. This dispute would not have continued for such a long time had the right approach been adopted and had there been any acceptance of the call for dialogue and negotiation in seeking to settle the dispute.

As you know, over several years, and in complete secrecy, certain bodies that are claimed to be independent investigated the two incidents. Suddenly and without the presentation of any evidence, Britain and the United States of America surprised the world by declaring that the Pan Am flight 103 incident was the work of two Libyans nationals. At the same time, France declared that circumstantial evidence pointed at the involvement of several Libyans in the attack against UTA flight 772. Although those who made the allegations did not corroborate them by any document, testimony or fact, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, upon being notified of the allegations, announced that it was ready to cooperate in uncovering the facts surrounding the two incidents. I do not see any need to repeat the measures we have taken in this regard, since I have enumerated them at the past two sessions of this Assembly. Moreover, we have informed all Member States of our positions and initiatives, in this respect, in official documents that have been circulated to them. However, I should like to remind, briefly, that my country has condemned terrorism in all its forms, and has declared its commitment to the implementation of any action decided upon by the international community to combat terrorism. My country has also cooperated with the Government of the United Kingdom. British officials have themselves voiced satisfaction with Libya's response. Contacts have been initiated and are continuing with the French authorities with a view to determining the circumstances of the crash of the French aircraft. My country has spared no effort in searching for a feasible course of action with regard to the two individuals who have been suspected of having something to do with the incident of the American plane. Libyan judicial authorities started to investigate this case but had to suspend the investigation because of the refusal of both the United States and British authorities to submit any documents or papers in their possession. Despite the fact that the issue of the trial of the two suspects is determined by the 1971 Montreal Convention, which gives Libya the right to try them, the refusal by Britain and the United States to abide by this Convention, to which they are both parties, prompted Libya to seek other solutions to the issue of the trial. In this respect, Libya has submitted several proposals, including one that calls for resorting to the International Court of Justice, or trying the two suspects before a court whose venue should be agreed upon by the parties concerned.

Although the United States and British Governments have both announced that their allegations have been built on specific facts and reliable information, the facts that have come to light over the past three years refute such assertions. In addition to the statement by the Palestinian national, Yusuf Sha'aban, before a Lebanese court, there are the statements of the manager of a Swiss electronics company which undermine the most important basis for accusing the two Libyan nationals. The information published in Tracking the Octopus, a recent work of investigative journalism, points an accusing finger at other quarters. Despite all this, Libya continued to cooperate in seeking to reveal all the facts surrounding the Pan Am flight 103 incident. Proceeding from this, Libya accepted the proposal of the League of Arab States, which calls for trying the two suspected individuals by Scottish judges, under Scottish law, at the seat of the International Court of Justice at the Hague.

The many secrets and mysterious dimensions of the Lockerbie incident which have been uncovered have now been brought into sharp focus by, inter alia, the television documentary "The Maltese Double-Cross", William Chasey's book The Lockerbie Cover-Up and Geoff Simmons' book "Libya: The Struggle for Survival". In addition, several articles on this question have appeared in various newspapers, including the article published by The Guardian of London on 29 June 1995. All these documentary revelations by the media refute the accusations levelled at the two Libyans, and provide evidence that the incident was planned by professional agencies to cover up certain suspect activities. Despite all this, Libya, which, from the very beginning, declared that it is most interested in unearthing the truth regarding this incident, has not retreated from its declared position, namely that it has no objection whatsoever to the trial of its two suspected nationals before a court of law.

Libya's overriding concern in all this is to ensure that its two nationals get a just, fair and neutral trial, that would be free from any emotional or media influences and which would be conducted in accordance with the rules of international law which Libya has always upheld and adhered to. The International Court of Justice can testify to our adherence to and respect for international law, as has been proven in three cases, the latest being the judgment by the Court in relation to the territorial dispute between the Jamahiriya and Chad. Although the judgment was against our position, Libya, out of respect for international law, accepted the ruling of the Court and implemented it in a constructive manner. This confirms Libya's respect for international legality, to which one of the big Powers pays lip service all the time, but does not apply. It even refuses to resort to the International Court of Justice because this big Power believes in the law of force not the force of law.

It is evident that the Governments of the United States and Britain are not keen on revealing the truth about the perpetrators of the tragic Lockerbie incident. It has become abundantly clear that involving Libya in this incident was a premeditated act that aimed at achieving certain objectives. Otherwise, why should the two Governments object to the trial of the two suspected individuals before the judiciary of a third country or before the International Court of Justice when this has been acceptable to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and has been supported by most members of the international community, as represented by their regional organizations: the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity, and the Non-Aligned Movement? What prevents the two Governments from accepting the path of dialogue and negotiation as stipulated by the Charter of the United Nations? Why is the Security Council being prevented from responding to repeated calls and appeals by over two thirds of the membership of the United Nations on whose behalf the Security Council is supposed to act? And why the double standards when it comes to dealing with issues of international legality? Furthermore, how can a certain major Power explain the fact that while it claims to be keen on preserving this legality, its record shows that it has the least regard for the will of the international community, a fact that is attested to by that major Power's continued support of a certain State and protection of that State from punishment for its refusal to implement international resolutions which now total 143, including dozens that have been adopted by the Security Council?

The rejection by the two Governments, of the United States and Britain, of all Libyan proposals and of all regional initiatives proves that they want this crisis to continue for as long as possible. Evidence of this can be found in the fact that the more Libya's positions are welcomed and the more widespread becomes the call for lifting the sanctions imposed on the Libyan people, the more the two Governments hasten to oppose such positions under the false pretext of Libya's non-response to the resolutions of the Council, thus keeping the Libyan people hostage to unjustified sanctions. As if these countries are not content with the difficulties and pains suffered by the Libyan people at the hands of colonialists and fascists -- people who fought on its territory, a war that killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of its people, and planted in their farms and under their homes millions of mines that still explode and injure innocent Libyans. These mines also hinder Libya's efforts to combat desertification, protect the environment, and expand economic and social development. It even seems that these countries are not content with the suffering of the Libyan people so far, including the acts of terrorism to which the Libyan people have been subjected such as the deliberate downing of a Libyan civilian plane by Israeli military aircraft in 1973, which killed all its 108 passengers. Also, in 1986, hundreds of American fighters bombed Libyan cities while their residents were asleep. This aggression claimed the lives of many people and resulted in heavy material damage. Later, it was proved that the pretext used by the United States of America for this act of aggression was false and baseless. The deep desire to punish the Libyan people also became clear when these countries insisted on depriving its civilian aircraft of necessary spare parts. In 1992, this led to the crash of one of those aircraft and the death of all its 157 passengers.

All this begs the question: is it a desire to discover the truth, or is it a desire, a thirst to wreak revenge on Libya because of the defeat of the United States fleet in 1805? So, where is the truth? Is it the thirst for revenge, a vendetta waged by a major Power against a small country, a vendetta that goes back 150 years?

The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has sought a speedy and just solution to the dispute with France, Britain and the United States of America. All Libya asked was that the problem should be settled in accordance with the principles of the United Nations and the rules of international law. For this purpose, we have knocked on many doors, but our efforts, and those of others, to solve the dispute and to lift the sanctions have faced continued rejection. Furthermore, there are hints that other measures may be adopted to tighten the sanctions against us under the pretext that Libya has not responded to the demands of the Security Council. This is not true. It merely represents manipulation and trickery with regard to the interpretation of those resolutions.

Now that I have reviewed this crisis for the fourth time before the General Assembly and in order to avoid any further ramifications, we believe it is now incumbent upon this august assembly to intervene and to act in accordance with the powers entrusted to it by the Charter in order to get the three countries to respond to the repeated calls for an urgent and peaceful solution to this problem, in accordance with Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations. This assembly should also urge the Security Council to reconsider its resolutions in order to lift the sanctions. Resorting to sanctions is not the proper way to solve differences between States, especially when such sanctions are unjustifiably imposed, as is the case with the sanctions imposed against the Libyan people. These sanctions have led to the freezing of Libya's assets, and prevented it from getting spare parts, including the parts needed for power plants and desalination machines. This in turn has hampered the Libyan people's efforts with regard to development, and paralysed the activities of most economic sectors. The more serious aspect of the effects of these sanctions is the enormity of the material and human losses which I need not review here in detail, since we have detailed them in several official documents, the latest of which is United Nations document S/1995/474 dated 12 June 1995. Suffice it to mention here that the number of people injured in road accidents has reached 12,700 of whom 1,870 have died of their injuries while others continue to suffer from permanent injuries. Material damage has exceeded ten billion dollars. Moreover, the adverse effects of the sanctions have not been limited to the Libyan people. They have affected neighbouring countries and all the peoples of the region. Here, I must repeat that the longer these sanctions continue, the more people will die and the greater the suffering and the damage. There is no reason whatsoever for remaining silent on the subject of injustice and the continuation of this wrong. For the Assembly's information a road accident which took place two days ago on the road from Tripoli to Tunis resulted in the death of three members of a Maltese delegation.

As I have previously stated, the international political situation has witnessed new positive developments which my country welcomes. However, we must recognize that numerous challenges still face peace in the world and that, consequently, the international community is called upon to mobilize all its capabilities in facing up to those challenges.

The continued deterioration of the situation in Somalia and the intensification of tensions in that country require more regional efforts to persuade Somali leaders to enter into additional political commitments and to work for the restoration of peace and permanent stability to their country. Seeking to make the world more secure and more stable requires supporting national reconciliation efforts in Afghanistan, promoting a satisfactory solution to the problem of Cyprus, solving the problems in Rwanda and Burundi and settling the disputes in Angola and Liberia. It also requires putting an end to the repeated setbacks to peace efforts in the Balkans, as well as sparing the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and other peoples of the former Yugoslavia, more pain and suffering.

In order to establish permanent stability in the Gulf region, the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq must be respected, and all interference in its internal affairs must cease. Furthermore, the sanctions from which the Iraqi people have been suffering should be lifted.

In the context of any effort to consolidate world peace, serious action must be taken to resolve the problems of the Middle East. It is unacceptable that the Palestinian people should continue to be displaced from their land, while those who stay on that land are brutally treated. The overwhelming majority of the international community, which has continued to support the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people over the past four decades, should take firm action to put an end to the Israeli practices against the Palestinians and the other inhabitants of the occupied Arab territories in the Golan and southern Lebanon. The Israelis must be deterred, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, from their continued defiance of the will of the international community. The incontrovertible truth is that occupation and expansion are the real aim of the Israelis. Their former and present positions and practices indicate that they do not want a just and comprehensive peace. Their joining the so-called peace process is a mere smoke-screen, a mask they hide behind in order to perpetrate further occupation and enhance their superiority.

A just, comprehensive and lasting solution to the problems of the Middle East cannot be achieved by ceding the administration of local affairs in Gaza and Jericho, but rather by the liberation of all occupied Arab territories and the full enforcement of all the rights of the Palestinian people -- first and foremost being their return to their homeland, self-determination, and the establishment of their own independent state in Palestine, with Al-Quds as its capital, a state where Arabs and Jews alike would live together. There is no alternative to this solution. The solutions being put forward these days, regardless of all the talk about how desirable their results would be, will not lead to the results aspired to by the Palestinians, simply because those solutions are unrealistic and ignore the facts of history.

The continued existence of nuclear weapons and the increased stockpiling of these and other weapons of mass destruction are among the principal concerns of the international community. When the first review Conference of the States parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was held in the first half of this year, it was hoped that that Conference would lead to satisfactory results. However, what actually happened was that certain nuclear Powers brought to bear unprecedented pressures that made it possible for the NPT to be extended indefinitely. My country declared its opposition to this extension, and we remain convinced that extending the Treaty in that manner would never serve the objective of nuclear-weapon disarmament.

The NPT has not achieved universality, and its many shortcomings have not been properly addressed. In our view, ridding the world of nuclear terror will not be achieved through gains obtained by manoeuvres and unconventional measures, but rather through serious measures, which must be taken by the nuclear States. In this context, the procurement of nuclear materials must be ended, and nuclear States must commit themselves to a deadline for the complete elimination of all nuclear weapons. These States should put an end to nuclear tests and conclude, at the earliest possible time, a comprehensive test-ban treaty. Furthermore, the nuclear States should demonstrate the political will required to conclude an effective treaty guaranteeing the security and safety of non-nuclear States.

Another situation that requires speedy corrective action involves the unjustified restriction on the transfer to non-nuclear States of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. Above all, measures should be taken to guarantee the universality of the NPT. My country attaches the greatest importance to this issue, because the region to which we belong suffers from a security imbalance, owing to the Israelis' tremendous nuclear capability -- they have more than 200 nuclear warheads and nuclear facilities that are not subjected to international inspection. This represents a threat to the security and safety of the peoples of the region. No one should keep silent about a situation of this kind or accept the extension of the NPT as long as such a situation continues.

If the indefinite extension of the NPT is to be with the complete support of all, international action must be taken to meet all these widely expressed requirements and to guarantee accession by all to the Treaty, including, in particular, the Israelis, who must agree to subject their nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as fixing a timetable for the dismantling and destruction of their nuclear stockpiles.

In reviewing the international economic situation, it becomes clear that the economic development of most developing countries, especially in Africa, is still sluggish and subject to fluctuations and imbalances. The present indicators give the impression that this situation is likely to deteriorate further unless effective measures are taken to reverse it. The fact is that the economic difficulties of the developing countries are not the result of a lack of legislation or plans. For example, Africa has adopted plans and strategies to promote development and has concluded a treaty that aims at economic integration. However, the problem lies in the unjust criteria still prevalent in international economic relations. These require realistic and responsible solutions without the imposition of politically motivated conditions.

The conferences that have been held over the past few years have created new opportunities to improve the prevailing economic and social situation. We hope that the consensus agreements emanating from those conferences will generate the necessary political will for the implementation of the resolutions taken by those and other international forums, including the commitments announced during the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. What is more urgent is the need to take immediate action to address the external causes of economic deterioration in developing countries, namely the increasing tendency towards protectionism, declining terms of trade, shrinking official development assistance and restrictions on the transfer of technology.

In addition, it is necessary to deal with unjust practices in international economic relations such as coercive economic measures, including boycotts, the freezing of assets, the confiscation of property and the prohibition of the export of spare parts, which has been applied by certain developed countries against a number of developing countries, including my own. Such measures not only impede development and run counter to the Charter of the United Nations, to the resolutions of the General Assembly and to the orientation towards the establishment of a system of international economic relations based on justice and fairness, but also constitute a violation of the norms of international law. The Western countries that manufacture the needed spare parts, medical supplies and water-desalination and power-generating equipment, by taking such coercive measures, violate their commitments under free-trade agreements. This should serve as a warning to whoever deals with those countries, because there is no guarantee that such measures will not be applied to them as well.

Last year and the year before, wide-ranging discussions were held on the restructuring of the United Nations. These discussions have shown that there is a need to review and change the procedures and methods of work of the Security Council so that it may be able to seriously and fairly address questions that touch on international peace and security. During the meetings of the Working Group established by the General Assembly to look into the question of equitable representation in and increase in the membership of the Security Council, as well as into other related matters, my country declared its support of the call for enhancing the powers of the General Assembly, including giving it the right to deal with questions of peace and security in the world, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter. My country reiterates its conviction that reforming the Security Council and increasing its membership should be part and parcel of an integrate process of reform that must be guided by the principles of the sovereign equality of States, equitable geographical distribution and the need to democratize the procedures and methods applied in the Security Council, including the process of decision-making.

Libya has been among the first to call for the elimination of all the obstacles that hamper the work of the Security Council, particularly, the veto power. Today my country takes satisfaction in the fact that this call, which Libya made 20 years ago, now has the support of many countries. This shows that those countries have now become convinced that there is no longer any justification for the power of the veto and that its continued existence breaches one of the principles of the United Nations, namely, the equality of States. It is that veto power which impedes all efforts aimed at the democratization of the membership and functions of United Nations bodies.

Since becoming a Member of the United Nations, my country has played an active role in and contributed to many achievements of which the Organization can be proud. My country will also contribute to whatever the Organization seeks to achieve in the future. Based on this, we have actively participated in the international Conferences recently organized by the United Nations on population, social development, human rights, and women. This we did in the same spirit that inspires our country's international activities at other levels. That is why Libya has participated in all efforts aimed at strengthening the Arab Maghreb Union. We are proud to see that this Union has advanced steadily and has taken serious initiatives to serve the peoples of the Union and to protect their gains. Libya works with the same determination to adopt effective measures to enhance cooperation and strengthen confidence and security in the Mediterranean region in order to remove the causes of tensions there. This includes our efforts to close foreign military bases in the Mediterranean region and to secure the withdrawal of military fleets from its waters. Proceeding from its positions of principle, Libya has been at the forefront of the defenders of the aspirations of peoples, whether in the field of decolonization, the protection and maintenance of human rights, or the enhancement of the role principles of justice and fairness should play in international relations.

Libya has also sought to solve a number of regional disputes by peaceful means. In this spirit, it has undertaken several mediation missions including, for example, assistance in solving the problems in the southern Philippines and helping to arrest the deterioration of the dispute between Sudan and Uganda, as well as those between Nigeria and Cameroon and Greece and Turkey. Libya has also contributed to efforts aimed at halting the escalation of the dispute between India and Pakistan, and has helped in containing events in north Niger and Mali.

In this current session in particular, Libya takes pride in the fact that these positions have had wide-ranging effects that were reflected in the trust placed in my country by Arab States and the group of African States which unanimously nominated Libya to the membership of the Security Council for the coming two years. While expressing its high appreciation of this Arab and African stand, Libya would like to thank, in advance, all the countries that will support our candidature for that seat. We should also like to confirm to everybody that Libya will support all efforts aimed at the realization of the purposes of the United Nations and, in cooperation with members of the Security Council and other members of the Organization, will work to enhance the role of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security, and in closing ranks with other countries in facing up to the dangers that threaten peace and security in the world.

At the beginning of this statement, I said that this session of the General Assembly had a special significance. This is due to the fact that we believe that the historical occasion under the aura of which this session convenes, namely, the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, will afford us all an opportunity that should be seized -- an opportunity to realize peace, security and prosperity for humanity.

In our view, the starting point in this direction lies in hard work to establish the structure of a new international order. Such an order, however, should not be built according to the wishes of the few who seek to impose their hegemony on others in deciding the fate of the world, and to dictate their own methods of dealing with international relations.

The new order that would satisfy us all should be built on the common aspirations of all. It should be an order that guarantees full equality to all countries; an order that must respect the free political, economic and social choices of all peoples. The new order should protect and enhance human rights. It should create conditions conducive to the settlement of disputes and conflicts and to the resolution of differences among States by peaceful means. It should be an order which provides security and stability, and should make it possible for all nations to aspire after development and to be optimistic about the future. This new order should embody the noble concepts and ideals enshrined in the Charter; namely, the need to unite our strength to save humanity from the scourge of war, to realize justice, to respect the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law, and to promote better standards of life in greater freedom.

The Acting President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Qatar, His Excellency Sheikh Hamad Bin Jassem Bin Jabr Al Thani.

Sheikh Al Thani (Qatar)

At the outset, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on his election to the presidency of this historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly. His election reflects the esteem in which Member States hold his country, the friendly country of Portugal, and the confidence that his diplomatic talents will make possible the successful culmination of the work of this important session.

I should also like to express my delegation's esteem for his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, for the competent way in which he conducted the work of the forty-ninth session.

It is also my pleasure to express Qatar's full confidence in and esteem for the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. In fact, he is doing a great deal to serve this international Organization, and has been extremely assiduous in implementing its noble principles and strengthening its role in the maintenance of international peace and security.

I should like to congratulate the Member States that have recently joined the Organization. We hope that those States will be active participants in and will contribute constructively to the activities of the United Nations and to the defence of its principles.

This fiftieth session is being held at a historic and complex turning point in history, where extreme complexity characterizes the concepts relating to international relations. These concepts, because of their diversity and the erratic course they follow, create a number of serious difficulties and obstacles that face the emergence of the desired international order. All this has taken concrete form in the resurgence of inter-ethnic and inter-racial extremist conflicts that threaten the very foundations of international society, which should continue to be based on tolerance and the principles and values of the United Nations. Hence the need to redouble our efforts to put an end to such conflicts and to contain their consequences and the threats they pose to the international community. While expressing our appreciation for the efforts that have been made by this Organization to cope with the deplorable events that have taken place in Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we are mindful of the difficulties that obstruct such efforts and make it difficult for the Organization to find the desired solutions to those problems.

Sheikh Al Thani (Qatar)

On top of all this, it is patently clear that the Security Council, which has adopted pertinent resolutions to solve these problems, has come face to face with obstacles that hampered the achievement of the desired solutions. The continued presence of such obstacles has affected the credibility and standing of the United Nations. In the post-cold-war period, the United Nations has been put to the test in the areas of peace-keeping and the maintenance of international peace and security. Hence the urgent need during this fiftieth anniversary to make every effort to fundamentally reform the United Nations to enhance its effectiveness and its standing. I think we all aspire to the goal of reforming the United Nations, and my country attaches particular importance to it; it would strengthen the effectiveness of the international Organization and enhance its image.

We know that the obstacles facing the Security Council have been the reason behind the demand for reforming that principal organ with the Charter responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. A high priority is given to this reform of the Security Council which tops the list of the desired reforms of the United Nations. As for the State of Qatar, it attaches particular importance to efforts to reform the Council and to increase its membership proportionately with the increased membership of the United Nations itself. We must also bear in mind the need to increase the number of permanent seats to ensure balanced representation. The great challenge the international community faces as it strives to reform the Security Council is to achieve a balanced membership and to ensure that the changes will make for increased effectiveness. We should also speed up reform of the working methods and procedures of the Security Council. We must review the right of veto and rein in its use as that right has frequently been used against the interests of the international community and in favour of individual States.

Proceeding from its conviction that international peace can be achieved only through disarmament and restraining the arms race, particularly with respect to weapons of mass destruction and that halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is one of the most important foundations of international peace and security, the State of Qatar welcomed the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction, and supported the extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), even if it considers that the indefinite extension of the Treaty will never achieve the desired result unless all States accede to it. We therefore hope that all the States which have not yet acceded to the Treaty will do so.

Qatar continues to believe that Israel should accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and should place its nuclear installations under the safeguards regime of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as a prelude to the implementation of the General Assembly's resolution establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. This would contribute to equitable, balanced peace and stability in that vital region of the world.

Since His Highness Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Al-Thani became Emir, he has stressed Qatar's adherence to its regional and international obligations, and has emphasized that Qatar will act through international and regional organizations in strengthening international peace and security. By joining our brethren in the Gulf Cooperation Council, we have set a course towards the achievement of the noble goals that reflect the aspirations of the peoples of the Gulf after peace, stability, cooperation and prosperity.

The security of the Gulf is one of the major concerns of its peoples. Our region has witnessed two major wars, during which our peoples have made great sacrifices that have taken the shape of financial burdens which we continue to shoulder at a time when we move towards development and modernization. We are determined to overcome the negative effects of those two wars and to spare the region any further conflict. Moreover, Qatar is making efforts to establish good relations with all States of the region on the basis of good-neighbourliness, mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, respect for international legality, and the settlement of problems by peaceful means through dialogue, mediation or recourse to the International Court of Justice.

Proceeding from this, we support resolution of the dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the three islands by peaceful means.

With regard to Iraq, our position remains unchanged: Iraq's unity and territorial integrity must be preserved. Iraq must implement all Security Council resolutions. Iraq's recognition of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the State of Kuwait, and of its international boundaries, in accordance with Security Council resolution 833 (1993) is a very important step in the right direction towards full implementation of all Security Council resolutions, a fact that should speed up the mitigation of the suffering of the brotherly Iraqi people who continue to face an acute shortage of essential goods, especially foods and medicine.

Inspired by the guidelines established by His Highness Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Al Thani, Qatar has been participating, to the best of its financial and human abilities, in addressing the major issues of the Gulf region and of our Arab and Islamic nation. Qatar, therefore, fully supports the activities of the Gulf Cooperation Council, which are in the interest of the well-being of all our peoples. It is our hope that security and stability will soon reign in our region, for this is an integral part of the security and stability of the Middle East at large. To that end, Qatar is continuing its good offices and its efforts to improve the situation in the Arab world and to consolidate Arab solidarity, which will make it possible for the nation to pursue its special role in the history of civilization.

It is on the basis of these principles that we have welcomed the Middle East peace process. We hope that it will prove successful and that it will at long last bring a just and lasting peace to the region and lead to Israel's complete withdrawal from all the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including the Golan Heights, southern Lebanon and, particularly, Al-Quds Al-Sharif. This will make it possible for the Palestinian people to regain its right to establish a State of its own, on its own soil, with Al-Quds as its capital.

Qatar welcomes the expanded autonomy of the Palestinians under the agreement signed last Thursday at Washington between the Palestinians and the Israelis. We hope this agreement will open the doors that lead to peace and stability in the region and will prove to be an important step towards full implementation of the Declaration of Principles signed by the two parties in September 1993.

By the same token, Qatar wishes to voice its deep concern at the fact that talks between Syria and Israel are lagging behind. We hope for substantial progress on that track so that the Israeli occupation of the Syrian Arab Golan may come to an end. We hope also that there will be progress on the Lebanese-Israeli track, so that southern Lebanon may be freed from the Israeli presence under which it has been the victim of much aggression and oppression.

It is our hope that a just and lasting peace will be established on the basis of the Madrid formula and the relevant Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978) and on the basis of the land-for-peace formula. We therefore call on the General Assembly to reaffirm all prior resolutions on the question of Palestine and the situation in the Middle East, so that the goal of a just, comprehensive peace can be achieved.

My Government follows with great concern developments in Afghanistan, Somalia and Chechnya. We appeal for the intensification of international efforts to bring peace, justice and stability to those areas.

We also reaffirm -- as we have frequently done, both officially and in public statements -- our solidarity with the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are concerned over the continuing bloodshed, four years after the outbreak of the war. Together with many other States, we have deplored the savage practices of ethnic cleansing pursued by the Serbian forces under the eyes of the entire world. Those practices are totally against the most elementary rules and norms of humanitarian law and the Charter of the United Nations.

We welcome the military action undertaken by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in cooperation with the forces of the United Nations, to put an end to Serbian aggression. We hope that those measures of deterrence will make it possible for peace to be achieved at long last and that the international community will take a very firm and resolute stand, both through the United Nations and through the major Powers that are actively involved, to guarantee the safety of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By the same token, we hope that the weapons embargo will be lifted, in order for these people to defend themselves, to preserve the independence of their country and to ensure the triumph of the principles of the Charter. The Serbian barbarity they have endured has engulfed even the safe areas.

Qatar also supports the stance of the Contact Group of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which deems the embargo on weapons to be illegal and supports the fraternal Muslim people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are now at a critical stage in the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The international community must, of necessity, act to restore a just peace in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to ensure that that country may enjoy stability, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and get down to the business of economic and social development. We hope that the Serbian war criminals will be duly tried and that this will be a lesson to all such criminals.

Qatar is profoundly convinced that peace and development follow the same path, that development is as necessary for the international community as is peace. It is possible to ensure continuous development only if there is peace, and vice-versa. Since sustainable and long-term development is one of the cornerstones of genuine peace, it is a high priority for the United Nations and the international community to focus on development, particularly in the developing countries.

A commitment to development in all its aspects is, indeed, the very bedrock of the international economic order -- the new order that we all look forward to and hope that it will be based essentially on interdependence. The international community has already started to move in that direction, through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the establishment of the World Trade Organization. This will help to strengthen the multilateral trade system, which is based on the liberalization and expansion of international trade.

As confirmation of this, His Highness the Emir of the State of Qatar has extolled the merit, from Qatar's point of view, of particular political groups, saying that, despite the fact that ours is a small country, we are trying to react favourably to the new international situation in order to find our proper place in it. We are also taking action to strengthen the ways and means available to us, for the achievement of that goal.

Our economic objectives are the following: to exploit our own natural wealth; to export our products on the best possible terms; to strengthen our industrial base by consolidating and developing our current industries and by creating new ones on the basis of our natural resources, particularly petroleum and gas; to strengthen and encourage investment in all areas, making it possible for private capital to be involved in economic development; and to emphasize infrastructure projects, as these are the main requirements for socio-economic development.

All this highlights the reason why we attach such importance to economic and social development as a mainstay of international peace and security. That is why development has become a common goal for the international community. Having taken shape in a number of international conferences, it should be adopted by all the nations of the world. We attach particular importance to the results of the conferences that have been held in recent years in the context of the importance accorded by the international community to this common goal, namely, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, in Rio de Janeiro; the International Conference on Population and Development, in Cairo; the World Summit for Social Development, in Copenhagen; and the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, to emphasize the role of women in development with due consideration of the cultural differences between peoples and the various noble ideals of the Islamic faith.

It is our hope that the matters that were debated will not be used as a pretext for interference in the internal affairs of other States or as justification for discriminatory treatment and the imposition of conditions on the provision of economic assistance or development aid.

I should like to refer in this context to the tendency to impose, unilaterally or collectively, a carbon tax, for the purpose, it is alleged, of protecting the environment. The truth of the matter is that the tax is a purely economic measure, which will impact negatively on the economies of the petroleum-exporting countries, particularly the Gulf States.

The threats that face mankind at present and will continue to do so in the future are not all political or military. Such threats as the deterioration of the environment on a global scale, poverty, underdevelopment, drugs, epidemics of fatal diseases, terrorism and violations of human rights which are becoming more and more serious day by day, are not of a military or political nature. Regardless, they need to be addressed urgently and global solutions have to be found for them if they are not to become untreatable and threaten all humanity.

In just a few days we shall be celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. This is an extremely important occasion, reflecting as it does a genuine desire on the part of the peoples of the world to preserve the United Nations as a strong and active Organization whose purpose is to achieve noble goals and safeguard the future of mankind. As we celebrate the anniversary, at the threshold of the twenty-first century, it is our hope that we shall build a new United Nations that will lead us in the direction of a new world of genuine peace, security, under an effective international order that would guarantee the well-being of all people and preserve the dignity of man, a world where the strong will not dominate the weak or the rich exploit the poor; a world where tolerance and well-being would not be far-fetched dreams.

If we mobilize the full potential of mankind we shall be able, under the guidance of the United Nations and its agencies, to usher in such a brave new world.

The Acting President

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Myanmar, His Excellency U Ohn Gyaw.

Mr. Gyaw (Myanmar)

It gives me great pleasure to extend warm congratulations, on behalf of the delegation of Myanmar and on my own behalf, to Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fiftieth session. The diplomatic skills and experience he brings to his high office assure us of a successful session.

Allow me to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to Mr. Amara Essy, Foreign Minister of Côte d'Ivoire, for having so successfully guided the deliberations of the last session.

The United Nations is 50 years old this year. It is both a time for celebration and an opportunity for reflection. The Organization has evolved over time and has served us well for half a century. The significant increase in the membership -- from the original 51 to the present 185 -- underscores the continuing relevance of the United Nations. However, vast transformations are now taking place, and reforms in the structure and work of the Organization must be instituted to reflect the new realities. We wish to see a more efficient and result-oriented Organization -- one that retains mechanisms which have proved effective and adopts innovative measures to ensure cooperation in the post-bloc world.

Security Council reforms constitute one of the most important issues to be addressed. Myanmar stands for a pragmatic approach that will ensure that the Council evolves into a more representative, effective and democratic body. To judge from the work done during the last two sessions of the General Assembly by the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council, it is clear that there is a convergence of views that the Council should be enlarged. The enlargement should however be accompanied by measures to make it more effective. It should ensure equitable geographical representation and at the same time preserve the possibility for smaller States to serve on the Council.

Myanmar fully supports the position of the non-aligned countries which stresses the importance of enhancing the effective and efficient functioning of the Security Council by adopting measures geared towards reforming its working methods and procedures.

Myanmar welcomes the actions already taken to enhance the relationship between the Council and the general membership as well as measures to improve its working methods and procedures. We are particularly pleased to see that the Council has initiated the holding of orientation debates and briefings by the President of the Council for States non-members of the Security Council. We see the need to enhance cooperation between the Security Council and the General Assembly in accordance with Articles 10, 11, 12 and 14 of the Charter. We also share the view that reforms can best be achieved through a combination of means that include General Assembly resolutions, changes in the rules of procedure, and appropriate amendments to the Charter where necessary.

At the same time, the role of the General Assembly -- the one forum where all the Member States are represented -- should be reviewed to enable it to deal more effectively with outstanding problems and to allow it to focus on the new challenges of our times.

We consider it vital that there be a more dynamic relationship between the main organs of the Organization -- the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council.

In recent years the United Nations, despite constraints, has been in the forefront of the international community's efforts to deal with the unresolved problems of the cold-war decades as well as new ones that have surfaced. It has been called upon to meet the burgeoning demand for peace-keeping. In some cases, like Angola, Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique, it has scored successes. In some others, like Bosnia and Herzegovina and Somalia, it has come under heavy strain and has proved to be ineffective. The lesson to be learned is that the Security Council should be far more conscious of when and under what mandate to begin peace-keeping operations. Such operations must have clearly defined objectives. More important, agreement among major Powers must carry with it the support of the majority of the Member States if it is to have the desired result.

If the United Nations system is to be revitalized and strengthened, the basic issue of adequate financing, particularly of peace-keeping operations, must be addressed. Whether that happens depends on us. The United Nations can only be as strong or as effective as Member States choose to make it. The limitations of the United Nations should not encourage Member States to take precipitate action. As a Myanmar saying goes:

"When mice enter the granary, we must catch the mice and not set fire to the granary".

The founders of the United Nations also envisaged it as an international body for the promotion of the economic and social welfare of all peoples. Even though the right to development is recognized as an inalienable human right, the disparity between developed and developing countries continues to widen. Member States should reaffirm their commitment to cooperate in creating an international economic environment conducive to the realization of the right to development. Without development there can be no prospect for lasting peace. In this regard I am pleased to note that in his recommendations on an Agenda for Development the Secretary-General last November stressed that development should be recognized as the foremost and most far-reaching task of our time.

The United Nations was established on the principle of the equality of all its Members. The mandate of the Organization is to advance peace and security, and bring international justice and economic and social development to all peoples. While it deserves to be commended for its vital role in the historic process of decolonization which led to the independence of more than 80 countries, much less can be said for its efforts to create an equitable international economic order.

I am pleased to note that the perceptible improvement in the international climate is generating a favourable impact on some long-standing issues such as the Middle East peace process. The initial steps taken two years ago towards a durable peace have now been followed by firm strides. Myanmar joins other nations in welcoming the accord signed by Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat in Washington, D.C. on 28 September 1995. We hope that it will pave the way to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

Just as the family of nations must work together to ensure international peace and stability, individual States must promote peace within their territories. I am happy to be able to say that in Myanmar peace reigns as never before and that the momentum for positive change continues. The Government has set 12 objectives in the political, economic and social fields and is working steadfastly to achieve them.

A unique feature of Myanmar is that it is a union composed of well over a hundred national races. Unity among the different national races is essential for the preservation of our independence and sovereignty as well as for the economic and social progress of the country. The Government has adopted policies to prevent the disintegration of the Union, ensure the non-disintegration of national solidarity, and ensure the perpetuity of our country's sovereignty. Moreover, with a view to building a peaceful, prosperous and modern nation, my Government has formulated and is pursuing clear objectives in the political, economic and social spheres.

Allow me to focus briefly on some of the main issues on our national agenda.

The first issue of ensuring the stability of the State. National reconsolidation is an indispensable component of my Government's policy to achieve peace and tranquillity. A national convention has been convened to draft a new Constitution which would be in harmony with present-day realities and would reflect the aspirations of the entire nation.

Secondly, in the economic sector guidelines have been formulated to promote all-round development of agriculture, which forms the mainstay of the nation's economy. At the same time, Myanmar has laid out a welcome mat to foreign and domestic investors in order to attract capital and technical know-how.

Thirdly, progress is sought in the social sector in order to buttress political stability and economic progress, which constitute foundation-stones for a peaceful, prosperous and modern State. We are engaged in efforts to strengthen the fabric of society by rekindling the spirit of patriotism and uplifting the moral integrity of our citizens. The Government is endeavouring to preserve the national character and cultural heritage and to raise the standard of education and health of the entire country.

It is a source of immense pride and satisfaction that our efforts have achieved a significant measure of success in charting a new course for the country. Insurgency, which was born with our independence, is now coming to a close. The unprecedented return to the legal fold of 15 out of the 16 armed groups speaks volumes for our efforts at national reconsolidation.

On 10 July 1995 the Government also lifted the restrictions placed on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The lifting of restrictions is unconditional. A large number of individuals against whom action had been taken in accordance with the laws of the land have also been released.

I am also pleased to be able to say that we in Myanmar have been shouldering our responsibilities in combating the menace posed by narcotic drugs. The Myanmar Armed Forces have been mounting major offensives against drug traffickers, including the forces of Khun Sa. Since the end of 1988 there have been 823 engagements with the drug traffickers. In these clashes, 16 officers and 567 other ranks from the armed forces sacrificed their lives for the country, 55 officers and 1,744 other ranks were wounded in action and 153 weapons were lost. Enemy losses amounted to 720 killed, 118 captured, 221 surrendered and 708 assorted weapons seized. The numbers speak for themselves. We are determined to wage war against the drug traffickers as a matter of national responsibility and we see it as our duty to humanity. Our men have sacrificed life and limb so that the world may be rid of the scourge of narcotic drugs. The actions of the Myanmar Armed Forces deserve to be accorded due recognition, just as the Blue Helmets have been commended for their valour and courage.

In order to succeed in the fight against narcotic drugs the Myanmar Government in May 1989 initiated an integrated rural-development programme of an unprecedented nature and scope in the border areas. Subsequently, in 1992 a separate ministry devoted to the development of border areas and national races was established. We are fully confident that once those areas are developed, the living standards of the local populace are raised and alternative means of livelihood are made available, poppy cultivation will be totally eradicated.

We have relied on our own resources in promoting the development programmes in the border areas. Over 2,842 million kyats, the equivalent of US$ 400 million, have been expended for infrastructure-building. We are grateful that, recently, Japan approved a grant of 1 billion yen -- US$ 10 million -- to be used to purchase fertilizers and agricultural machinery and implements for the food-development programme in the border regions. It is our hope that others too will join hands with us to develop those regions in order that humanity may be freed from the menace posed by narcotic drugs.

On the economic front, Myanmar has made important gains. The economy registered a growth rate of 6.8 per cent in 1994-1995, and prospects look bright for the future. Foreign investment in Myanmar totals US$ 2.7 billion and is expected to reach $4 billion by the end of the year.

An indicator of the pace of the development of the economy is the dramatic increase in the production of the staple crop, rice, permitting the export of over 1 million tons. In the meantime, Myanmar is fulfilling the basic needs of the people and is striving to narrow the gap in living standards between urban dwellers and the rural population.

In the realm of international relations Myanmar has consistently pursued a policy of peace and friendship with all States, and especially with neighbouring countries. A recent landmark event was Myanmar's accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation at the twenty-eighth Ministerial Meeting of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Brunei, paving the way for Myanmar's eventual entry into ASEAN.

In the light of the political and socio-economic transformations taking place in the country and the increased cooperation with its neighbours, Myanmar continues to make important contributions to peace and stability in the region and in the world.

The commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations is a time for reflection and for resolution. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to renew my country's dedication and commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter and to pledge that Myanmar will contribute, however modestly, to the realization of a United Nations which will both serve the cause of world peace and fulfil the needs of humanity.

In this new era we must strive to ensure that all nations can live together in peace and harmony. Every nation must also strive to keep its house in order. We have a responsibility in our time, just as the founding fathers of the United Nations had in theirs, to bequeath to the generations to come a world that is secure and peaceful.

The Acting President

I now call upon the Secretary of External Affairs of the Federated States of Micronesia, His Excellency Mr. Asterio Takesy.

Mr. Takesy (Micronesia)

I am honoured to address the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. I wish at the outset to ex